Saturday, August 01, 2026

 

School head in Istanbul made persona non grata in first such move in history of diplomacy

School head in Istanbul made persona non grata in first such move in history of diplomacy
Turkey has provided Giuseppe Finocchiaro with an unsought place in the history books. / liceoitaliano.net
By Akin Nazli in Belgrade August 1, 2026

The principal of an historic foreign high school in Istanbul has become the first such figure in the history of diplomacy to be declared persona non grata.

Giuseppe Finocchiaro, principal of Istanbul’s Italian government-owned Ozel Italyan Lisesi (Liceo Italiano di Istanbul), is the subject of the unprecedented move made by Turkey’s foreign ministry, labour union Tez-Koop-Is (@tezkoopissndk) said on July 30.

The ministry acted against Finocchiaro in the wake of a 123-day strike by teachers at the school. The labour action was rare and protracted for Turkey's private education sector. An accord was brokered by the labour ministry to end the walkout, but the union then alleged that Finocchiaro and his Turkish deputy, Nida Intiba, subsequently launched a "retaliatory mobbing campaign" of harassment, isolation and the summary firing of 10 unionised teachers.

In response, the education ministry stripped both of the school administrators of their managerial licences. Acting at the request of the education ministry, the foreign ministry then formally designated Finocchiaro persona non grata under the Vienna Convention, revoking his diplomatic status and ordering him to leave the country.

Last December, IntelliNews reported how Italian teachers at the school earn salaries six times bigger than the salaries of their Turkish colleagues at the institution.

Liceo Italiano di Istanbul, or Ozel Italyan Lisesi, was founded as far back as 1861 during the Ottoman era. It is among schools for non-Muslim minorities in Turkey given permission by European governments to open during the 19th century.

‘Every Single Thing He Says Here Is a Lie’: Trump Adviser Claims Data Centers Are ‘Good for Towns’

“The disdain this administration has for the very people living in rural America who helped bring it to power is staggering,” wrote one critic.



National Economic Council Director Kevin Hassett speaks in the Oval Office of the White House on April 30, 2026 in Washington, DC.
(Photo by Andrew Harnik/Getty Images)

Brad Reed
Jul 31, 2026
COMMON DREAMS

National Economic Council Director Kevin Hassett on Friday drew sharp criticism after he claimed that energy-devouring artificial intelligence data centers are “good for towns” across the US.

During an appearance on Fox Business, Hassett made the case that Americans should welcome data centers into their communities because they would supposedly deliver real economic benefits.

“Data centers are very good for towns, because they create so many jobs and bring people in with high incomes that can buy houses and stuff like that,” said Hassett. “So if you take a sleepy town that hasn’t seen much in the last 20, 30 years and put a data center there, there are gonna be a whole bunch of happy residents in that town.”



A March Gallup poll found that 71% of Americans were opposed to building AI data centers in their local areas, with 48% registering strong opposition.

In the poll, many Americans cited concerns about data centers’ uses of local water and electricity resources as their primary reason for opposition, as well as general concerns about their impact on the environment and the local quality of life.

Additionally, data centers have not proven to be a significant source of job creation in communities where they are built because their systems are so automated that they require very little staff to maintain.

Trump administration critics were quick to slam Hassett for peddling such outright falsehoods about data centers.

“Every single thing he says here is a lie,” remarked Ben Collins, CEO of the satirical news website The Onion. “A Potemkin Village Imaginarium.”

Jeffrey Vagle, professor at the Georgia State University College of Law, similarly saw little connection between Hassett’s description of data centers and reality.

“Has Hassett ever been inside a data center?” Vagle asked. “He should do so then put together an employee per square foot analysis to compare with other businesses. Data centers are largely automated, operating with very few actual employees, none of them executives.”

Vagle’s analysis was echoed by journalist Philip Bump, who wondered “what high-paying long-term jobs do they pretend exist” when AI data centers move in.

“A data center isn’t a place where execs come and do Big Deals,” Bump explained. “Go to the server room at your workplace; are there lots of rich people in there spending money?”

Democratic pollster Stephen Clermont sarcastically encouraged Hassett to speak more about the purported virtues of data centers.

“The White House needs to keep with this messaging and keep using Hassett as a surrogate,” Clermont wrote. “The Forgotten Man will be forgotten no more in the data center utopia.”

