Showing posts sorted by relevance for query DIGGERS LEVELLERS. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query DIGGERS LEVELLERS. Sort by date Show all posts

Wednesday, April 24, 2019

Diggers, Levellers and Agrarian Capitalism Radical Political Thought in 17th Century English
Geoff Kennedy



This book situates the development of radical English political thought within the context of the specific nature of agrarian capitalism and the struggles that ensued around the nature of the state during the revolutionary decade of the 1640s. In the context of the emerging conceptions of the state and property—with attendant notions of accumulation, labor, and the common good—groups such as Levellers and Diggers developed distinctive forms of radical political thought not because they were progressive, forward thinkers, but because they were the most significant challengers of the newly-constituted forms of political and economic power.

Drawing on recent re-examinations of the nature of agrarian capitalism and modernity in the early modern period, Geoff Kennedy argues that any interpretation of the political theory of this period must relate to the changing nature of social property relations and state power. The radical nature of early modern English political thought is therefore cast in terms of its oppositional relationship to these novel forms of property and state power, rather than being conceived of as a formal break from discursive conventions.

'This impressive study takes on a major challenge. Geoff Kennedy not only offers a clear and persuasive account of political ideas in their historical context, but also engages in methodological debate with other historians of political thought and explores the controversies among scholars of this much contested period in English history. He manages to interweave these different strands with commendable clarity and in accessible prose, suitable to a wide audience from specialists to students and the intelligent general reader.'
Ellen Meiksins Wood - York University, Canada"

Thursday, November 21, 2024

 

In 1649…


This is an extract from the author’s new book Power Play: The Future of Food.

In the annals of agrarian history, one particular movement has left a profound impact on the collective imagination of food sovereignty advocates. The Diggers in 17th century England were led by the visionary Gerrard Winstanley. This radical group emerged during a period of intense social and political upheaval, offering a revolutionary perspective on land ownership and food production that continues to resonate with modern struggles for (food) justice.

The Diggers, also known as the True Levellers, arose in 1649, a time when England was reeling from the aftermath of civil war. Winstanley and his followers dared to imagine a different world. The group challenged the very foundations of the emerging capitalist system and the enclosure movement that was rapidly privatising previously common lands. But Winstanley’s vision was not merely theoretical.

On 1 April 1649, the Diggers began their most famous action, occupying St. George’s Hill in Surrey, where they established a commune, cultivating the land collectively and distributing food freely to all who needed it. This act of direct action was a powerful demonstration of their philosophy in practice.

As Winstanley declared:

“The earth was made to be a common treasury for all, not a private treasury for some.”

The Diggers, true to their name, began their movement by literally digging up unused common lands and planting crops. According to Professor Justin Champion, they planted “peas and carrots and pulses” and let their cows graze on the fields.

While the Diggers saw their actions as relatively harmless (Champion compares it to having an allotment), local property owners viewed it as a serious threat, likening it to “village terrorism”, according to Champion.

The local landowners called in troops to suppress these actions. Despite their relatively small numbers and short-lived experiments, which spread across parts of England, Champion suggests that the Diggers posed a significant ideological threat to the existing social order, challenging notions of private property and social hierarchy.

Winstanley declared:

“Those that Buy and Sell Land, and are landlords, have got it either by Oppression, or Murther, or Theft”.

He added:

The Work we are going about is this, To dig up Georges-Hill and the waste Ground thereabouts, and to Sow Corn, and to eat our bread together by the sweat of our brows. And the First Reason is this, That we may work in righteousness, and lay the Foundation of making the Earth a Common Treasury for All, both Rich and Poor, That every one that is born in the land, may be fed by the Earth his Mother that brought him forth, according to the Reason that rules in the Creation.

The backlash from local landlords was systematic. The Diggers faced beatings and arson, forcing them to move from St George’s Hill to a second site in Cobham, until they were finally driven off the land entirely.

Writing in 1972 in his book The World Turned Upside Down, Christopher Hill, a prominent historian of the English Civil War period, suggested that the Diggers’ influence was more widespread than just their most famous colony at St. George’s Hill. He argued that from Nottinghamshire and Northamptonshire to Gloucestershire and Kent, Digger influence spread all over southern and central England.

While the actual number of people involved in Digger experiments was relatively small (estimated at 100-200 people across England) and ended in 1651, their ideas spread more widely through pamphlets and word of mouth.

This widespread influence, as described by Hill, suggests that the Diggers’ ideas resonated with people across a significant portion of England, even if actual Digger colonies were few in number.

The Diggers were a radical, biblically inspired movement that practically implemented their beliefs about common ownership of land, provoking strong opposition from the established landowners despite their generally peaceful methods.

The St. George’s Hill experiment represented a radical alternative to the prevailing economic and social order. It was an early example of what we might today call a food sovereignty project, emphasising local control over food production and distribution.

