Tuesday, May 10, 2022

Federal COVID-19 supports expire today as Ottawa says 'extraordinary' measures no longer needed

Nick Boisvert - Saturday, May 7,2022

Canada's last remaining COVID-19 emergency benefits expire today and the federal government says it has no plans to renew its unprecedented support programs, created in response to the pandemic.


© Alyse Stuart
A worker stands in a plant processing crabs in Badgers Quay, N.L. A union representative for fishing industry workers says pandemic benefits are still needed in the sector.

Finance Minister Chrystia Freeland's office says Canada's surging job growth and record-low unemployment rate is evidence that ongoing pandemic support will not be needed beyond May 7.

"From the onset of the pandemic, our relentless focus was on jobs — on keeping Canadians employed and on keeping their employers afloat," Freeland's press secretary Adrienne Vaupshas said in an email.

"With our economy in this position, the time for extraordinary COVID support is now over," Vaupshas added, echoing a declaration made by Freeland during her introduction of the 2022 budget in April.

Public health officials are also saying they're cautiously optimistic about signs that transmission levels are on the decline.

During a Friday news conference, Chief Public Health Officer Dr. Theresa Tam said Canada is experiencing "decreasing transmission in many areas." Some indicators, such as wastewater virus levels, indicate that the Omicron wave is "showing signs of a potential plateau," Tam added.

The expiration of benefits means workers will no longer be paid by the government should they need to self-isolate due to a positive COVID test, or if they have to leave work to care for a child due to sickness or pandemic-related school closures.

A program for workers forced off the job due to local lockdowns also ends today.

Programs designed to support hard-hit businesses, such as one that subsidized a portion of employee wages, are also ending.

The following programs are among those expiring on May 7:
Canada Worker Lockdown Benefit
Canada Recovery Sickness Benefit
Canada Recovery Caregiving Benefit
Canada Recovery Hiring Program
Tourism and Hospitality Recovery Program
Hardest-Hit Business Recovery Program


Applications for these programs can be made retroactively and will continue to be accepted by the government after May 7. Those applying for workers' benefits have 60 days to submit their claims, while businesses have 180 days.

Workers still 'live and exist in a pandemic'

Alyse Stuart, a union representative for the Fish, Food and Allied Workers in Newfoundland and Labrador, said Ottawa's decision to end the benefits ignores the pandemic's continued disruption of Atlantic Canada's fishing sector.

She described a wave of infections running through processing plants that are just now ramping up for the busy summer season.

Most workers in these facilities don't have access to paid sick days, Stuart said, which is forcing them into a difficult choice between self-isolating and missing paycheques or going to work while sick.

"For us, it's kind of this perfect storm where these benefits are ending while we're just experiencing our own wave in these rural communities," Stuart told CBC News.

"For our members, and certainly for our rural communities, the time is still now for extraordinary measures because we continue to live and exist in a pandemic."
Small businesses struggling with debt


The Canadian Federation of Independent Business is also warning that the end of business-focused supports could make it hard for struggling businesses to get back on their feet.

"Whether the supports that end this weekend are still the right supports is probably a good debate that we can have," said Corinne Pohlmann, senior vice president of national affairs at CFIB.

She said the expiration of benefits today may be appropriate, but she called on Ottawa to consider further long-term support for businesses that have accumulated large amounts of debt during the pandemic.

The group specifically wants to see Ottawa forgive half of all debt acquired through the Canada Emergency Business Account program and to extend the repayment deadline by an extra year to December 31, 2023.

The average small business debt now stands at $140,000, according to CFIB figures, and businesses in sectors like the arts and hospitality are even deeper in the red.

"We need to still think about how we can help those hard-hit businesses that are struggling under debt that they had to accumulate through no fault of their own," Pohlmann said.
Indigenous women face higher rates of systemic discrimination, violence by RCMP, says report

A new report by a coalition of human rights advocates is calling on the federal government to establish an independent external review of Canada's national police force to address its treatment of women.

© Jackie Hong/CBC
A Yukon RCMP officer ties a red ribbon symbolizing missing and murdered Indigenous women to a staff outside the Kwanlin Dün Cultural Centre in Whitehorse on May 5.

Ka’nhehsí:io Deer -
Published May 9, 2022

The Canadian Feminist Alliance for International Action (FAFIA) says its report finds there is "growing evidence of systemic discrimination and violence" against women by the national police force. According to the 56-page document, Indigenous women are disproportionately impacted.

"Indigenous women and girls have long been targets of sexualized violence and exploitation at the hands of state actors, including the police," said Pamela Palmater, a Mi'kmaw lawyer and chair in Indigenous governance at Toronto Metropolitan University, during a virtual news conference Monday.

Palmater researched and co-wrote the report with Sivangi Misra, Ashley Major, and Shelagh Day of FAFIA. The report was financially supported by the Department for Women and Gender Equality, the Government of Canada and is a part of the Implementing Women's International Human Rights Project.

The organization, which is made up of women's human rights advocacy organizations across Canada, compiled and analyzed news reports, public inquiries, and documents published in the last decade. The report says they show evidence of a pattern of discrimination, harassment, and assault against women by officers of the RCMP.

FAFIA is calling on the Canadian government to establish an independent external review of the RCMP to address how it treats women both as an employer and service provider.

In an emailed statement to CBC News, an RCMP spokesperson said the force is aware of the report.

"The RCMP is subject to review by a number of external review bodies," the statement continued.

"As we've demonstrated in the past on a variety of subjects, we welcome any examination that could improve our operations. While acknowledging there remains much to do, the RCMP has been active in implementing change."

The report was submitted to federal Public Safety Minister Marco Mendicino and Women and Gender Equality and Youth Minister Marci Ien.

In an emailed statement, the minister of Public Safety wrote "There is absolutely no place for misogyny, harassment or violence within the RCMP or in Canadian society."

"For too long, there has been a culture within the RCMP that is permissive of systemic inequities and has led to misogyny, discrimination, harassment and workplace violence."

The statement said the ministry is implementing reforms by creating the Independent Centre for Harassment Resolution, strengthening oversight of the RCMP's Management Advisory Board and ensuring that the RCMP's workforce is more reflective of the diversity of the country.

The ministry of Women and Gender Equality and Youth has not yet responded to a request for comment.

Land defenders 'vilified'


Palmater said a culture of misogyny and racism in the RCMP was made evident by former Supreme Court Justice Michel Bastarache's 2020 findings in his report on the implementation of the Merlo-Davidson Settlement, on the sexual harassment of RCMP employees.

"If female RCMP officers are not safe from sexual assaults by male officers, it should be no surprise that marginalized Indigenous women and girls are not safe either," said Palmater.

The study also cites other reports, including the final report of the national inquiry into missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls, as evidence of the RCMP's failure to prevent violence against Indigenous women and girls, and failure to thoroughly investigate their disappearances and deaths.

It also says Indigenous land defenders, many of whom are women, are "vilified, surveilled, criminalized, and subjected to violence by the RCMP" by being arrested and forcibly removed from their territories.

"These acts and failures violate women's right to equality and non-discrimination," said Shelagh Day, the chair of FAFIA's human rights committee.

"Canada cannot have a credible national action plan on violence against women or a credible national action plan on missing and murdered Indigenous women and girls until the culture of misogyny and racism in the RCMP is rooted out."