Liberal Fox News personality Jessica Tarlov similarly argued that Hassett’s happy talk about data centers could be good for Democrats.

“Take the opening Democrats!” she wrote. “Americans hate data centers. The utility bills. The noise. The pollution.”

Glenn Elliott, former Democratic US Senate candidate in West Virginia, argued Hassett’s pitch for data centers showed what the Trump administration really thinks of its core voting base.

“The disdain this administration has for the very people living in rural America who helped bring it to power is staggering,” Elliott wrote.
AI Oligarchs Enjoy Superyachts as Their Data Centers Degrade Communities

Communities fighting data centers refuse to be sites for extraction that help megabillionaires purchase more mansions.

July 31, 2026

Koru and Abeona, Jeff Bezos’s yachts, are seen on June 13, 2023, in Portofino, Italy.Robino Salvatore / GC Image

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The world’s top megabillionaires — a list dominated by Big Tech and Wall Street barons — enjoy a gamut of luxuries that are unfathomable for most of us.

Jeff Bezos owns a half-billion-dollar superyacht. Mark Zuckerberg’s portfolio of lush properties that stretches from Palo Alto to Miami Beach is worth nearly as much. Elon Musk’s wealth roughly equals the gross domestic product of Ireland or Belgium. Larry Ellison owns virtually an entire Hawaiian island.

Meanwhile, communities across the U.S. facing the construction and operation of hyperscaled data centers — from Tucson, Arizona, to Memphis, Tennessee, from rural Louisiana to Western New York — are confronting rising electric bills, depletion of water resources, loud and constant noise, ecological degradation, and pollutants, with Black and Brown communities historically impacted by environmental racism disproportionately bearing the brunt.

These two realities — the enormous luxuries enjoyed by the world’s top megabillionaires, and the hardships imposed on communities by data centers — are bound together, with the former resting on extraction from the latter.

The very same corporate moguls who rank among the world’s wealthiest people are also among the top profiteers off the data center boom.

The very same corporate moguls who rank among the world’s wealthiest people, enjoying the heights of opulence, are also among the top owners and profiteers off the data center boom. Positioned at the apex of Wall Street and Big Tech power, these data center oligarchs are overseeing the avalanche of data centers that Americans deeply and broadly oppose. While localities across the U.S. resist the impacts of the data center boom, these oligarchs, who have enormous personal ownership stakes in their companies and firms, experience windfall profits that sustain their opulent lifestyles.


New York Residents Are Fighting a Data Center Backed by a Billionaire Trump Ally
Residents in Western New York are opposing a data center backed by an Epstein-tied private equity firm. By Derek Seidman , Truthout  March 15, 2026


Wall Street’s Data Center Megabillionaires


Stephen Schwarzman oversees Blackstone, the world’s top private equity firm, which manages $1.3 trillion in assets. Schwarzman is worth over $40 billion.

Blackstone invests in a diverse array of sectors, from housing and health care to energy and retail. But in recent years, like other Wall Street firms, it’s been making large investments in AI and data centers.

Blackstone claims to be “the largest data center provider in the world,” with a $110 billion global data center portfolio. It owns QTS, one of the top data center colocation providers — which lease out data center space to client servers — and is steadily striking new data centers deals in the U.S. and around the world, and across the whole AI supply chain.

Schwarzman is raking in wealth from Blackstone’s operations: He took in a whopping $1.24 billion in 2025 alone.

Schwarzman has a history of deploying his vast wealth to enjoy multimillion-dollar birthday bashesreplete with live camels, trapeze artists, and celebrity performers — and gobble up expensive properties from Palm Beach to the English countryside. In Newport, Rhode Island, Schwarzman has been causing major headaches for his neighbors as he redevelops his mansion — called “Miramar” — that he purchased for $27 million in 2021.

In Palm Beach, Schwarzman has a fellow Wall Street data center billionaire as a neighbor: Henry Kravis, co-founder and longtime public face of KKR, another top global private firm overseeing $758 billion in assets. Kravis is worth over $12 billion.

Like Blackstone, KKR is splurging on the entire data center supply chain. It co-owns CyrusOne, another top data center developer, with over 50 facilities across the U.S., Europe, and Japan.

