Monday, December 29, 2025

 

Senegal: Where women’s bodies belong to everyone but themselves


Women’s protest against rape in Senegal in 2021. Screenshot from the video ‘Rape Cases in Senegal’ on the Le Dakarois 221 YouTube channel.

By Bowel Diop

In Senegal, women who are victims of rape can be condemned for trying to take control of their lives by having an abortion.

Like many other African countries, Senegal ratified the Maputo Protocol on December 27, 2004, an African Union treaty that promotes and protects the rights of women and girls across Africa. According to the provisions of Article 14, signatory states must:

Authorize medical abortion in cases of sexual assault, rape, incest, and where carrying the pregnancy to term endangers the mental and physical health of the mother or the life of the mother and fetus.

However, in Senegal, this right largely remains mere words. Human rights organizations, such as the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH), the Senegalese League of Human Rights (LSDH), and the African Assembly for the Defence of Human Rights (RADDHO), a national NGO based in the Senegalese capital Dakar, denounce the State’s non-compliance with its international commitments. In 2024, these three organizations published their Dual Hardship report, warning that Article 14 of the Maputo Protocol has not been transposed into national legislation, and that women victims of rape or incest must consequently carry their pregnancy to term.

In Senegal, Article 305 of the Criminal Code prohibits abortion, except under limited therapeutic circumstances intended to save a mother’s life. This situation drives many women, including the victims of rape or incest, towards illegal, dangerous, and often life-threatening practices.

According to Prison-Insider, a France-based platform that shares information on prisons across the world, up to 46 percent of the women held in Liberté VI prison in Senegal are convicted of infanticide, demonstrating the scale of the problem.

While the right to abortion is barely recognized, the reasons are not only legal, but also socio-cultural.

Religious argument

The religious argument is the most often used to justify the prohibition of abortion.  Although 95 percent of the Senegalese population is Muslim, the country is a secular republic. Article 1 of its constitution stipulates:

The Republic of Senegal is secular, democratic, and social. It ensures that all citizens are equal before the law, regardless of origin, race, gender, or religion. It respects all beliefs.

Under a secular state, the debate should stay within the medical and legal fields. It is worth noting that according to some Muslim traditions, the soul is breathed into the fetus 120 days after the embryo’s development, meaning that terminating a pregnancy before this date does not constitute ending a life.

In any case, all women have the right to make decisions about their bodies without any collective religious constraints. Should the argument that an unborn child has no say in the matter take away the rights of women whose consent was not requested?

Why sacrifice the lives of an already wounded conscious being for a potential life? This argument doesn’t hold up when looking at women’s mental health, physical health, or dignity. The right to bodily autonomy must take precedence. Asking a victim of rape or ’incest to carry an unwanted pregnancy to term for the sake of “societal values” is hypocritical, harsh, and deeply unjust.

Protecting moral standards

The other argument used against the right to abortion is that of tradition. What “moral standards” are we trying to protect? If “morals” mean controlling women’s bodies, then these morals are outdated. The “moral standards” we should protect are women’s dignity and freedom, not patriarchal conservatism.

The real issue is patriarchy, which continues to dictate what women should do with their bodies. The power of this ideology is such that some women, including educated women, defend it, proving to what extent patriarchal norms are internalized, even by those who should dismantle them.

In Africa, the arguments against abortion are strikingly similar and directly associated with three main areas: religion, traditions, and African values.” They revolve around the prohibition of killing found in three monotheistic religions, around the idea that abortion is an imported practice, foreign to local culture, which threatens the traditional moral values that consider motherhood a blessing. Another common argument is that an innocent, defenceless fetus should not pay for the circumstances of the pregnancy.

However, these arguments are primarily based on emotions, taboos, or a form of conservatism, and rarely on science, fundamental rights, or the reality of sexual violence. In Senegal, JGEN, an NGO committed to combating gender-based violence, has stepped up its calls for the law to stop criminalizing the victims of rape and incest, thus complying with the Maputo Protocol. 