"The systemic issues that this report raises, as well as the many instances, sadly of and horrifically of discrimination, are echoed in a number of institutions right now in this country, military, prisons, as well as within the police," said Sen. Kim Pate at the news conference.

"While there has been a lot of effort to try and address these issues, we see the very real need for the kinds of calls for accountability and oversight that FAFIA has brought forward."
Emails reveal how the RCMP changed its story about arresting journalists in Wet'suwet'en ra


The Canadian Press
Updated May 9, 2022:

 This article was updated to clarify that filmmaker Michael Toledano was restrained with handcuffs after being detained by RCMP on Nov. 19, 2021. He was not initially restrained with zip ties. But he told The Narwhal that police added zip ties to reinforce the restraints after a key broke off in the handcuffs.

  LONG READ

As police helicopters moved into unceded Wet’suwet’en territory and dropped off armed tactical officers accompanied by police dogs on Nov. 19, 2021, photojournalist Amber Bracken was reporting live updates.

She was inside a tiny house occupied by Indigenous land defenders and their allies.

Since December 2018, Bracken had taken on multiple assignments covering the unfolding conflict over Indigenous Rights and the 670-kilometre fracked gas Coastal GasLink pipeline proposed by Calgary-based energy giant TC Energy in British Columbia. The B.C. government has authorized construction of the pipeline without the consent of Wet’suwet’en Hereditary Chiefs but with support of elected chiefs from First Nations alongside the project’s route.

On this chilly day in November, Bracken captured images for The Narwhal and posted more than a dozen tweets detailing what was happening before someone cut off power and communications. Moments later, she and documentary filmmaker Michael Toledano would be arrested by the RCMP and restrained — Bracken restrained with zip ties and Toledano restrained with handcuffs — preventing them from being able to fully report on the major incident.

This was not the first time police in Canada arrested journalists covering Indigenous Rights issues in recent years. Journalists Karl Dockstader and Justin Brake were also arrested under similar circumstances in separate incidents.

Canadian courts have described this type of police response targeting journalists as an overreach, interfering with press freedoms and keeping the public in the dark about what really goes on during complex and dangerous police operations. They have also noted that interference with the press should especially be avoided when it relates to coverage regarding Indigenous Rights.

The RCMP has argued that it respects journalists and wants to set boundaries to ensure everyone is safe.

In the case of the November arrests, the RCMP initially alleged that Bracken and Toledano had breached a civil injunction that prohibits people from interfering with construction. One month later, Coastal GasLink said that it would no longer pursue charges against the two, but did not explain why.

Newly released emails obtained by The Narwhal provide fresh insight into how some of the highest ranking members of the RCMP viewed the work of journalists covering the conflict.

They also reveal stunning contradictions between what RCMP officers told their commissioner and members of the public versus what actually happened during the raid.

Braken and Toledano’s arrests drew international media attention and escalated an ongoing controversy over the RCMP’s efforts to restrict journalists from exercising their right to report from within injunction zones without risking arrest.

One day after the arrests, RCMP Chief Superintendent John Brewer sent off a 430-word email to RCMP Commissioner Brenda Lucki and other high-ranking federal police officials, offering his explanation for the arrests.

Brewer is the gold commander of a special British Columbia unit of the RCMP that works with fossil fuel and other natural resource companies, including TC Energy.

His email alleged that the journalists were activists and his unit, also known as the Community-Industry Response Group, or C-IRG, was about to produce the evidence.

“CIRG is preparing the package for court on Monday which will articulate the reasons for arrest and the background activities of these individuals which bring into question their impartiality and show they have been advocating and assisting the protesters,” Brewer wrote in his email.

Less than three minutes later, according to time stamps on the emails reviewed by The Narwhal, Eric Stubbs, an RCMP assistant commissioner forwarded Brewer’s message to Wayne Rideout, a senior provincial government official.

Stubbs publicly stated, in the wake of the arrests, that he was “willing to work with the media” and that the RCMP followed direction from the courts to not interfere with the work of journalists. But the language used in the emails and other evidence from the scene appear to a different story.

“Give this a read as it helps a bit on the journalist perspective and the approach taken,” Stubbs wrote in an email as he sent Brewer’s note to Rideout, the assistant deputy minister and director of police services for the B.C. Ministry of Public Safety and Solicitor General.

But the package of evidence that would supposedly show how journalists were supporting protesters never materialized.

To piece together the sequence of events, The Narwhal reviewed dozens of pages of records, released through provincial and federal access to information legislation, as well as more than an hour of video and audio recordings of the incident and dozens of affidavits filed with the B.C. Supreme Court by the RCMP last November.

Sworn affidavits signed on the same day as the emails from Brewer and Stubbs by another RCMP officer, Constable Benjamin Laurie, did not offer any claims or evidence that either Bracken or Toledano were assisting or advocating for protesters, nor did they mention any of the “background activities” of the journalists alleged by Brewer.

The affidavits instead suggested the journalists should face charges since they had not identified themselves or left when RCMP first knocked on the door of the tiny house to inform people inside they were breaching the Coastal GasLink injunction.

“I think it is a telling detail that the supposed ‘package’ that was being prepared for the court proceedings on Monday was, to the best of my knowledge, never tabled,” Brent Jolly, president of the Canadian Association of Journalists, told The Narwhal. “This fact should compel the public to think critically about all the facts presented in any case and urge the public to consider the source of any reports and any potential agendas they are attempting to advance.”

The affidavits also appeared to suggest the RCMP was well aware that Bracken and Toledano were covering unfolding events, noting police officers had tracked interactions in the region with both journalists over the years in an active criminal investigations database — PRIME-BC — even though neither journalist had committed any crime.

Bracken and Toledano were detained for days, along with more than a dozen land defenders, following the arrests. Their detainment delayed the publication of images and video footage showing how heavily armed police used a chainsaw and an axe to break down the door before pointing firearms at people inside the tiny house and arresting them.

“The idea that powerful people are maligning me behind my back is creepy,” Bracken said, when asked to comment on the contents of Brewer’s email.

“The idea that they can do this in secret, without needing to produce any evidence is a chilling comment on the state of press freedoms in Canada. I hold myself to the highest standard of ethical reporting and have not been given an opportunity to respond to these false allegations.”

Bracken has earned international acclaim for her work, which has been published in a range of publications, including The Guardian, the Toronto Star and The Globe and Mail. She recently earned international World Press Photo of the Year honours for an image she captured for The New York Times that shows a roadside commemoration of children who died at the Kamloops Indian Residential School.

Toledano’s 2019 short film, Invasion, which documents Wet’suwet’en resistance to the Coastal GasLink pipeline and the RCMP raids that year, was an official selection at Toronto’s Hot Docs Festival. He is currently working on a feature-length documentary, Yintah, for the CBC.

TC Energy publicly criticized the credibility of Bracken and Toledano, without offering any detailed evidence or explanation. In December, when the company announced it was not pursuing charges against the two journalists, it told CBC News it had “ongoing concerns with respect to the fairness and approach of these individuals.”

TC Energy declined to respond to a question from The Narwhal asking what it meant by ongoing concerns and did not address whether it had shared these views in its communications with Brewer.

The company is under pressure to complete the multibillion dollar pipeline, which has international ownership and financing, but is mired in significant cost overruns and delays that threaten its viability. It has also suffered significant losses in recent years after abandoning its Keystone XL and Energy East oil pipeline projects.