KKR is also raking in superprofits from data center cooling and energy projects to service data centers, among other data center-tied investments.

Around a decade ago, Kravis owned the seventh-most expensive home among Wall Street barons: a 26-room Park Avenue compound valued at $80 million (though he was outdone by Schwarzman, who held the top spot with a $120 million home). In 2020, Kravis made a cool $45 million by selling his 4,600-acre Colorado ranch to fellow billionaire Michael Bloomberg.

In June, Sen. Elizabeth Warren sent letters — which cited Truthout reporting — to both Blackstone and KKR expressing “concern about private equity firms’ increased involvement in the development and operation of data centers” and requesting answers to a range of questions.
Data Center Tech Oligarchs

Big tech companies that are driving the AI boom have their own archipelago of hyperscaled data centers and also purchase extensive server space from data center colocation firms.

Tech oligarchs like Amazon’s Jeff Bezos, Meta’s Mark Zuckerberg, and Oracle’s Larry Ellison — a trio worth nearly $650 billion — sit at the heights of Big Tech’s expanding data center empire.


Bezos owns a 417-feet superyacht named “Koru” that’s worth $500 million. It has three jacuzzis and a swimming pool.

Amazon is consistently ranked as the world’s top data center company. According to Bloomberg, as of 2025, Amazon’s “data center operation” consisted of “more than 900 [data center] facilities in more than 50 countries.” Meta also steadily ranks among the very top data center corporations, with 28 data centers in the U.S. alone. Amazon also chairs the Data Center Coalition, a powerful data center industry group, and Meta is also a board member (as is Blackstone’s QTS and KKR’s CyrusOne).

Both Bezos and Zuckerberg enjoy luxuries that are unimaginable to the communities that house their noisy, fossil fuel-burning data centers.

Bezos owns a 417-feet superyacht named “Koru” that’s worth $500 million. It has three jacuzzis and a swimming pool, which have made it ideal for throwing parties with tycoons like Bill Gates and celebrities like Katy Perry and Kim Kardashian. The superyacht is also joined by a second 250-foot “support yacht” named “Abeona” with a helipad. (Bezos has his own fleet of helicopters and private jets.)

For his part, Zuckerberg, who also flies in his own luxurious air fleet, owns a $300 million superyacht with a 387-foot launchpad. The Meta founder recently caused a stir when the superyacht passed by Seattle the same day Meta announced it was slashing around 1,400 jobs in Washington state.

Together, Bezos and Zuckerberg own a property portfolio worth well over $1 billion. For Bezos, this includes myriad homes in Seattle; Manhattan; Washington, D.C.; and Miami, among others.


Zuckerberg, who also flies in his own luxurious air fleet, owns a $300 million superyacht with a 387-foot launchpad.

In 2020, Bezos paid a record $165 million for a Beverly Hills mansion with “expansive terraces, sprawling gardens, several guest houses, a tennis court and its own 9-hole golf course.” In 2021, he bought a $78 million Maui estate that one realtor referred to as a “trophy property.”

In 2025, as Amazon was helping to accelerate the data enter boom, Bezos splurged an estimated $50 million on his star-studded wedding to Lauren Sanchez.

For his part, Zuckerberg owns a slew of properties that includes a massive estate in Kauai, Hawaii, with two mansions with a combined 57,000 square feet, 30 bedrooms and 30 bathrooms, a tennis court and multiple swimming pools, and a 5,000-square-foot underground shelter.

Zuckerberg also owns a Lake Tahoe compound, a Miami Beach estate, and a Washington, D.C. mansion, as well as a complex of adjacent Palo Alto homes.
Island Compounds and Trillionaires

Larry Ellison, the megabillionaire founder and chairman of Oracle, the database software and cloud computing giant, is also cashing on the data center and AI boom. Ellison is among the world’s top 10 wealthiest people, with his current net worth hovering close to $180 billion.

Oracle is building an empire of water-guzzling data centers and AI partnerships. According to Data Centre Magazine, the Oracle Stargate AI Initiative — working with Sam Altman’s OpenAI in a Trump-backed deal — is the second-fastest-growing data center company.

Ellison owns properties worth around $2 billion in total. In addition to mansions and estates in Florida, California, Rhode Island, Japan, England, and elsewhere, Ellison also owns virtually all of Lānaʻi, Hawaii’s sixth-biggest island.

