2026 could turn out to be the hottest year on record. Yet, climate change is now on the back burner while the Trump administration intensifies its all-out assault on climate and environmental actions, as indicated by the president’s attack on the National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine for publishing what he called “fraudulent, biased, and misleading” material on climate change. Still, even the UN General Assembly recognizes that “a clean, healthy and sustainable environment” is a basic human right and this right must be defended.
In the interview that follows, author, naturalist, and a leading scholar of political economy and climate policy James K. Boyce spells out the game-changing policies needed to protect the environment and secure the future of the planet. His proposals are part of the Game Changers project launched by the Political Economy Research Institute (PERI) at the University of Massachusetts Amherst. Boyce is professor emeritus of economics and senior fellow at PERI. He is the author of many books, including Economics for People and the Planet: Inequality in the Era of Climate Change. He is also the recipient of awards including the 2025 Common Wealth Prize, the 2024 Global Inequality Research Award, and the 2017 Leontief Prize for Advancing the Frontiers of Economic Thought.
The interview that follows has been lightly edited.
C. J. Polychroniou: On July 4, 2026, the United States turned 250 years old. Meanwhile, a record-setting heat wave disrupted celebrations of the event across the country, and this summer could end up as one of the U.S.’s hottest ever. An extraordinary heat wave also spread through Europe, triggering deaths and causing “severe infrastructure stress.” To say then that climate has reached the point of breakdown might be an understatement. Yet the Trump administration not only continues to treat climate change as a “hoax” but has launched an all-out assault on the environment, as if totally unaware of the fact that a “clean, healthy, and sustainable environment” is a basic human right. How do we translate this right into reality in the United States?
James K. Boyce: Rights never exist in the abstract; they are won and sustained through struggles. This is as true for environmental rights as it is for the rights to free expression, freedom of assembly, and free and fair elections. The constitutions of some U.S. states affirm the right to a clean and safe environment, and this right has been formally recognized by the United Nations. It is missing, however, from the U.S. Constitution. An important step for translating this right into reality would be a constitutional amendment that guarantees it, but this will take years. In the meantime, much can and should be done to secure a clean and safe environment for all.
For example, fenceline monitoring of air pollution from industrial facilities is now readily affordable. Monitors should be installed near significant pollution sources and their real-time readings made publicly available online. This is especially vital in communities currently overburdened with pollution, often from multiple sources, many of which are politically disadvantaged by race, ethnicity, and class. Information is a source of countervailing power.
There should also be a moratorium on the introduction of new pollution sources in communities already overburdened with pollution. A good model is the landmark environmental justice law passed in 2020 in New Jersey, which went into effect in 2023.
Overburdened communities ought to have priority in pollution abatement, too. Michael Ash and I propose a target of reducing pollution by 8 percent per year (a rate that would cut pollution in half in nine years) until the community no longer meets the criteria for being classified as overburdened. A similar policy for co-pollutants from fossil fuels is proposed in the Healthy Climate and Family Security Act introduced in 2024 by Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Maryland) and Congressman Don Beyer (D-Virginia).
Many corporations are polluting the environment through destructive business practices and because they are simply greedy. Moreover, we have failed to hold such corporations accountable. How do we stop corporate polluters?
There are basically three ways to rein in corporate polluters. These are not mutually exclusive; on the contrary, they are mutually reinforcing. One is to make the invisible visible — reveal the sources of pollution and their human toll — through information, as in the pollution monitoring mentioned above. This alone would strengthen public pressure (and lawsuits) that can alter corporate behavior, a phenomenon known as “informal regulation.” The second is formal regulation: rules that mandate firms to curtail emissions or switch to cleaner technologies. Such rules require enforcement, and again this is facilitated by an informed public. The third is to compel polluters to pay for damages from the environmental harms they inflict. This gives them an incentive to do more than just comply with formal regulations by investing in R&D to find new and cleaner production methods.