“Police simply don’t want the public to see what their ongoing seizure of Wet’suwet’en lands looks like,” Toledano said.

“Over three years of raids, police have arrested and detained journalists, removed journalists from the territory, set up media exclusion zones to entirely restrict access and even pointed a gun at multiple reporters.”

Brewer, Stubbs and other RCMP officials declined interview requests, choosing instead to respond to written questions from The Narwhal in a series of emails.

In one of those emails, The Narwhal typed up and sent a copy of Brewer’s Nov. 20 message to give them an opportunity to provide an explanation and full context.

But an RCMP spokesperson, Sergeant Chris Manseau, told The Narwhal that it would be “presumptuous” for its B.C. media relations staff and Brewer to comment on the email he sent, since they hadn’t seen the original, just The Narwhal's reiteration of it.

Manseau said that copying and pasting email contents is not the same as having the email itself, but he declined to elaborate on what additional details they would need to provide a comment about the remarks about the journalists, made in the email.

He also claimed that Brewer himself did not have a copy of his own email.

The email records obtained by The Narwhal also indicate that Brewer sent a copy of the email to himself.

The Narwhal asked the RCMP in a followup email if anyone had verified whether Commissioner Lucki and other high-ranking officers who received the email from Brewer in November had read it or could comment on it. The Narwhal also asked the RCMP whether the email was deleted.

The RCMP did not respond to these questions, explaining in a new email they had “provided everything we can with respect to this request.”

A free press is protected under Canada’s Constitution. Recent Canadian court rulings confirmed that civil injunctions restricting the movement of people or demonstrations in Canada do not apply to journalists who are covering these types of events — as long as the journalists are not interfering with the work of the police. If there are cases where police need to restrict access to journalists, the courts have said police need to minimize that action and avoid arresting journalists based on an officer's assumption that charges could later be dropped in court.

At that point, it’s too late, since the damage to press freedom would already be done, according to the recent rulings.

This standard was spelled out in a 2019 ruling by the Newfoundland and Labrador Court of Appeal regarding charges against journalist Justin Brake, who was reporting for The Independent, a publication based in the Atlantic province. Brake was covering opponents of a hydroelectric project at Muskrat Falls, including Innu and Inuit land defenders. The court noted in the ruling that it was “vital” to protect a free press, particularly for coverage of Indigenous land issues since Indigenous people have traditionally been underrepresented in Canadian media.

Last summer, B.C. Supreme Court Justice Douglas Thompson reinforced the standard by directing police to stop interfering with journalists without a valid reason. In his ruling regarding police action at old-growth logging protests, Thompson said there were “substantial and serious” examples of RCMP “interference with liberties of members of the public and members of the media.” He also said there were “unlawful actions” by the Mounties during those protests in the Fairy Creek watershed in Pacheedaht territory and in the neighbouring territory of Ditidaht First Nation. At this location, another private company — Teal Cedar Products Ltd. — has obtained an injunction against opponents seeking to disrupt its commercial activities on Vancouver Island.

At Fairy Creek, the RCMP and Canadian government officials used arguments that are similar to what the RCMP is now saying justifies its arrests of Bracken and Toledano — namely that the presence of the journalists as well as protesters claiming to be journalists was putting others in danger.

Justice Thompson noted the RCMP failed to produce credible evidence to support these claims at Fairy Creek. He also expressed his disappointment that the force submitted an inaccurate example of a journalist allegedly assisting protesters that was proven to be false, thanks to a recording captured by this journalist.

“It is fortunate that the journalist recorded the interaction with police that led to the allegation,” Thompson wrote in the ruling. “It is most unfortunate that the allegation was made.”

The injunction at Fairy Creek was later overturned, before being reinstated a few months later. However, neither ruling affected Thompson's findings regarding media access.

In his Nov. 20 email to Commissioner Lucki and other top RCMP management, Brewer wrote that his unit was following standards to identify journalists, as described in the Newfoundland and Labrador court ruling regarding Justin Brake.

Brewer also claimed, through an email sent to The Narwhal by an RCMP spokesperson, that he could say “with certainty” that “every police officer was briefed on the Brake decision prior to commencing enforcement.”

Audio recordings captured in the moments following Bracken’s arrest suggest otherwise.

One officer told Bracken: “If you are accredited media, we will deal with that. But everybody’s been arrested here for breach of that civil injunction. You had the option to leave and should have left. If you’re any credible media person, they would have left. I’ve dealt with hundreds, thousands of media people in my service, okay?”

Bracken later asked a second officer whether he knew about the case, to which he responded: “Am I aware of the ruling? No. Want to explain it to me?”

Bracken explained how Brake, whose first name she misstated as "Jason," not Justin, had followed a group of land defenders protesting the hydroelectric project. She told The Narwhal she may have misstated Brake's first name due to the stress of being arrested.

But she went on to explain to the officer how the court ruled that journalists could be present in such circumstances and not face arrest as long as they were not directly participating.

A third officer then appeared to respond by saying it would be “up to the judge to decide” her fate. Asked whether he was aware of the Brake case, he said. “I’m not aware of that.”

Brewer later said, through an RCMP spokesperson’s email, that he had “no knowledge” of these interactions between Bracken and the officers.

The RCMP told The Narwhal in its written responses that it arrested the journalists for staying inside the tiny house to capture images and video footage after police informed the pipeline opponents they were violating the injunction and asked them to leave. The RCMP declined to provide further details about how the presence of journalists was interfering with the operation.

But their explanations for the arrests also appeared to shift in response to questions from The Narwhal.

Carol Linnitt, The Narwhal's executive editor, notified the RCMP in advance of Bracken's reporting trip and that she was assigned to be on site.

The RCMP confirmed they were aware of the assignment but noted they had urged Bracken to identify herself at the first available opportunity.

“Given the dynamic nature of the incident, it would not be appropriate for the officer to debate with arrested persons,” said one response written by RCMP media relations on April 25 in response to a question sent to Brewer.

“I would add that the Brake decision allows a reporter to be there to report however they are required to identify themselves, and cannot participate in the protest. In this instance, there were repeated opportunities for those inside the structure to identify themselves and leave, only upon arrest did they identify themselves as media.”

Contrary to the RCMP’s claims, the Brake decision does not actually specify how or when a journalist is required to identify themselves. Instead, it states that someone performing journalist duties such as taking notes, capturing images, reporting, live-blogging or broadcasting should not be arrested, as long as they aren’t actively participating in a protest or interfering with police operations.

When asked about this, the RCMP offered a new explanation.

“The journalists were not arrested simply because they did not identify themselves, but because they, along with everyone in those structures, were given the option to exit and leave or face arrest,” wrote Sgt. Manseau in an email on April 29.

The RCMP spokesperson then appeared to question the relevance of the court decision’s definition of a journalist, and contradict previous statements that its officers were following the court’s standard.

“Your question about whether we consider the journalists to be assisting or advocating for other people on site is irrelevant to their arrest,” Manseau wrote.

The RCMP also said that it would have allowed Bracken and Toledano to continue documenting the arrests if they had left the tiny house at the first opportunity, although it was not clear whether the journalists would have been allowed to stay close enough to observe and record the interactions.