In today’s era of industrial agriculture and corporate food systems, the Diggers’ ideas remain highly significant. Their resistance to the enclosure of common lands in the 17th century mirrors today’s struggles against corporate land grabs — and the colonising actions that underpin the likes of Bayer’s corporate jargon about the unlocking of ‘business growth’, ‘driving change management’, ‘driving market share’ and ‘creating business value’ — as well as the privatisation of seeds and genetic resources.

The consolidation of the global agri-food chain in the hands of a few powerful corporations represents a modern form of enclosure, concentrating control over food production and distribution in ways that would have been all too familiar to Winstanley and his followers.

The Diggers’ emphasis on local, community-controlled food production offers a stark alternative to the industrial agriculture model promoted by agribusiness giants and their allies in institutions like the World Bank and the WTO. Where the dominant paradigm prioritises large-scale monocultures, global supply chains and market-driven food security, the Diggers’ vision aligns more closely with concepts of food sovereignty and agroecology.

Food sovereignty, a concept developed by the international peasant movement La Via Campesina, shares much with the Diggers’ philosophy. Both emphasise the right of communities to define their own food and agriculture systems.

The Diggers’ legacy can be seen in various contemporary movements challenging the corporate food regime. From La Via Campesina’s global struggle for peasant rights to local community garden initiatives and the work of the Agrarian Trust in the US (which provides good insight into the Diggers and their continued relevance in The Diggers Today: Enclosure, Manure and Resistance), we see echoes of the Diggers’ vision.

Modern projects to create community-owned farms, seed banks and food cooperatives can be seen as spiritual descendants of the Diggers’ movement, aiming to reclaim food production from corporate control and put it back in the hands of communities.

However, realising the Diggers’ vision in the current context faces significant obstacles.

The influence of agribusiness conglomerates over key institutions and policymaking bodies presents a formidable challenge. From the World Bank to national agriculture ministries, corporate interests often shape policies that prioritise industrial agriculture and global markets over local food systems. International trade agreements and memoranda of understanding, often negotiated with minimal public scrutiny, frequently benefit large agribusiness at the expense of small farmers and local food sovereignty.

Moreover, proponents of industrial agriculture often argue that it is the only way to feed the world. This narrative, however, ignores the environmental and social costs of this model, as well as the proven productivity of small-scale, agroecological farming methods.

The Diggers didn’t just theorise about an alternative society; they attempted to build it by taking direct action, occupying land and implementing their vision of communal agriculture.

The Diggers also understood that changing the food system required challenging broader power structures. Today’s food sovereignty movements similarly recognise the need for systemic change, addressing issues of land rights, trade policies and economic justice alongside agricultural practices.

In this era of corporate-dominated agriculture, the Diggers’ vision of a “common treasury for all” remains as radical and necessary as ever.

By reclaiming the commons, promoting agroecological practices and building food sovereignty, ordinary people can work towards a world where food is truly a common treasury for all.

The Diggers recognised that true freedom and equality could not be achieved without addressing the fundamental question of who controls the land and the means of production. This understanding is crucial in the current context, where corporate control over the food system extends from land, seeds and inputs to distribution and retail.

This vision also challenges us to rethink our relationship with the land and with each other. In a world increasingly dominated by individualism and market relations, the emphasis on communal ownership and collective labour offers a radical alternative.

The Diggers’ legacy challenges us to think beyond the confines of the prevailing food regime, to envision and create a world where food and land are not commodities to be bought and sold but common resources to be shared and stewarded for the benefit of all.

Their vision of a world where “the earth becomes a common treasury again” is not a quaint historical curiosity, but a vital and necessary alternative to the destructive practices of those who dominate the current food system.

Colin Todhunter is an independent writer. Power Play: The Future of Food is the third book in a series of open-access ebooks on the global food system by the author (Global Research, 2024). Read it on Global Research (or here). Read other articles by Colin.

Sunday, May 26, 2024

UK

The Levellers, Labour and defending democracy under threat – by Beth Winter MP

“The period saw an explosion of political discussion in inns and taverns of the growing towns. The rise of the printing press and production of political pamphlets – some of which survive – tell us much of the development of Leveller ideas through argument and discussion.”


The following article is based on a speech Beth Winter gave to the Levellers Day event at Burford on Saturday 18th May at a panel discussion on Democracy Under Threat, with Gawain Little of the GFTU and John Rees, author of The Leveller Revolution.

The theme of today’s discussion – of democracy being under threat – is as true today, as it was when the Levellers organised in the 1640s.

Just then, as now, there was a titanic struggle between two major factions, to rule the country – the Royalists and the Parliamentarians. We too today have a struggle between two great established parties of state, to rule the country – the Conservative Party and the Labour Party.

We know that that only reflects one dynamic. It is to a great extent about who holds executive power. Who occupies the offices of state. The Conservatives defeat we would welcome. Labour’s victory would be a step forward.

But we recognise too, that in either result, there are factors that limit how it affects the wider population.

Labour defeating the Conservatives does not guarantee there will be a change in the balance of class forces. It does not necessarily mean a transformative redistribution of power and wealth.

In the 1640s, the victory of the Parliamentarians over the Royalists demonstrated the forward march of society. The continued shift from a rural country governed by feudal power to the earliest beginnings of an increasingly urbanised country with developing industry.