We need to hold polluters to account for environmental damage they have inflicted in the past, too. This includes the escalating damages from extreme weather events due to climate destabilization. Today, the costs of disaster recovery and climate adaptation are seriously straining the budgets of households, businesses, and governments alike. The states of Vermont and New York have enacted climate superfund legislation to recover a significant share of these costs from fossil fuel producers based on their historical responsibility for greenhouse gas emissions. Michael Ash and I advocate this sort of policy at the national level to help fund the costs of recovery and adaptation.
The Trump administration’s policy toward the chemical industry is one of deregulation and rolling back limits on “forever chemicals” and other toxins. So much for a clean and safe environment. What’s the game-changing strategy when it comes to the chemical industry?
The chemical industry in the U.S. is currently stuck in outdated technologies of the past. Bold new policies are needed to break out of its toxic and fossil fuel-dependent impasse. The regulatory regime for chemicals in the U.S. is fragmented across multiple agencies; moreover, rather than encouraging improvements, it sometimes creates perverse incentives against them. For example, the Toxic Substances Control Act requires new chemicals to be screened for health and environmental effects prior to their introduction into the economy. This is a good thing, but the tens of thousands of chemicals already in use are not subject to comparable safeguards. In effect, the incumbents are presumed innocent until proven guilty, making it harder to replace them with safer substitutes.
Environmental health expert Joel Tickner proposes a comprehensive set of policies to create a cleaner, safer, and more sustainable chemical industry. These include the establishment of a single agency to coordinate national policy, as Sweden and the European Union have done, which will compile and distribute information on chemical safety, prioritize reductions in the most hazardous chemicals, and incentivize the adoption of superior alternatives.
To tackle the toxic legacies of the past, Tickner proposes to establish a National Remediation Fund financed by fees on the chemical industry to pay for clean-ups, site redevelopment, ecosystem recovery, and health cost reimbursement. He also proposes a National Transition Fund for Safer and Sustainable Chemistry to support R&D, pilot facilities, supply-chain reformulation, and just transitions for communities and workers in the industry affected by the changes.
Climate change poses an existential threat, and the supply of fossil fuels is the elephant in the room. So, when talking about climate breakdown, it should be obvious that we should leave fossil fuels in the ground as they are the main source of greenhouse gas emissions causing global warming. Wouldn’t this be the game changer for climate change? If so, what would a policy of phasing down fossil fuels look like?
You’re right: The basic goal of climate policy should be to keep fossil fuels in the ground. But it is vital to understand two realities. First, fossil fuels cannot and will not be abandoned overnight. We need to phase them out over time, ideally fast and on a predictable timeline. Second, restrictions on the supply of fossil fuels — which are almost certain to be necessary during the phasedown, since demand-reduction measures so far have proven insufficient — inevitably will raise fossil fuel prices. This is a feature of the policy, not a bug, since higher prices provide powerful incentives to invest in energy efficiency and alternative energy sources. For reasons of political feasibility as well as fairness, it is essential to anticipate this price effect and safeguard the energy security of households during the transition.
Michael Ash and I propose a policy to advance energy security both in the short run and the long run. The key to long-run energy security is to move to clean and renewable energy sources that do not have to pass through chokepoints like the Strait of Hormuz and are not vulnerable to price manipulations by corporate cartels and petrostates. In the short run, the key is to make higher fossil fuel prices family-friendly by recycling the money straight back to the public.
Here’s how it works: (1) Set a timetable for the fossil fuel phasedown. We propose a 90 percent reduction over 25 years, with the remaining 10 percent needed to achieve a net-zero economy to be met by improved carbon sequestration. (2) Require corporations that bring fossil fuels into the economy via extraction or imports to surrender one permit for each ton of carbon dioxide that will be released when that fuel is burned, with the total number of permits declining each year in accordance with the timetable. (3) Distribute non-tradable permits via quarterly auctions, where their price is set by supply and demand. These become part of the cost of supplying fossil fuels, and most or all of this cost is passed along to consumers in the form of higher prices. (4) Return 75 percent of the auction revenue to the public as equal per person payments called energy security cashbacks. These will protect the purchasing power of working families during the phasedown, more than offsetting the impact of higher fossil fuel prices. (5) Recycle 25 percent of the revenue to state and local governments in a Resilient Communities Fund. This will protect their own purchasing power and strengthen their ability to invest in climate resilience.