Bracken has covered other arrests of Coastal GasLink opponents, and said the RCMP did not allow journalists to get close enough to adequately observe the operations. She said that in previous years, the RCMP set up exclusion zones that prevented media from accessing locations where arrests were taking place.

Bracken said that she didn’t speak up during communications between RCMP outside the structure and land defenders inside, in order to avoid influencing the events, as per ethical standards and guidelines that require journalists to avoid interfering.

She added the tiny house was surrounded by heavily armed police — opening the door was not an option and climbing out the window did not feel safe.

In addition to The Narwhal giving prior notice about Bracken's assignment, the photojournalist was wearing identification badges to identify herself as a member of the press.

Brewer, who used quotation marks when referring to Bracken and Toledano as “journalists” in his email, also summarized the incident using language that was similar to a federal government briefing note about the arrests of journalists, prepared for Public Safety Minister Marco Mendicino a few days later and dated Nov. 25, 2021. Both his email and the briefing note mentioned derogatory comments in response to police.

Video footage released by Toledano shows that neither he nor Bracken interfered with or insulted police officers in any way. The footage also shows that pipeline opponents asked police if they had search or arrest warrants and were told RCMP would be seeking those.

When asked why Brewer included the statement about derogatory comments in an email that described the arrests of journalists, the RCMP declined to say, suggesting they had not made “any assumptions” about who made the remarks.

Brewer’s unit and other federal surveillance projects monitoring the activities of Indigenous groups have prompted numerous public complaints and investigations over the years. Critics of the force have alleged that the RCMP is too cozy with energy companies and is being used as a private security force for the industry.

The RCMP told The Narwhal that it engages with all stakeholders when needing to discuss issues, and does so in-person, over the phone or virtually, depending on availability.

But questions remain about whether the RCMP is transparent about all of these interactions.

Through Canada's Access to Information Act, The Narwhal requested all correspondence between Brewer’s unit and TC Energy/Coastal GasLink from November. But the RCMP failed to locate a letter dated Nov. 2 that was sent by TC Energy to Brewer and Commissioner Lucki. Instead, The Narwhal obtained uncensored versions of the internal emails about the journalists and the correspondence with the pipeline company through a separate freedom of information request filed under provincial legislation to the B.C. ministry responsible for public safety.

The private correspondence revealed how TC Energy pressured Brewer and the RCMP commissioner in early November to crack down on opponents seeking to thwart construction of the Coastal GasLink project. The pipeline company also criticized the RCMP in the letter for not doing enough to enforce an injunction and stop “blockaders.”

In another email released to The Narwhal, Brewer told RCMP colleagues in November that someone from Coastal GasLink had told him that the “mood” at a work camp was deteriorating due to the actions of pipeline opponents.

An analyst working on the request told The Narwhal she asked Brewer about it in an email in February and a few times after that about whether he had additional records of his correspondence with TC Energy. But two months later, the access to information office of the RCMP said Brewer had still not responded to their requests to locate any files.

In addition, the RCMP censored another email sent by Brewer that described his communications with TC Energy and the unfolding situation on Wet'suwet'en territory, prior to releasing it through access to information legislation.

The B.C. government released an uncensored version of this email under the provincial freedom of information legislation.

The federal transparency law states that federal officials must release their records upon request to any Canadian who pays a $5 fee, unless there is a valid reason to refuse. Anyone who intentionally obstructs someone’s right of access to government records can face up to two years in prison and fines of up to $10,000, but police rarely investigate alleged violations.

Federal information commissioners have twice called out the RCMP over the past decade for failing to respect access to information legislation.

Most recently, the RCMP acknowledged that it was having “challenges” fulfilling its obligations under the legislation, Global News reported after the latest investigation by the information watchdog in November 2020.

When asked about its heavy censorship of correspondence related to the November arrests that were released without redactions by the B.C. government, and its failure to locate the TC Energy letter, the RCMP said it prioritized access to information requests and was complying with the law. An RCMP spokesperson also sent a written response on behalf of Brewer, stating that he was respecting the transparency law.

Matt Simmons, Local Journalism Initiative Reporter, The Narwhal
'Insidious' Quebec Bill 96 Threatens Indigenous Children's Future, Kahnawake Mohawk Leaders Say

Sofia Misenheimer - Yesterday 
mtlblog



The Mohawk Council of Kahnawake has joined forces with school and community groups to express outrage at the Quebec government's push for new French-language legislation. A community meeting on Monday evening will determine what action the Longhouse takes in response to Bill 96. The new law would force Indigenous students to take an increasing number of French courses within the next two years and be tested for proficiency at the same level as native speakers.


© Provided by mtlblog

"Our children are now expected to be fluent in three languages? We already have students who are struggling in CEGEP and that's without the new language regulations. We're concerned that the futures of many of our kids will be closed off," Joe Delaronde, spokesperson for the Mohawk Band Council in Kahnawake, told MTL Blog.

English is the community's primary language, along with traditional Mohawk language Kanien'kéha. But Bill 96 "gives the French language more importance over other rights recognized in provincial legislation," he said.

Many in the community are frustrated that the law oversteps Kahnawake's sovereignty, especially when it is already in the process of trying to revive its traditional language.

"This law has insidious intent… While we usually remain 'in our canoe' about matters of outside governments' laws, Kahnawake cannot sit idly by as the rights of our people are threatened," said Grand Chief Kahsennenhawe Sky-Deer in a statement.

Indigenous leaders have reached out to the Quebec government to address the issue but have been largely dismissed.

"Education Minister Jolin-Barrette and his government have clearly chosen paternalistic rhetoric over the academic success of our children, and have refused to revoke assimilationist charter provisions maintained in Bill 96. Our students are the innocent victims of legislation that compromises the languages, cultures, and traditions of First Nations in Quebec,” said Denis Gros-Louis, Director General of the First Nations Education Council (FNEC) in a press release.

"By imposing French proficiency requirements and regulations equivalent to those applied to native French speakers, [Jolin-Barrette] is preventing First Nations students from furthering their education and jeopardizing their future."

The education group said Bill 96 not only ignores the rights of First Nations children but undermines Indigenous languages and school systems.

"The Quebec government can't put themselves in a bubble and say that they consulted with us. They did not consult. There needs to be real, meaningful dialogue or it could problematic," said Delaronde.

"That's not a threat. When people are upset they will say and do things that are unpleasant."

He said the government's lack of response to calls from the community is reminiscent of systemic racism.

"The government refuses to accept that it exists. They need to open their eyes and open their ears, engage properly, and look for ways to address this serious problem," he said.

The Mohawk Band Council plans to take political action, but he said the final decision of what course to take will come down to community members.

"English-speaking Indigenous people in Quebec are at a great disadvantage here and the government should make some exceptions to the law immediately that will calm the waters and allow us to move forward with dialogue on other issues," said Delaronde.

"It's very doable, but if they want to put their foot down it could be problematic," he said.

A community meeting about Bill 96 is scheduled at the Knights of Columbus Hall in Kahnawake on Monday evening at 7 p.m.
Mandryk: Politicians must apply lessons learned from Red Dress Day

Murray Mandryk - Saturday, May 7,2022


© Provided by Leader Post
Tiffany Witchekan tells reporters at the legislature the story of her sister, Ally Moosehunter who was recently killed.