As a woman, I support the unconditional right to abortion. All women should be able to freely decide what is best for their bodies, their lives, their health, and their future, especially in cases of rape or incest. Choice should be a right and not a luxury.

 

We could all easily be ‘Aco’: Slovenia’s controversial new law seeks to address the challenge of Roma integration

Novo Mesto, Slovenia. Image by Andrej via Wikimedia Commons. CC BY-SA 4.0.

In early October, Slovenians were stunned by the vicious murder of 48-year-old Aleš Šutar, a pub owner in the southeastern city of Novo Mesto who was more popularly known by his nickname, Aco. The killing took place outside the LokalPatriot nightclub after Šutar received a message from his son who said he was being threatened by a group of men. After he arrived on the scene, a group of men attacked Šutar, who was left with serious head trauma and ultimately succumbed to his injuries in hospital.

Initially the police arrested 21-year-old Sabrijan Jurkovič who is part of the Roma community in Novo Mesto. He was already known to the police for crimes he committed as a minor, including property offences and the sexual assault of a person younger than 15. However, he was released on December 12 because of a lack of evidence. The police have since arrested his 20-year-old cousin, Samire Šiljić, based on the testimony of six witnesses. Šiljić is alleged to have dealt the fatal blow to Šutar, while he was on weekend release from the Radeče Correctional Home, a facility for young offenders.

The case is primarily relying on eyewitness testimony because there is no CCTV coverage of the murder. Should the suspect be convicted of murder, current Slovenian law states he could serve a jail term of between five and 15 years.

Following Šutar’s untimely death, Slovenia’s Justice Minister Andrea Katic and Interior Minister Bostjan Poklukar resigned and stated in separate letters that they want to “contribute to the calming of the situation”, with both “assuming objective responsibility.” Their resignations were not solely related to the murder, but also to broad systemic failures regarding the integration of the Roma peoples into Slovenian society. Prime Minister Robert Golob, who leads the center-left Freedom Party, rushed to quell dissent by expressing concern the murder could be used to stoke ethnic hatred against the Romani people: “There must be no room for exploiting the tragedy with the aim of creating division or calling for a reckoning.”

Slovenia has been grappling with its inability to integrate part of the Roma community, as well as smaller portions of other minority groups. Tolerance across the nation has weakened, with a survey last year finding as much as 55 percent of respondents saying they wouldn’t like to have Roma as their neighbors, although a majority thought that Slovene attitudes toward the ethnic group were neither tolerant nor intolerant.

The European Commission Against Racism and Intolerance, meanwhile, noted in its 2025 report that incidents of hate speech are both prevalent and underreported due to a lack of trust in public institutions. In Slovenia, hate speech is only considered criminal if it “can jeopardize and disturb public law and order.”

Following protests over the murder, Slovenia’s government introduced the Measures to Ensure Public Safety Bill, also known as the Šutar Law, which would — among other measures — give police additional powers to enter neighborhoods or homes that are deemed security risks without a court order, and freeze social assistance for those who commit crimes. Golob said the law is about protecting victims and children and changing the categorization of petty crimes to misdemeanors so as to “eliminate the feeling of inviolability and impunity” that repeat offenders in southeastern Slovenia have.

In mid-November, parliament unanimously passed the law. The European Commission, which opposes all forms of discrimination including “anti-Gypsyism,” reacted by urging Slovenia to ensure the law’s enforcement doesn’t “disproportionately affect any community.”

A tale of two communities

Romani peoples living in Western Europe have broadly struggled with integration, with many community members involved in petty theft or other crimes. While large numbers of Roma are estimated to have criminal records, poverty and employment discrimination are some of the contributing factors behind these figures.