According to a recent Wall Street Journal report, Ellison is also a poster child for the rising phenomenon of megabillionaires’ “quest to optimize one’s land holdings by acquiring more acreage” and gobbling up entire blocks or swaths of residential land.

Like other data center billionaires, Ellison also enjoys hundreds of millions of dollars’ worth of luxuries such as a superyacht and private jets, as well as a collection of art and artifacts that include Vincent Van Gogh paintings and historic Japanese artwork. (Ellison also owned a Japanese villa reportedly worth $86 million.)

And of course, there’s Elon Musk, the first trillionaire, whose wealth has been built, in part, on data centers. Musk’s wealth is roughly equal to the GDP of the states like Pennsylvania or Ohio and nations like Switzerland — or, around 3 percent of the entire U.S. GDP.

Musk owned seven mansions worth around $100 million that he claimed to sell as he settled into a more spartan adobe. But reports indicate that he’s been staying in and buying up lavish homes in Texas.

Musk has directed his massive wealth more toward intervening in politics. He spent a whopping $291 million on federal elections in 2024, making him by far the top donor in the last election cycle, and leading to his appointment by Donald Trump as the (now former) head of the so-called Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE).
Backland Against Data Centers Growing

While the data center oligarchs benefit from massive revenues undergirded by the data center boom they’re driving, they’re also facing an enormous, expanding wave of resistance from localities across the U.S. — regularly reported on by Truthout— that crosses partisan lines and is reaching the heights of state and national politics.

Polling shows that people in the U.S. overwhelmingly oppose data centers. In mid-July, communities staged at least 142 protests across 42 states against data centers. Black and working-class organizers in cities like Memphis and across the U.S. South are driving the opposition to some of the largest and dirtiest datacenter complexes in the entire nation.

This bottom-up insurgency has moved some elected officials to propose a federal moratorium on data centers. Support for state-level moratoriums is also rising. In July, Gov. Kathy Hochul, responding to constituent pressure, made New York the first state to implement a moratorium on new data centers. (Hochul’s executive order implements a “one-year pause.”)

With opposition to the data center boom and skepticism toward the corporate-driven AI bubble only growing, we will likely see more victories like this, as people fight for communities rooted in justice and sustainability, not as sites for extraction to help oligarchs purchase yet another superyacht or mansion.

India’s Data Centre Boom Is Creating Next Environmental Conflict


Anusreeta Dutta |



Should public money be used to prop up energy-hungry digital infrastructure without more efficiency and environmental safeguards?



Image Courtesy:  Wikimedia Commons

The defining tech race of this decade has been artificial intelligence or AI. Governments are competing to lure investment in data centres, cloud infrastructure, and semiconductor manufacturing, viewing digital infrastructure as the bedrock of future economic growth.

India is no exception. The country is positioning itself as a global digital hub with the India AI Mission, good State incentives, and billions of dollars in private investment into hyperscale data centres. Cities like Chennai, Hyderabad, Mumbai, and Noida are fast becoming the epicentres of this transition.

Policy makers may be praising the digital economy, but a different story is unfolding around the world. Large-scale data centres have drawn protests from residents in the United States over rising electricity usage, excessive water consumption, land acquisition, and public subsidies. We've seen this kind of opposition emerge in Ireland, the Netherlands, and Malaysia, where communities are increasingly questioning whether local residents are footing the bill for digital infrastructure while the benefits are flowing elsewhere.

At first, these protests may seem unconnected to India’s digital objectives. What they really contain is a vital warning. Every technical breakthrough leaves a physical footprint, and every physical footprint poses a political question. In the popular imagination, the cloud is sometimes imagined as an intangible, a limitless digital ecosystem in which information travels invisibly across networks. But the cloud is not weightless or invisible.

Every AI model, every digital payment, every online search, every streaming service relies on massive warehouses full of servers running around the clock. Such facilities require uninterrupted power, large cooling systems, reliable water sources, high-capacity transmission infrastructure, and huge parcels of land.

Environmental infrastructure is the bedrock of the digital economy. That is a fact that the Indian policy discourse is slow to recognise. Data centres are regularly cited as sources of innovation, jobs, and foreign investment. But little attention is paid to their environmental impact.