First Nations, Metis and North Affairs Minister Don McMorris uttered a truism Thursday not heard often enough in the Saskatchewan legislative chamber where its inhabitants aren’t always that self-aware.

“I really believe that the solutions are not on these benches, but are in the communities where this is taking place,” McMorris said during a special legislative debate on missing and murdered Indigenous women, girls and two-spirit people (MMIWG2S).

It’s important for politicians to recognize there are issues that can be addressed — at least, in a superficial Band-aid way — by tweaking a law or a government policy here and there or by throwing a few dollars at the problem at budget time.

But politicians don’t often get there are issues like the MMIWG2S reality that require much, much more than new laws, policies or a little money.

The solutions are surely there within the communities, but they will only be found respectfully by listening to those still living in communities where tragedies have happened and, sadly, are still happening.

Countless stories like the one Tiffany Witchekan told of her sister Ally Moosehunter outside the legislature’s chamber Thursday are just too damn important to be drowned out by the usual glibness and political noise.

“She was a person. She was my person,” a tearful Witchekan told reporters of her sister who she doesn’t want to become a fraction of the big statistic that gets tossed out once a year on Red Dress Day when the rest of us finally get around to thinking about MMIWG2S.

“She didn’t deserve this and I don’t want it to be just swept under the rug, so I’m still fighting for justice.”

Of all the statements uttered within the tyndall-stone confines of the marble palace Thursday, the most important ones came from Red Dress Day guests like Witchekan, who simply reminded us those missing or murdered and their families deserve justice. Law-making politicians, police, courts and the rest of us need to listen to them.

Justice for past MMIWG2S victims is the key that unlocks the door to future peace and security for surviving loved ones. They are owed at least that.

Witchekan did not find justice for her sister at the legislature Thursday. That will hopefully be found in the court process that now sees her sister’s ex-partner stand trial for second-degree murder.

But for a welcome change, the legislature on Thursday was at least paying some attention to MMIWG2S stories. From this rare foray into listening to Indigenous concerns, the assembly unanimously adopted five articles in a declaration from the Federation of Sovereign Indigenous Nations (FSIN) on how best to address MMIWG2S.

Included in those five articles were calls for all levels of government to “take responsibility and action to address the disproportionate victimization of Indigenous women and girls,” greater opportunity for Indigenous women to “participate at all levels of governance,” “access to safe and accessible child care, education, health” and other life essentials free from “racism, sexual innuendo, harassment, or assault.”

“There is really nothing in here that a person could disagree with. All five articles are extremely important,” McMorris further noted in his address. This, too, was important.

Both McMorris and Justice Minister Gord Wyant focussed their remarks on programs and policies already enacted. It’s important for the Indigenous and non-Indigenous communities to know that in the $233 million in the 2022-23 budget allotted for First Nations and Metis issues, there was $800,000 for community-led initiatives and $400,000 directly for MMIGW issues.

More importantly, however, Wyant and McMorris both acknowledged more needs to be done.

Other truisms uttered Thursday were even more important.

“We need representation inside this house,” said NDP Indigenous issues critic Betty Nippi-Albright. “Women who have their families missing are not at those tables.”

Some of Thursday’s MMIWG2S truisms had political overtones. They weren’t always comfortable or pleasant.

But that’s the nature of truisms. Right now, we need to hear all of them.

• Murray Mandryk is the political columnist for the Regina Leader-Post and the Saskatoon StarPhoenix.

Monday, May 09, 2022

Thirty years after Westray disaster, families say justice still rare in worker deaths

NEW GLASGOW, N.S. — Family members who lost loved ones in the Westray coal mining disaster in Nova Scotia marked the 30th anniversary Monday, while continuing their calls for more criminal prosecutions of workplace deaths.


© Provided by The Canadian Press


Thirty years after Westray disaster, families say justice still rare in worker deaths

Genesta Halloran-Peters, who was scheduled to speak at a memorial gathering Monday evening, says the loss of her husband, John Halloran, had a huge impact on the direction of her life and the lives of their two children.

"My daughter was 11 weeks old and my son was 22 months old at the time," she said in a recent interview from Antigonish, N.S. "My children were so deprived of John's wisdom, his love and support. Every special occasion his absence was felt.

"I think it would have been easier to deal with if it wasn't preventable," she said. "It was production at all costs; it was pure intimidation (of the workers)."

Halloran was one of 26 miners who died on May 9, 1992, when a methane and coal-dust explosion ripped through the shafts in Plymouth, N.S. Eleven miners' bodies were never recovered from a shaft, located near the memorial site in New Glasgow, N.S.

Halloran-Peters and Debbie Martin, the sister-in-law of miner Glenn Martin, who died in the blast, said the Criminal Code amendments brought in through Bill C-45 — referred to as the Westray law — should be applied more often. They say more training is required for police officers on how to investigate and provide evidence for potential prosecutions.

The amendments allow for criminal negligence convictions when the Crown can demonstrate that an employer was responsible for directing a worker and also showed "wanton or reckless" disregard for that worker's safety.

However, Martin said the amendments haven't resulted in many successful cases since the legislation was adopted in 2004. "It (the Westray law) is not being pushed enough. There's not enough enforcement. There's not enough training," she said in a recent interview.

The United Steelworkers recently published a legal brief saying that to date, there have only been nine convictions or guilty pleas across the country — and no convictions in Nova Scotia.




Meanwhile, the Steelworkers note that about 900 to 1,000 workers die of work-related causes each year in Canada, across all sectors of the economy. Thousands of other deaths from occupational disease go unrecognized, the Steelworkers said.

The union's national campaign, "Stop the Killing, Enforce the Law," is calling for increased training for law enforcement and Crown prosecutors in using the Westray law. The union is also calling for the appointment of dedicated police officers and prosecutors to investigate and prosecute workplace fatalities when gross negligence is involved.

Alex Keaveny, the workplace safety prosecutor in Nova Scotia, prosecuted the province's first charges under the Westray law, against the owner of an auto shop where a worker died in 2013 while using a welding torch to remove a gas tank.

However, the owner — who was later fined for workplace safety violations — was acquitted of criminal negligence charges in 2019.

Keaveny said in a recent interview that the test of "wanton and reckless" disregard for the safety of workers is a difficult one to meet.

"The test for criminal negligence is quite a stringent one and often the evidence to show that higher degree of negligence is hard to marshal … as in many of these circumstances the main witness is deceased," he said.

Steven Bittle, a professor of criminology at the University of Ottawa, said a federal government review and redrafting of the Westray law is needed to ensure it achieves its original aims of holding company officers accountable for worker deaths.

"It was promised as something that would fundamentally change corporate criminal liability and would hold people accountable, and by any standards it just hasn't come close to achieving those goals," said Bittle, who also is the author of "Still Dying for a Living," published in 2012.

In most cases where companies were either convicted or pleaded guilty as a result of the Westray amendments, large fines have been imposed, rather than "flesh and blood" executives and owners being held accountable, Bittle said.

"It's not achieving much in terms of deterrent, except in cases where it's a small company that is owner-operated," he said. "For large companies, it's merely the cost of business to pay a fine and go on doing business afterwards."

According to the United Steelworkers, of the nine successful prosecutions to date, there have been seven convictions of corporations, with fines imposed. Two individuals were convicted: a construction project manager in Ontario was sentenced to three and a half years, and the owner of a Quebec landscape company was sentenced to two years served in the community.