In Slovenia, the community is noticeably split between those who reside in the country’s southeastern part, such as in Dolenjska, Bela Krajina and Posavje, and have low rates of integration, school completion, language, and employment, and those known as Prekmurje Roma, who are situated in northeastern Slovenia. There, integration of Roma has made positive strides. In the town of Murska Sobota, for example, people regularly pay their taxes, citizens consciously improve themselves in line with their neighbors, and there is even a street named ‘Delavska Ulica’ (‘Workers’ Street’), because all Roma residents are employed.

In an interview with the daily newspaper Dnevnik a few weeks after Šutar’s death, the president of the forum of Roma Councillors, Darko Rudaš, commented on the collective punishment that occurs when a Romani person commits a crime, and why differences exist between the two communities: “In Prekmurje, the Roma were provided with the conditions and opportunities to develop…in the southeast, communities have been left on the street to so-called civil initiatives.” While advocating for the lifting of restrictions on municipalities to invest in informal settlements so that poverty and unemployment levels can be reduced, he did acknowledge that the employment opportunities provided to the Prekmurje group are based across the border in Austria.

Jernej Zupančič, who teaches at the University of Ljubljana, believes isolation of the community breeds crime problems, including those that spawn from a “breakdown in traditional Roma society.” Along with other academics, he agrees that poor leadership in Roma settlements helps worsen the situation and stresses that such problems are not limited to Romani citizens.

The majority of Slovenians learn about Romani people through media articles, which are typically skewed towards the cultivation of a negative image. The amplification of negative stories and the absence of positive ones, along with an atypical lifestyle, further deepen the “us versus them” divide.

In a Peace Institute report which looked into hate crimes in the country, Roma were found to be one of the most vulnerable groups; within the community, young girls faced increased rates of violence and discrimination. The team behind the report conducted interviews with various professionals, including a sociologist and counselor who deals with victim support and gender based violence, who confirmed that local social centers and schools are absolving themselves of responsibility when confronted with child marriage.

Legislative developments

On November 26, President Natasa signed off on the bill and it became law. Reaction was fierce and peppered with accusations that the law threatens “democratic reliability” and “treats identity as suspicion.”

Amnesty International condemned the measure as “draconian” and said the law could result in further marginalization of the Roma as it allows authorities to skirt the safeguards that are in place.

While stressing that the legislative developments are not reflective of problems within any ethnic group or community, the pace of the reforms reflect a desire to enact change after a murder committed by a Romani person.

The law’s implementation occurs at a precarious time for the Golob government, coming off the back of a defeat in the recent assisted dying referendum, and with spring elections looming large. Public opinion polls consistently show that the right-wing Slovenian Democratic Party (SDS) may well be poised to take power.

Delivering justice and promoting integration

Facebook post made by the Police Directorate in Novo Mesto

Screenshot of a Facebook post by the Police Directorate in Novo Mesto subjected to sarcastic comments. Out of over 1900 reactions over 930 are “haha” smiley, with 830 “likes.” Fair use.

Social media commentary has lampooned what it considers to be a two-tiered justice approach to dealing with Roma who commit crimes. Comments on a Facebook post made by the Police Directorate in Novo Mesto mocked the claims police made about ensuring public safety: “[U]ntil [the] next election…then everything will be the old way” and “[S]upposedly you’ve strengthened radar controls, I can’t find a connection [between that] and the current security situation in the area.”

Some of the comments also demanded confiscation of [illegal] weapons from residents of Roma settlements. On November 9, N1 TV reported that police seized automatic rifles, several pistols and ammunition there.

Citizens have also decried the rhetoric encouraging integration and understanding as empty in nature, suggesting that it allows politicians to suppress real concerns within communities. This may be a reflection of the plan outlined in Slovenia’s National Roma Integration Strategy 2021-2030, which promotes helping communities develop multidisciplinary groups to address issues and implementing action plans for Roma communities.

To date, however, the efforts have not resulted in closer integration, with even Romani activists saying the social strategy has stalled. Earlier this year, legislation was amended to attempt to curb school absenteeism rates among children by substituting cash for child benefits in a move that was said to target Roma, despite the law applying to all Slovenian children.