The need for computer power is likely to skyrocket as artificial intelligence applications become more common in healthcare, finance, manufacturing, and governance. Fulfilling that demand will take not just more computers, but more power, substations, transmission lines, and water-guzzling cooling systems. That has major political implications.

India’s infrastructure disputes have traditionally revolved around highways, dams, mining projects, and industrial corridors. More recently, renewable energy projects have sparked new debates about land ownership, biodiversity, and community rights. Solar parks in Rajasthan, transmission corridors in Gujarat, renewable infrastructure across Kutch have demonstrated that even projects designed to fight climate change can become areas of local conflict if issues of compensation, participation, and environmental protection are not addressed. Data centres will remain the same.

Unlike a typical manufacturing plant, data centres don’t normally produce visible pollution. They are less obvious, but they still have a big impact on the environment. A hyperscale plant can draw the power of a medium-sized town and needs constant cooling to prevent it from overheating.

As India’s digital ambitions grow, so do its power demands—and serious concerns: Should scarce renewable energy be prioritised over AI infrastructure, industrial production, or agricultural supply? How to operate water-intensive cooling systems in regions that are already under chronic water stress? Why should states subsidise land and power for international technology companies when many public utilities are still operating at a loss? These are technical issues. These are concerns for fairness of distribution.

Renewable energy changed the land conversation, and the rapid spread of AI infrastructure could change the conversation around electricity, water, and public goods. India’s digital revolution, like its green transition, is reaching a point where techno-optimism will no longer suffice. But the challenge is not just to build the digital infrastructure anymore. It is determining how such infrastructure fits within the country’s environmental constraints and development priorities.

The flare-ups of conflicts across the globe hint that data centers are no longer mere symbols of technological progress. They are becoming battlegrounds for competing visions of development, sustainability, and the public good. If renewable energy taught India that clean power projects are ultimately about land politics, the arrival of data centres is teaching a different lesson: that the digital economy is fundamentally an environmental economy. All AI apps, cloud services, and digital platforms depend on physical resources, and their availability is becoming more at risk. This is not an argument against digital infrastructure or against AI. India cannot afford to stay on the sidelines of the AI revolution. Data centres have become as strategically important as ports, roads, and industrial corridors for countries vying to build sovereign AI capabilities and woo global investors. These are essential to economic competitiveness, digital governance, and technology innovation.

The question is not if India should build data centres. That’s how they should be built. The world experience shows the political price of ignoring this issue. In the US, proposals for data centres have met resistance from communities concerned that the facilities will strain already stressed electricity grids, raise utility costs, and consume huge amounts of water. But with data centre, electricity demand in Ireland exploding, so too did concerns about grid stability and energy security.

Similar concerns have arisen elsewhere, and they reflect a larger reality: digital infrastructure is no longer seen as environmentally benign. Today, it’s part of larger conversations about public resources, environmental sustainability, and municipal accountability. India’s policy debate has not yet confronted the trade-offs fully.

Much of the debate around AI is about innovation, investment, and global competitiveness. And very little attention is paid to the environmental costs of that growth. Data centres need dependable power supplies, dedicated transmission infrastructure, and large cooling systems. These projects’ rapid growth will certainly further strain electricity generation, land, and water resources, especially in states already facing climate stress, groundwater depletion, and rising urban demand. This raises big questions about energy justice.

Governments compete for tech investment with land subsidies, tax breaks, and cheap electricity, and policymakers need to consider whether the benefits and costs are spread fairly. Should public money be used to prop up energy-hungry digital infrastructure without more efficiency and environmental safeguards? How should governments best use electricity for AI infrastructure, for homes, for farmers, and for small businesses? And who suffers the most from the environmental fallout when the local ecosystem is the one that absorbs the stress of nationally heralded technology investments?

Such questions have been raised before—over mining projects, industrial corridors, and, more recently, renewable energy parks. In each case infrastructure has been justified as a national development priority, but its environmental and social consequences have been largely local. Data centres are unlikely to be any different. Their effects may be less visible than a smokestack or an open-cast mine, but they are just as important in terms of resource allocation, environmental governance, and democratic accountability.

To see is to change public policy. Environmental assessment frameworks must factor in cumulative electricity use, water usage, and climate resilience instead of treating data centers as commercial real estate projects. Urban planning should incorporate digital infrastructure into wider resource management systems. More transparency about public subsidies and environmental performance may help build public trust before tensions arise. It is also important that there is meaningful participation with local communities so that decisions on large-scale digital infrastructure are not reduced to administrative details.