Halloran-Peters also said she's come to believe the law has to be rewritten to make it easier to prosecute companies for criminal negligence. "Is it well worded? Is there a loophole that allows people to get out of it (prosecution)? I don't want any ambiguity in that law," she said.

Meanwhile, Halloran-Peters said she still finds great comfort in attending the memorial services alongside other family members of victims.

"I find peace going to the memorial because I realize I never was alone in my grief," she said. "I never was alone in my fight for justice. I never was alone in dealing with the circumstances that came with this."

This report by The Canadian Press was first published May 9, 2022.

Michael Tutton, The Canadian Press

Research shows grizzly bears and wolves avoid towns, trails in Alberta's Bow Valley

Provided by The Canadian Press


A study that looked at data on the movement of grizzly bears and wolves in Alberta's Bow Valley shows the animals avoid towns and developed areas when lots of people are around.

Research published last month in the journal Movement Ecology analyzed two decades of global-positioning information from 34 grizzly bears and 33 wolves. The animals had been fitted with collars in and around Banff National Park west of Calgary.

"We wanted to really understand how grizzly bears and wolves were using the landscape and responding to our activities both inside and outside the national parks," Jesse Whittington, a Banff park wildlife ecologist who was the study's lead author, said in an interview.

The data, he said, included 156,000 GPS locations collected in an area that spanned about 17,000 square kilometres.

Researchers found that grizzly bears and wolves responded differently to people depending on whether it was day or night and how close they were to developed areas.

"One of the striking things from our paper is the strategies wolves and grizzly bears use to avoid encountering people," said Whittington. "As they travel through the landscape, if they have a choice, they will try to avoid encountering us."

Whittington said that means the animals zip through towns and any spots with a lot of people.

"The sites they select for feeding and resting, which are absolutely essential for their survival ... are far from towns and have very low human use," he said.

"When we have busy landscapes like the Bow Valley, we need to make sure they provide secure, high-quality habitat that has minimal human disturbance."

Mark Hebblewhite, a wildlife biology professor at the University of Montana and a study co-author, said the results are important.

"Development in the Bow Valley has been a multi-decade conservation challenge for both Parks Canada and also Alberta Environment and Canmore," he said.

The study, he said, was partly prompted by a debate in the town of Canmore, which borders Banff National Park, about whether to allow more development on its eastern edge.


"That development has the potential to reshape not only Canmore, but also ecological integrity in the entire region, including Banff National Park," said Hebblewhite.

A draft of the study was submitted to the town last year during hearings for two proposed projects, which would have almost doubled the population in the coming decades.

The proposals, which included about 80 per cent of Canmore's remaining developable land, were both rejected by town council. They are now before the courts after the developer sued the town.


Experts who presented at the hearings said the plan to provide homes for up to another 14,500 residents and tourists would have added more pressure to an already busy valley.

Hebblewhite said he and the other researchers wanted to broaden the environmental debate.

"Our goal in this analysis was to try to provide greater context about the effects of that development and other developments in general," he said. "Large carnivores, which are a flagship species, are just an indicator for all other types of species."

He noted that the Bow Valley has already lost 80 to 85 per cent of its best wildlife habitat, and the developments that were proposed in Canmore would have increased that by another three per cent.

"Somebody might say, 'Three per cent, that's no big deal,'" he said. "But that's moving the needle from 85 per cent disturbed and lost habitat to 88 per cent.

"That's, in my mind, significant because it puts the debate over this property or that property in a valley-wide context."

It's getting to the point where animals won't be able to make it through the Bow Valley, a key corridor used by animals to move around in the Rocky Mountains, Hebblewhite said.

The research has even larger implications, he added.

"One of the main challenges to national parks — not just in Canada, not just in Banff, but around the world — is exactly what's happening in Canmore: exploding and burgeoning development on a border of a park. Because why? Everybody wants to live there," he said.

"Without some sort of a co-ordinated federal, provincial plan, the very same thing that attracts everybody to live there will lead it to being loved to death."

This report by The Canadian Press was first published May9, 2022.

Colette Derworiz, The Canadian Press

ALBERTA
Anti-Safe Supply Report Panned by Critics

More than 50 research scientists, doctors and people who use drugs say the conclusions of a report on safe supply commissioned by an Alberta legislative committee are unsupported and “potentially dangerous” to people who use drugs.

The report, “Public Supply of Addicted Drugs: A Rapid Review,” by four researchers affiliated with Simon Fraser University, concludes there are no documented benefits of safe supply, a harm reduction strategy that separates people from an increasingly poisoned and unpredictable drug supply by providing regulated, pharmaceutical-grade dosages of typically criminalized substances.

It was commissioned and paid for by a controversial Alberta legislative committee examining safe supply. The four NDP members resigned in February saying the process was a sham designed to support the United Conservative Party’s anti-harm reduction agenda.


In an open letter to the Alberta panel Monday, 53 experts from across B.C., Alberta and Ontario warned the report is deeply flawed and should not be used to inform the panel’s recommendations.

The report fails to acknowledge evidence documenting the beneficial impacts of safe supply and prematurely discounts its life-saving potential, they wrote.

It is also “critically low-quality,” according to a standardized research assessment they conducted, the letter said.

“Clearly, accepting the status quo is not acceptable, and we must explore novel interventions with potential to save lives,” reads the letter, published by the BC Centre on Substance Use.

“Safer supply is one such intervention, and until we have high quality outcome data from safer supply evaluations, reports such as the one discussed herein are unhelpful and potentially dangerous.”

And another Monday letter from the Canadian Association of People Who Use Drugs expressed deep concerns that the perspectives and expertise of drug users was ignored by the report.

“As the people most affected by the current contaminated drug supply, we were disappointed to see this offensive and flawed report come from researchers working at a Canadian university, and request that you give no serious consideration to it when deliberating safe supply policy,” wrote association executive director Natasha Touesnard to the Alberta panel.

“We are the true experts, who live by the philosophy ‘Nothing about us without us.’”

More Albertans died of toxic drugs in 2021 than in any year on record, with 1,758 deaths. For the first time, that’s more per capita deaths than B.C., where 2,232 people died of toxic drug poisonings.

Alberta’s United Conservative Party government, which has fought a number of harm reduction efforts since taking power in 2019, convened a panel of legislators to examine the possibility of implementing safe supply in December.

A number of research and advocacy organizations, including the BC Centre on Substance Use and Moms Stop the Harm, have withdrawn from the chance to present to the panel for fear of legitimizing what they say is a biased process.

Four researchers at Simon Fraser University’s Centre for Applied Research in Mental Health and Addiction — Julian Somers, Dr. Paul Sobey, Dr. Akm Moniruzzaman and Stefanie Rezansoff — were commissioned by the safe supply panel to report key evidence on the efficacy of safe supply. Their report, published last month, is not peer-reviewed.

The report’s authors concluded there is “no evidence demonstrating benefits” of safe supply.

Experts, including B.C. provincial health officers, chief coroner and drug user advocacy groups, have repeatedly called for safe supply to prevent deaths while other supports are increased and issues like criminalization, poverty, racism, poor housing and stigma are addressed.

The two letters released Monday say the report’s authors ignored evaluations of safe supply that have taken place in Canada and reach conclusions “not based on scientific evidence.”