To create positive change within Roma groups, advocacy has encouraged supporting those who complete a certain level of education to take on meaningful roles and be given opportunities to succeed. The misunderstanding of why the enforcement of criminal behavior that results from ghettoization does not produce less crime has yet to be probed. Throwing money at the problem without strategic goals in mind leaves unresolved issues and fails to bridge trust gaps between societies with isolated ethnic factions.

 

Dominican Republic wastes renewable energy while fossil fuel thermoelectric plants operate above legal limits

A hand holds a lightbulb with a green seedling in it against a silhouette of houses in the background.

Feature photo via Canva Pro.

By Zahiris Priscila Francisco Martínez

The Dominican Republic has experienced accelerated growth in renewable energy production over the past few years. National Energy Commission (CNE) Executive Director Edward Veras confirmed that the country has reached 25 percent renewable energy, in compliance with the law on Incentives for the Development of Renewable Energy Sources and their Special Regimes.

However, as production increases, consumption rises. On August 19, 2025, Minister of Energy and Mines Joel Santos noted that, for the first time, the National Interconnected Electrical System (SENI) reached a historic peak demand of 3,950 megawatts (MW). The DR has been immersed in a supply crisis triggered by the recent — albeit brief — shutdown of one of its main thermoelectric plants, Punta Catalina 2, because of maintenance failures.

To address citizens’ demands amid one of the hottest periods the country has experienced in years, President Luis Abinader declared the electrical system to be in a state of emergency. On September 8, he signed a decree to facilitate the procurement and contracting of goods, services, and works to increase generation capacity.

Although the country needs to increase generation, it has also maintained, through a process called “curtailment,” the practice of limiting and interrupting renewable energy production during peak generation hours and low-demand periods. In the energy sector, curtailment refers to the intentional reduction of electricity production at a generating plant, even when it technically has the capacity to produce more at that time. It occurs when energy supply exceeds demand or the grid’s transmission capacity, slowing energy generation due to external limitations.

GreenBox CEO Marvin Fernández, who has more than 20 years of experience in energy and the environment, verified that this practice has severe consequences for the energy system: “It is a factor affecting renewable generating companies, which stop selling part of their energy, and for electricity distribution companies, which end up buying more expensive energy.” The practice also means that fossil fuel burning is higher than necessary, since the country has the capacity to replace part of it with renewable energy.

Between January and July 2025, the practical implementation of curtailment in renewables has ranged between 10,000 and 18,000 megawatt-hours (MWh) of curtailed energy, reaching a maximum percentage above 50 percent this past June. Although the definitive solution involves investing in infrastructure and storage, data show that if the country immediately complied with its existing legislation, renewable energy waste and fossil fuel burning would be reduced.

Decree 65-23 in Dominican law states that renewable energy generation plants not only have the right to inject their energy into the grid, but must also provide the National Interconnected Electrical System Coordinating Body (OC) with the necessary information for operational planning.

The law also states that “the programming must protect the preferential injection rights of renewables,” reaffirmed in Articles 199 and 202 of the Regulatory Application of the General Electricity Law 125-01. This means renewables will always have priority in dispatching energy to the grid and can be limited only after all technical parameters set by law are met by thermal plants.

The Regulation for Authorization of Commissioning Electrical Works in SENI, issued by the Superintendency of Electricity, establishes that electrical generation works must undergo the “Operational Restrictions Verification Tests (VEROPE), through which the Coordinating Body (OC) certifies several parameters, including the technical minimum power (PMT).” According to Fernández, “In this regard, the injection rights of renewables cannot be limited for technical reasons without previously applying all necessary measures to conventional thermal generating plants.”