India’s digital transformation is often touted as an example of the country’s capacity to do better than older models of development. History, however, tells us that every infrastructure revolution eventually runs up against ecological limits. Railways transformed the landscape. Highways contributed to forest fragmentation. Renewable energy has transformed debates over commons and conservation. AI will transform the conversation around energy, water, and environmental justice. The next environmental fight in India might not be a coal mine or a thermal power plant. It could be coming out of a windowless warehouse full of servers.

The potential should not serve as a deterrent to India’s digital ambitions. Instead, it reminds us that technological progress cannot be separated from the control over the environment. The success of India’s AI economy will be measured not just by the number of data centres built but also by its ability to prove that digital growth, ecological sustainability, and social equity can coexist. If data is the 21st century, then data politics will be shaped more and more by land, water, and energy politics. The challenge for India is to recognise this truth before today's digital infrastructure becomes tomorrow's environmental conflict.

The writer is a columnist and climate researcher with experience in political research analysis, ESG research, and energy policy. The views are personal.

INDIA


Assam: How a Panchayat Built a Self-Sustaining Waste Management System



Sayantani Deb |


By combining community participation, scientific waste segregation and locally generated revenue, Jumarmur Gaon Panchayat has transformed waste disposal in a rural market and its surrounding villages.

Centralised waste deposit & segregation facility ( Photo - Sayantani Deb, 101Reporters )

For the last 24 years, Narayan Chandra Shil and Madhabi Shil, a shopkeeper couple who set up their stall twice a week at the Jumarmur weekly market in Assam's Nagaon district, had their lives overshadowed by unmanaged waste. Narayan Chandra, in his early 50s, frequently suffered respiratory issues, while Madhabi, in her late 40s, dealt with recurring headaches and skin problems.

"Waste disposal in the market was pathetic, especially after market days… Wednesday and Sunday. For days afterward it was difficult even to enter or pass by, as garbage piled up unattended," the couple told 101Reporters. "The condition was so unbearable that many times we were compelled to burn the waste openly."

That changed two years ago, when the Jumarmur Gaon Panchayat set up a centralised waste segregation facility as part of its solid waste management initiative.

"The market generates around 100 kg of waste every week—about 50 kg each on Wednesdays and Sundays—and the pile-up was not just foul-smelling but also generated toxic air that affected nearby residents. So a centralised waste segregation facility was built under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) during 2023-24," said Nitu Bora, the ward member under whose jurisdiction the market falls.

Former Gram Panchayat Secretary Rajeeb Dev Goswami said the facility was constructed at a cost of Rs 1.75 lakh, with 30% of the funds coming from the 15th Finance Commission grant and the remaining amount provided by the Public Health Engineering Department.

Located about 20 km from the district headquarters in Nagaon, Jumarmur Gaon Panchayat falls under the Kathiatali Development Block. Spread across 252.36 hectares and six revenue villages, it is home to nearly 14,000 people from Hindu, Muslim and Christian communities. In 2023-24, the panchayat jointly won the second prize in the Clean and Green category of the Deen Dayal Upadhyay Panchayat Satat Vikas Puraskar (DDUPSVP), receiving a cash award of Rs 37.5 lakh along with a trophy and citation.

"Keeping every corner of the panchayat clean and waste-free is one of my prime focuses, and we're using various methods to do it," said Ummul Maskin, president of Jumarmur Gaon Panchayat. "Waste management in rural areas is often seen as difficult, but as a team, Jumarmur wanted to prove that rural communities can build a sustainable environment if everyone works together."

The panchayat's first step was to set up mini waste collection centres in each ward. Waste collected through door-to-door collection is deposited at these centres, which residents can also use directly. From there, it is transported by e-rickshaw to the centralised segregation facility. Waste generated at the weekly market, however, is taken directly to the central facility on market days.

Maskin said convincing villagers to adopt the new system was initially a challenge.

"Proper waste disposal is more a mindset than anything else. At first, many were reluctant. They were used to dumping garbage in their backyards or by the roadside, or burning it, so adjusting to the new rules was difficult. We brought in Self-Help Group (SHG) members to guide them," she said.