They also point out several false claims made about the nature and definition of safe supply made in the report.

“While they do not cite any evidence demonstrating that safer supply interventions are ineffective or harmful, the report’s authors still claim that this is a dangerous and unethical form of intervention with immense potential for harm,” read the BC Centre on Substance Use letter. “They write that the provision of safer supply will be ‘associated with highly probable adverse effects,’ but fail to cite empirical work to support this claim.”

The politicization of research on substance has been seen time and time again, centre research director Thomas Kerr said in an interview, including in a controversial and widely-criticized report on supervised consumption sites ordered by the Alberta government in 2019.

“The authors may have done good science in the past… but the report just doesn’t hold up,” said Kerr, who co-ordinated the letter.

“When we see what we’ve been doing hasn’t been working enough, usually that motivates us to try something new and innovative. But you don’t pronounce an intervention a failure before an evaluation is complete.”

In an emailed statement to The Tyee, Somers characterized support for safe supply as “providing addictive drugs without reservation,” and said he and co-authors were more concerned with “evidence-based interventions that address root causes of addiction.”

“We’ve had little time to examine the letter but are enthused that our review has elicited such an impassioned reaction from Canada’s ‘harm reduction’ establishment,” he wrote.

The BC Coroners Service has consistently reported that the majority of people dying are not addicted and the current safe supply options are not contributing to deaths in B.C.

The unprecedented toxicity of the supply is killing people no matter how frequently they use, and is not an addiction crisis, a recent death review panel convened by the chief coroner found.

Kerr hopes the Alberta panel, which has extended its review process, will take the extra time to reflect on the growing and promising evidence in support of safe supply.

Safe supply needs to be in place to allow further evaluation, he said. “It could save a lot of lives, but we need to find that out.”

Moira Wyton, Local Journalism Initiative Reporter, The Tyee
Training, Weapons, Intel: The US Military's Slow Slide Toward Confrontation with Russia over Ukraine




Travis Tritten
Fri, May 6, 2022

In early March, defense officials avoided even confirming the first Stinger missiles were being sent to Ukraine amid concerns of escalating the conflict as Russian troops marched toward Kyiv, and defense analysts counted the days until Russian President Vladimir Putin would likely control the government of his next-door neighbor.

But over the last two months, as Ukraine has made a stand and fought back against the invasion, the aid has ballooned to billions of dollars' worth of helicopters, armored vehicles, newly developed drones and artillery.

Reports this week that U.S. intelligence had helped Ukraine sink a Russian warship and kill Russian generals on the battlefield were the latest signs of what appears to be the Pentagon's slow, steady march to deeper involvement in the European war.

The Pentagon has now moved to releasing itemized lists of the thousands of weapons, ammunition and hardware now being shipped to allies in Kyiv. It has also announced a new Florida National Guard mission to train Ukrainians on the howitzers and radar systems in Germany, creating a rotating pipeline of skilled troops to fight the Russians.

The use of U.S. intel in the sinking of the ship Moskva by Ukrainian missiles and Russia's stunning loss of about a dozen generals in the war was not publicly acknowledged by the Pentagon, despite reports by multiple news outlets. Still, it was met with an acknowledgment that the military is sharing vital battlefield intelligence with Ukraine.

"We try to provide them useful and relevant, timely intelligence so that they can better defend themselves," Pentagon spokesman John Kirby said Friday. "But ultimately, they make the decision about what they're going to do with that information."

The loss of the Moskva, the flagship of Russia's Black Sea fleet, and the loss of generals have been an international embarrassment for Moscow, if not strategic victories that have shifted momentum to Ukraine.

The changing U.S. involvement is at least partly due to the changing nature of the war, which began Feb. 24 when Putin invaded Ukraine. Early in the conflict, the Ukrainians were seen as underdogs, but Putin's forces floundered, and the U.S. and the West became bolder in their assistance to Kyiv.

The war has now shifted to the eastern Donbas, a flat region where artillery will play a key role in the fight as it stretches into its third month. Ukrainian requests for armor and larger weapons have been granted.

The Pentagon has been authorized to send about $4 billion in security assistance to Ukraine since the start of the war, with the bulk of that coming over the past month. In mid-April, President Joe Biden ordered the first 18 of the M777 howitzers and 40,000 rounds be sent to Ukraine. The announcement detailed 1,400 Stinger and 5,500 Javelin shoulder-fired missiles, as well as 22 other categories of weapons and battlefield supplies, including armored personnel carriers, helicopters, radars and drones.

Another 72 howitzers and 144,000 rounds, as well as vehicles to tow the cannons, were authorized by Biden on April 21 -- a massive increase from the first tranche. The president is now requesting Congress approve a $33 billion aid package for Ukraine, with $16 billion of that directed to the Pentagon.

On Friday, the White House announced yet another package of "artillery munitions, radars, and other equipment." The new aid amounted to $100 million, according to Reuters.

In addition to the massive uptick in weapons headed to Ukraine, the Pentagon announced that U.S. troops would start training the Ukrainians on the equipment. A Florida National Guard unit recently pulled from Ukraine in the lead-up to Russia's invasion had never left the continent and is now heading up that mission, it said last week.

The 160 Guard troops assigned to the 53rd Infantry Brigade Combat Team, known as Florida's "Gator Brigade," are training the Ukrainians on the M777 howitzers and radar systems in Grafenwoehr, Germany, and other sites in Europe that the Pentagon did not disclose.

So far, the Guard has trained 150 Ukrainians on the howitzers. Another 15 have completed training on AN/MPQ-64 Sentinel air surveillance radar system, and 60 on the M113 armored personnel carriers, Kirby said Friday. Another 50 are in training on the M113 now, he said.

The military's involvement in the Ukraine war has "absolutely" increased since the start, said Mark Cancian, a senior adviser at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

"I see two things going on. One of them is an increased willingness to talk about what we're doing," Cancian said. "If you're an administration being criticized for not doing enough, the inclination is to say more about what you are doing.

"But there's no question we're doing more over time," he said.

In the early days of the war, the U.S. was sending Javelins and Stinger missiles that accounted for roughly $50 million per day. By last month, that average was closer to $100 million per day, according to Cancian.

The Ukrainians had already been training on those weapons, as well as some of the other Soviet-era weapons that the West had supplied to help in its war effort. But the addition of U.S. arms, such as the M777 howitzer and the Sentinel radar system, required training, which required the expertise of the Guard.

"Each step, you can see both an increase in cost and an increase in the scope of the activity," Cancian said.

The next step in U.S. involvement is likely to be the addition of defense contractors inside Ukraine to maintain the influx of American weapons systems, which are flooding into Ukraine and may risk being sidelined without proper handling and care, Cancian said.

Biden has insisted U.S. troops will not enter Ukraine. But the administration could find a workaround by funding Ukrainian maintenance contracts with foreign companies, he said.

"All the equipment that we're giving to the Ukrainians is just too extensive to be absorbed in the short amount of time that we're giving them," Cancian said. "I think we're just asking too much, frankly, and I think what's going to happen is that, when that becomes apparent, we'll start using contractors in some way."