VEROPE tests were developed in 2010 in response to the need to measure the real operational performance of Dominican thermal plants. For standardization or global regulatory use, VEROPE tests have no directly recognized equivalent outside the Dominican Republic. Although the technical criteria they evaluate, such as start-up times, discharge, synchronization, shutdown, and load are common practices in thermal plant engineering, the acronym and formal procedure are unique to the DR.

Technical Minimum Power (PMT), meanwhile, refers to the stable minimum level at which a generating plant can operate in accordance with technical specifications and the manufacturer’s operating manuals, or according to technical studies conducted by experts. “If thermal plants were dispatched above the minimum technical levels established in the VEROPE test, it would negatively impact the development of renewable energies in the country,” Fernández noted. “This practice would reduce the available space in the grid for renewable generation injection, causing greater curtailment of solar and wind energy, which discourages new investments in the sector. Likewise, it would increase fossil fuel use, raising generation costs and emissions, contrary to national objectives for energy transition and diversification of the country’s energy matrix.”

According to the president of the Association for the Promotion of Renewable Energies (ASOFER), Alfonso Rodríguez, “In practice, thermal plants in the country operate with comfort margins far above international standards, resulting in inefficient dispatch and forcing renewable energy curtailment.” He explained that this makes no economic sense for the electrical system, nor does it make operational or social sense. “Distribution companies end up paying for more expensive and more polluting electricity, while renewable energy investors see their profitability eroded and their confidence in continuing to invest in the country diminish,” he continued. “When we see large multinationals in nearby countries deciding to divest and move to more consolidated markets, the message is clear. Regulatory and institutional security are key to the country’s development.”

Rodríguez argues that this increases the cost of operating the electrical system by replacing clean, low-cost energy with more expensive conventional generation, directly harming state-owned distributors, industry, and society. It also contradicts emission reduction commitments, where the Dominican Republic has pledged to reduce its CO₂ emissions by 25 percent by 2030.

“The disregard for the legal framework greatly affects renewables by enabling curtailment, a practice that has become a business for thermal plants, since the more energy they dispatch, the greater their income — even without technical justification and despite exceeding the planning mandated by the Coordinating Body,” Rodríguez emphasized. “Ending this practice is essential for renewable growth, attracting new investments, and promoting the environmental and economic benefits that the energy transition can bring to the country.”

VEROPE non-compliance

Renewable energy has priority rights in selling and dispatching energy under equal prices and conditions. This mandates the OC to operate the system at minimum cost. The OC and the Energy Control Center (CCE) — responsible for operating SENI — should only apply renewable curtailment as a last resort, after first applying all necessary measures to conventional thermal generation, but available OC data show that this practice is now common.

In reports shared by the OC in its weekly programming, differences are shown between PMT parameters and the actual dispatch of fossil fuel plants in the final weekly programming between September 6 and 12, 2025. Among these cases, Punta Catalina 1 dispatched an average of 340 MW when its PMT was 250 MW, and Punta Catalina 2 reached 360 MW versus a PMT of 277 MW. Generation above Technical Minimum Power also occurred in other plants.

“It is important to understand that curtailment is justified by alleged operational limits of thermal plants. Internationally, this can occur when renewable penetration exceeds 40 percent; in the Dominican Republic it rarely exceeds 20 percent. Therefore, compliance with the legal framework for the entire electricity sector must be ensured, including planning, operation, and oversight according to the law,” Rodríguez concluded.

When asked about the reasons for renewable curtailment, the OC replied that “the programs and reports of (OC) contain all the required information, including technical restrictions.”

Losses for distributors and public finances

In the Dominican Republic, electricity distribution companies are managed by the Unified Council of Distribution Companies (CUED) and include Edenorte, Edesur, and Edeeste. Each operates exclusively within its concession area; because they are under state control, they do not compete with one another. Instead, they cover most of the national territory under an exclusive concession scheme established by the General Electricity Law, which prevents competition at the low- and medium-voltage levels.

This monopolistic factor occurs when, due to the nature of the economic activity, a single company can provide the service at a lower cost because fixed infrastructure costs are very high and duplication would be inefficient.