Women from local SHGs then began visiting households to spread awareness.

"We visited every household, holding sessions especially with women since they manage most household activities. We educated them on why waste management matters and how to segregate organic and inorganic waste," said Badrabati Kalita, a member of Pub Kawaymari Kanaklata Aatma Sahayok Gut.

"At first, people found it difficult because waste segregation was a completely new concept. But we kept visiting homes, explaining that the whole village's environment would suffer if waste wasn't managed properly. Slowly, they understood and changed their behaviour," Kalita added.

SHG members also explained how unmanaged waste can block drains, pollute land and water bodies, and how open burning harms both humans and animals. Gram sabhas were held at various stages to reinforce these messages.

Changing habits

"It's now mandatory for every shopkeeper in the market to deposit waste at the designated spot in the segregation facility on market days. Those who don't face consequences, but everyone complies," Madhabi said. She added that the market, once difficult to sit in all day because of scattered waste, is now clean and healthy.

The change has extended beyond the marketplace. Sixteen-year-old Ankurima Bora begins each morning by checking whether her household's waste has been properly segregated before the collection vehicle arrives.

"As soon as I wake up, I check the backyard to make sure everything is arranged before I do anything else. On period days, I keep sanitary napkins in a completely separate bag, since mixing them with regular waste can be a health and environmental hazard," she said.

Gaon Burah Dipak Saikia said changing decades-old habits required sustained effort.

"Villagers usually follow practices they've seen for decades, and changing that mindset is difficult. But with joint efforts from the panchayat, SHGs and concerned citizens, the awareness campaigns against careless dumping and plastic burning have paid off," he said.

Saikia said the village still needs an improved drainage system to ensure rainwater flows out smoothly, a demand he has been raising with the panchayat since becoming Gaon Burah in 2023.


Narayan Chandra & Madhabi Shil at their makeshift shop in Jumurmur bazar ( Photo - Sayantani Deb, 101Reporters )

Innovative strategies

Goswami, who oversaw the financial aspects of the initiative, said the panchayat received Rs 1.55 crore under the 15th Finance Commission grant. Of this, Rs 90 lakh was used to construct 36 community toilets, Rs 2.5 lakh was allocated for solid waste management and another Rs 2.5 lakh for purchasing e-rickshaws and tricycles used for waste collection. The tricycles collect waste from households and transport it to the ward-level collection centres, while the e-rickshaws carry the waste from these centres to the centralised segregation facility.

The remaining funds were used to construct boundary walls for village schools, temples and namghars, besides building paved block roads, Goswami said.

He said the panchayat soon realised that government grants alone would not be enough to sustain its cleanliness and waste management efforts.

"A few years ago, when the Assam government announced it would procure foodgrain from local farmers, villagers asked us to build a godown where they could store grain in exchange for rent to the panchayat. Since we were already working on cleanliness, greenery and waste management, and needed funds beyond what was allocated, the panchayat decided to construct a 30x20-foot godown on the panchayat office premises," Goswami said.

Since 2023, the godown has generated Rs 5,000 a month in rent, which is used entirely to support cleanliness, greenery and strengthen the waste management system.

"We've even hired two safai karmacharis, whose salaries are paid entirely from this rental income," he said.

The panchayat also earns nearly Rs 20,000 annually through trade licences issued to a rubber company and a petrol pump operating within its jurisdiction. Goswami said this revenue, along with the rental income, is used for village maintenance and beautification.

He added that household and market waste is now scientifically segregated into seven categories for disposal and recycling, with organic waste converted into compost and plastic and other recyclable material separated for sustainable handling.

Block Development Officer Sweta Pradhan Sarma credited continuous gram sabhas with ensuring community participation.

"The awareness reached even the last person in the community, and participation has grown significantly. None of this would have been possible without community support," she said.

Maskin said she never imagined the panchayat would receive national recognition.

"Coming from such a remote place, it was beyond imagination," she said.

The panchayat received Rs 37.5 lakh in prize money under the Deen Dayal Upadhyay Panchayat Satat Vikas Puraskar, which it plans to use for initiatives focused on women's empowerment and building a child- and women-friendly village. 

 Sayantani Deb is a freelance journalist and a member of 101Reporters, a pan-India network of grassroots reporters.