-- Travis Tritten can be reached at travis.tritten@military.com. Follow him on Twitter @Travis_Tritten.
Russia's Grave Miscalculation: Ukrainians Would Collaborate

Andrew E. Kramer
Sat, May 7, 2022

Steel workers wear fire protective gear toil on the maintenance of the blast furnace at the ArcelorMittal steel plant in Kryvyi Rih, Ukraine, May 5, 2022.
 (David Guttenfelder/The New York Times)

KRYVYI RIH, Ukraine — The solicitation to commit treason came to Oleksandr Vilkul on the second day of the war, in a phone call from an old colleague.

Vilkul, the scion of a powerful political family in southeastern Ukraine that was long seen as harboring pro-Russian views, took the call as Russian troops were advancing to within a few miles of his hometown, Kryvyi Rih.

“He said, ‘Oleksandr Yurivich, you are looking at the map, you see the situation is predetermined,’” Vilkul said, recalling the conversation with a fellow minister in a former, pro-Russian Ukrainian government.

“Sign an agreement of friendship, cooperation and defense with Russia and they will have good relations with you,” the former colleague said. “You will be a big person in the new Ukraine.”

The offer failed spectacularly. Once war had begun, Vilkul said, the gray area seeped out of Ukrainian politics for him. Missiles striking his hometown made the choice obvious: He would fight back.

“I responded with profanity,” Vilkul said.

If the first months of the war in Ukraine became a military debacle for the Russian army — deflating the reputations of its commanders and troops in a forced retreat from Kyiv — the Russian invasion also highlighted another glaring failure: Moscow’s flawed analysis of the politics of the country it was attacking. The miscalculation led to mistakes no less costly in lives for the Russian army than the faulty tactics of tank operators who steered into bogs.

The Kremlin entered the war expecting a quick and painless victory, predicting that the government of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy would fracture and that leading officials in the largely Russian-speaking eastern region would gladly switch sides. That has not happened.

The political myopia was most significant in the country’s east, political analysts say.

In all but a tiny number of villages, Russia failed to flip local politicians to its side. Ukrainian authorities have opened 38 cases of treason, all targeting low-level officials in individual instances of betrayal.

“Nobody wanted to be part of that thing behind the wall,” said Kostyantyn Usov, a former member of Parliament from Kryvyi Rih, referring to Russia’s isolated, authoritarian system.

He said that system had dismal appeal in Ukraine and noted the absence of widespread collaboration with Russia, including among Ukrainians who speak Russian and share the country’s cultural values.

“We are part of something bright,” he said of Ukraine. “It is here, with us, in our group. And they have nothing to offer.”

Other prominent, once Russian-leaning politicians including Ihor Terekhov, the mayor of Kharkiv, and Hennady Trukhanov, the mayor of Odesa, also remained loyal and became fierce defenders of their cities.

Along with leaders in the southeast, Ukrainian people also resisted. Street protests against occupation in Kherson continue despite lethal dangers for participants. One man stood in front of a tank. Kryvyi Rih’s miners and steelworkers have shown no signs of pivoting allegiance to Russia.

“Before the war, we had ties to Russia,” said Serhiy Zhyhalov, 36, a steel mill engineer, referring to familial, linguistic and cultural bonds. But no longer, he said. “No one has any doubts that Russia attacked us.”

Ukraine’s southeastern regions, an expanse of steppe and blighted industrial and mining cities, is now the focus of fighting in the war.

Driving south from Kyiv, the highway leaves behind the dense pine forests and reedy swamps of northern Ukraine, and the landscape opens into expansive plains. Farm fields stretch out to the horizons, in brilliant, yellow blossoming rapeseed or tilled black earth.

In many ways, the region is entwined with Soviet and Russian history. The iron and coal industries shaped southeastern Ukraine. In and around the city of Kryvyi Rih are iron ore deposits; the coal is farther east, near the city of Donetsk.

The two mineral basins, known as the Kryvbas and the Donbas, gave birth to a metallurgical industry that drew in many nationalities from around the Czarist and Soviet empires from the late 19th century onward, with Russian becoming the lingua franca in the mining towns. Villages remained mostly Ukrainian-speaking.

The region for years elected Russian-leaning politicians such as Vilkul, a favorite villain to Ukrainian nationalists for promoting Soviet-style cultural events that angered many Ukrainians. He staged, for example, a singalong party in Kryvyi Rih to belt out “Katyusha,” a Russian song associated with the Soviet World War II victory.

More substantively, Vilkul ascended in politics under the former, pro-Russian president, Viktor Yanukovych, in whose government he served as deputy prime minister until street protesters deposed Yanukovych in 2014.

Much of the rest of Yanukovych’s Cabinet fled with him to Russia. But Vilkul remained in Ukraine as a de facto political boss of Kryvyi Rih while his aging father served as the city’s mayor.

And he caught Moscow’s eye. In 2018, Vilkul said, he was told through an intermediary that “the time of chaos is over” and that he should now follow orders from Moscow if he wished to remain in politics in the southeast. He said he refused.

The Russians, he said, had not even bothered to court him, they only leveled demands. He said Moscow took the same approach to other politicians in Ukraine’s east. “They didn’t even try to convince us,” he said. “They just thought we would be, a priori, on their side.”

On the eve of the war, Vilkul was most likely the Russian-leaning politician in Ukraine with the broadest popular support. “I was alone on this level,” he said. He was also viewed by Moscow as a promising potential convert to its side when it invaded Ukraine.

That’s when the call came to Vilkul’s cellphone from Vitaly Zakharchenko, a Ukrainian in exile in Russia who had served as interior minister under Vilkul in Yanukovych’s government. He recommended Vilkul cooperate with the Russians.

“I told him to get lost,” Vilkul said. “I didn’t even consider it.”

Vilkul said he had been misunderstood — by Russia’s leadership and his nationalist opposition at home. A great-grandfather, he said, had fought White Russians in the civil war. The Vilkul family, he said, “has been fighting Russians on this land for a hundred years.”

The Kremlin, he said, had misinterpreted his respect for World War II veterans and support for rights of Russian speakers as potential support for a renewed Russian empire, something he said was a mistake. He called the Russians “classic megalomaniacs.”

“They mistook common language and values like attitudes to the Second World War and Orthodoxy as a sign that somebody loves them,” he said.

A second offer, this time presented publicly by another Ukrainian exile, Oleh Tsaryov, in a post on Telegram, came about a week later, when Russian troops had advanced to within 6 miles of the city. “My fellow party members and I have always taken a pro-Russian stance,” the post said, referring to Vilkul and his father, and added ominously that “cooperation with the Russian army means preserving the city and lives.”

Vilkul responded with an obscene post on Facebook.

On the first days of the invasion, Vilkul ordered the region’s mining companies to park heavy equipment on the runway of the city’s airport, thwarting an airborne assault, and on approach roads, slowing tank columns. The tires were then popped and engines disabled.

The city’s steel industry began to turn out tank barriers and plates for armored vests. Zelenskyy, whose hometown is Kryvyi Rih, appointed Vilkul military governor of the city on the third day of the war, though the two had been political opponents in peacetime.

Vilkul has taken to wearing fatigues and a camouflage bandanna. A parade of Ukrainian nationalists, including the leader of the Right Sector paramilitary, Dmytro Yarosh, and a prominent activist and military officer, Tetiana Chernovol, once sworn enemies of the Vilkul family, have shown up in his office to shake his hand.

“If we fight the Russians,” he said, “were we ever really pro-Russian, in essence?”

© 2022 The New York Times Company