According to Fernández, curtailment affects distribution companies because they end up paying more for energy due to marginal cost factors, worsening the system’s existing structural deficit and resulting in higher public money spending. In 2024 alone, RD 86,393,000 (around USD 1.3 million) was budgeted in subsidies for the EDES (87 percent of total electric subsidies allocated by the Dominican government in that year’s national budget). In the supplementary budget approved in July 2024, RD 6 billion (approximately USD 101.7 million) was allocated to cover the EDES’ operational deficit.

The solution lies in storage

Fernández believes that the solution to the curtailment situation comes with “storage, flexibility, and investment in transmission networks capable of transporting energy without restrictions to consumption centers.” This reduces — and even eliminates — energy curtailment, and provides greater grid stability. “That excess energy currently curtailed during the day could be stored and released during peak hours, when the spot market price reaches its maximum values,” he explained. “In this way, we reduce costs and gain stability.”

In July 2024, the National Energy Commission (CNE) issued Resolution CNE-AD-0005-2024, which establishes new conditions for processing concessions for special-regime generation projects that integrate storage systems (BESS) from variable renewable energy sources (ERV). The main goal is to ensure that renewable energy projects with installed capacities equal to or greater than 20 megawatts in alternating current (MWac) include battery storage systems of at least 50 percent of their capacity, with a minimum duration of four hours.

The Public Tender for New Renewable Energy Generation, issued by CUED, requires that new projects not only generate clean energy but also provide complementary grid services, including frequency and voltage regulation, black-start capability, and advanced technologies such as grid-forming inverters. However, these rules do not require already-established generators to join the mandatory storage regime, perpetuating the problem.

One reason generators prefer to remain outside the storage system is the cost involved, as their initial concession contracts (PPAs) did not include such requirements.

 

Japanese pop culture is sexually explicit, but sex education is wanting


Adult magazines are displayed outside a bookstore in Tokyo, Japan. Photo taken by Jo Carter. Used with permission.

Adult magazines are displayed outside a bookstore in Tokyo, Japan. Photo taken by Jo Carter. Used with permission.

Sexualized imagery featuring female bodies saturates Japan’s public spaces — from magazine covers in convenience stores to billboards on city streets — and has become widely normalized. 

In October 2025, a petition on Change.org, “Protect Our Children’s Future — Say No to Sexually Explicit Magazines in Convenience Stores,” gathered over 5,000 signatures, urging stores to remove adult magazines and protect minors. It argues that the explicit content is a form of sexual harassment and will have an adverse impact on children in establishing their selfhood.

Around the same time, writer Emi S. reflected in her blog on Medium

When I was a child, I remember seeing billboards with women’s faces and prices displayed beside them. And yet, I don’t recall feeling any discomfort at the time. Because it was simply there — treated as something normal.

Emi S raised an important point regarding the norm of objectifying women in Japanese popular culture. Many women accept sexualized images as if they are normal, to the extent that they do not question such a norm, and when they do express discomfort, their voices are dismissed as overreaction.

Sexual images and Japanese popular culture

Where does such a norm come from? Japan’s post-war media and popular-culture boom created a visual ecosystem where manga, anime, and print magazines flourished. The convenience-store model that spread through the 1980s and 1990s made magazines — including pornographic publications — accessible in everyday life.

According to a 1989 survey cited by Nippon.com, 92.3 percent of convenience stores sold pornographic magazines. Later, the rise of moe aesthetics in anime and manga further blurred the line between entertainment and eroticism. This is particularly true in the rise of “lolicon” content, where young or young-looking female characters are sexualized.

Profit has been the main driver of the erotica market, as adult magazines have provided a steady revenue stream for many stores. Yet, ahead of the 2020 Tokyo Olympic and Paralympic Games, Japan’s major convenience-store chains — 7-Eleven, Lawson, and FamilyMart — announced they would stop selling adult magazines nationwide. The decision, framed as an effort to make stores “more comfortable for women and children” and to “avoid damaging Japan’s image among inbound tourists,” marked a significant symbolic shift.