This change that began gathered its own momentum as the early urbanised population and the beginnings of a socialised working class, in London and the other growing towns such as Norwich, Cambridge, Bristol and Newcastle, shared their ideas for progress and wanted to go further than their leaders wanted them to.

That discussion and debate was reflected within the Parliamentarian cause as it is in the Labour Party and increasingly outside that party in the wider labour and progressive movements today.

Democracy was under attack by Charles I. Today, democracy is under attack by the Conservatives.

Parliament sought to shackle Charles’ powers. But sought to do so in agreement with him. Today, Labour will challenge Conservative powers. But how much will it transform them?

In the 1640s, the Levellers, and also the True Levellers –known as the Diggers – organised amongst the rank and file of Parliament’s New Model Army.

Those like John Lilburne and Thomas Rainsborough, wished to change society a great deal more than Oliver Cromwell, or Henry Ireton did. They wanted the revolution that the civil war reflected to go further than the so-called ‘Grandees’ of the New Model Army.

The period saw an explosion of political discussion in inns and taverns of the growing towns. The rise of the printing press and production of political pamphlets – some of which survive – tell us much of the development of Leveller ideas through argument and discussion.

The pamphlet, ‘The Case of the Armie Truly stated’, which formed the basis of a later series of manifestos entitled, ‘An Agreement of the People’, was advocated by the Levellers at the Putney Debates, whilst Ireton advocated a more moderate ‘Heads of Proposals’ that sought accommodation with the king.

Some of those demands in key Leveller texts set out the basic tenets of a modern democratic process.

Extending suffrage and the right to stand for election to all ‘freeborn’ men, was set out as, “all men of the age of one and twenty veers and upwards (not being servants, or receiving alms, or having served in the late King in Arms or voluntary Contributions) shall have their voices; and be capable of being elected to that Supreme Trust”.

An end to political corruption and excessive high pay, described as, “to the end all publick Officers may be certainly accountable, and no Factions made to maintain corrupt Interests”.

Using taxation for the public good, “the raining of moneys, and generally to all things as shall be evidently conducing to those ends, or to the enlargement of our freedom, redress of grievances, and prosperity of the Common-wealth”.

And since the scale of military mobilisation of the English Civil War meant that an estimated one in seven men were recruited into the armed forces – they became the first mass great mass of public servants – and much of the Leveller agitation – as we see with public servants today – was around wages. In the 1640s, the New Model Army was left unpaid for several months, leading to agitation that became a political concern to Parliament.

In the pamphlet, ‘The Case of the Armie Truly Stated’, the Levellers argued, “the Soldier hath had no pay constantly provided, nor any security for Arreers given them, & that hitherto they could not obtain so much, as to be paid up equally with those that did desert the Army, …  It was declared, that it should be insisted upon resolvedly, to be done before the Thursday night after the sending the Remonstrance, and its now many moneths since.”

And these demands to improve pay and living conditions continue today. And as the movement organises today to advance its cause, so does the establishment create new measures to hold us in check.

The reverses for the progressive movement and the challenges facing us – as did the Levellers – are clear.

The corruption of ministers is a source of discussion today – just look at the Covid-19 fast-track contracts , or look at the ‘revolving door’ of leaving a ministry and securing a job in the city or on the board of a FTSE-100 company.

The use of taxation for good, as we continue to debate how public money is spent, and how much is available to government, and how much is levied on the super-wealthy, rather those on low incomes – is alive today.

And on the withholding of pay – as with the New Model Army – the public servants of the day – we have seen railway workers, teachers, nurses and doctors, civil servants and postal workers have their pay cut over many years of Conservative Government.

And the opportunity to express our opposition, just as Leveller pamphlets were suppressed and the protests at Putney, or at Burford, are today clamped down on through the Elections Act, the Strikes Act and the Public Order Act.

So whilst we can oversimplify the comparisons – and we should be thankful Britain is not in civil war – there are parallels today between the struggles of the past and the campaigns we will wage in the future.

We want to throw out this Conservative Government. But we will not be satisfied without real change in Westminster and Whitehall.

We campaign for real change, for transformative change, for the extension power and wealth to our own class, as did the Levellers so that we can decide our own futures and not wait for those on high to decide it for us.

And so in concluding, and with democracy under threat, it is worth recalling perhaps the most famous quote of the Levellers – that put by Thomas Rainsborough during the Putney Debates:

‘I think that the poorest he that is in England hath a life to live as the greatest he, and therefore truly, sir, I think it is clear to every man that is to live under a government ought first by his own consent to put himself under that government.’


  • Beth Winter is the MP for Cynon Valley and a regular contributor to Labour Outlook, you can follow her on Facebook, Instagram and Twitter/X.
  • The article is based on a speech Beth Winter gave to the Levellers Day event at Burford on Saturday 18th May at a panel discussion on Democracy Under Threat, with Gawain Little of the GFTU and John Rees, author of The Leveller Revolution.