Online, the move sparked mixed reactions. Supporters welcomed it as long-overdue progress toward gender sensitivity in public spaces. Critics, however, saw it as performative, arguing that Japan acted only when foreign scrutiny loomed. One user, @asitafukukazen, wrote on X in reaction to the change in 2019:

Women have been complaining for years, but nothing changed until the Olympics. That shows how little this country values women’s voices.

While sexual images are becoming less visible in major convenience stores, they are still essential features in Japanese popular culture and public spaces. In recent years, concerns have also been raised about sexually suggestive advertisements appearing on non-adult websites, as well as children’s exposure to sexualized content in games, manga, and other subcultural media.

Yet, calls for more restrictions, such as zoning and age control in accessing sexual content both online and offline, have often resulted in backlash as critics argued that such interventions will amount to censorship. 

Sex remains a taboo in school and society

The debate about freedom of expression and freedom from objectification surrounding the public display of erotic and sexual images has been carried on for years without reaching a consensus.

Yet, even as sexualization remains commonplace, educational discussions around sexuality and consent are lacking in Japan’s education system. Currently, Japanese classrooms still regard sex as an issue of biological reproduction. Sex education classes are often separated by gender — girls learn about menstruation while boys attend general health or sports classes. There are minimal discussions about sexuality, such as sexual consent, safe sex, healthy relationships, and sexual orientations.

The gender-specific curriculum reinforces the idea that sexual knowledge was something gendered, private, shameful, or even unnecessary. As explained by a blogger, Musashi, on Medium:

Japanese sexual education tends to reinforce old norms and stereotypes regarding gender roles. […] The narrative often emphasizes the differences between genders and underscores that men and women are to fulfill distinct roles.

As a result, even today, some Japanese still regard menstruation as a private embarrassment rather than a public health issue, as raised by female lawmaker Ayaka Yoshida.

On September 1st, 2025, a nationwide petition titled “Abolish the Ministry of Education’s Restrictive Guidelines on Sex Education: For Realistic and Inclusive Sex Education in Japan” was launched on Change.org, calling for the removal of restrictive Ministry of Education guidelines or the so-called “Hadome Clause” (はどめ規定), which suggests classroom discussion of sexuality need not cover the “process leading to fertilization” and “the course of pregnancy.” The authority argues that the guidelines give schools discretion to determine the depth of their sex education courses. 

The campaign organizers, however, demand replacing the guidelines with a clear stance that all children must have access to accurate, comprehensive sexual education. More than 41,500 people have signed the petition thus far.

Indeed, a society where sexual images have become part of daily life demands a more comprehensive sex education to mitigate against gender and sexual stereotypes. As studies in media psychology suggest, repeated exposure to sexually objectifying content can shape viewers’ ideas of gender roles and relationships. 

In Japan, casual sexual jokes, appearance-based comments, and assumptions about women’s behavior are often seen in workplaces and schools. Among adolescents, frequent encounters with eroticized content in public spaces can dull sensitivity toward what constitutes respectful or inappropriate behavior, reinforcing stereotypes and even normalized sexual harassment and body shaming from an early age.

Such harms are frequently seen. For example, one 14-year-old complained in a teenage online forum that boys often commented on her chest, asking, “Aren’t you embarrassed by how big your breasts are?” and that even teachers seemed to look at her chest before her face. Her posts received many echoes from her peers, but also several sex jokes from boys.

In such an environment, women are more likely to self-objectify, seeing sexual attractiveness as a primary measure of their worth.

Japan’s challenge is to reconcile the desire to preserve creative and erotic expression with the need to ensure that public spaces respect the differences among humankind. The first step can start with the introduction of a more open-minded, comprehensive, and diverse sex education curriculum.Categories