Pro-democracy protests can help bring peace to Thailand’s south

The success of the ongoing struggle for democracy in Thailand is crucial for securing peace in its southern regions.

In this photo taken on October 24, 2019, widow Sitirokayah Salaeh (R) visits the cemetery in Tak Bai where her late husband Mahamad Lohbako is buried together with other anti-government demonstrators who died during the 2004 Tak Bai incident, in Thailand''s southern province of Narathiwat [Madaree Tohlala/AFP]

In Thailand, what started some months ago as a seemingly minor student movement against the oppressive and anti-democratic practices of the military-led government has developed into a full-blown, nationwide uprising demanding a major upheaval of the predominantly Buddhist Southeast Asian nation’s political system.

Despite strict COVID-19 protocols restricting the right to peaceful assembly and extensive laws penalising dissent, tens of thousands of people are still taking to the streets across the country regularly to demand change. The mostly young protesters have three core demands: the resignation of General Prayuth Chan-ocha’s government to pave the way for fresh elections, the rewriting of the 2017 constitution that entrenches the army’s role in the government, and an end to the systematic harassment and persecution of government critics.

The protesters’ demands seem to resonate with millions of Thai citizens who have grown weary of military rule. Indeed, in the almost nine decades since the dawn of constitutional democracy in Thailand, a succession of military regimes gradually curtailed the rights and freedoms of Thai citizens, raising questions about the country’s democratic moorings.

Among those who are raising their voices in support of overdue political reforms in Thailand are the Malay Muslims who reside in the provinces of Patani, Yala and Narathiwat, and some parts of Songkhla, collectively known as the country’s “Deep South”.

The Malay Muslim support for the pro-democracy movement is significant for several reasons. It demonstrates that not only the Buddhist majority but also the minority communities in Thailand are longing for greater liberties. Moreover, it shows that the continuing national struggle for a stronger democracy can help bring peace to the restive region.

Thailand’s Deep South has long been devastated by a conflict between the central government and a resurgent separatist insurgency that traces its roots to the annexation of the once independent Sultanate of Patani into the Siamese Kingdom in the late 18th century.

The Thai government’s policies of forced assimilation directed at ethnic Malays and refusal to give the region any meaningful autonomy, coupled with deep poverty and a lack of economic opportunities, resulted in a protracted conflict that threatens both Thailand and the wider region’s stability.

The conflict reached a turning point in 2004, when the Thai security forces violently cracked down on a protest in Tak Bai, Narathiwat, killing some 85 Malay Muslim protesters. According to Human Rights Watch, in the 16 years since the Tak Bai incident, some 7000 people, many of them civilians, lost their lives to the conflict. The intensity of the conflict decreased in recent years, however, the insurgency still disrupts lives and livelihoods in the region and the Thai government’s discriminatory policies against ethnic Malays continue to fuel inter-communal tensions.

Peace talks, under Malaysian facilitation, are in place. But such efforts are proving insufficient in bringing this decades-old conflict to an end.

Sustainable peace cannot be achieved without including the voices of the civilian stakeholders of this conflict in the conversation. Before the 2014 military coup, which brought the current prime minister, General Prayuth Chan-ocha, to power, there were some significant efforts to include civilians in the continuing peace talks. Prior to the military’s takeover of the government, for example, civil society groups held thousands of forums in the region, allowing residents to share their views and voice their concerns about the peace process.

After assuming power, the military stopped these forums, as it suspected they could be used to spark revolutionary fervour among Thailand’s ethnic Malays. Moreover, the military started to treat the peace talks as a tool to manage criminality rather than resolve the deep-rooted social, economic and political problems of the region. All this resulted in people losing trust in the process, and losing hope that their grievances can be addressed through diplomacy.

A peace process can only succeed if it takes into account the perspectives and legitimate interests of all stakeholders. Any process that attempts to push the dominant side’s perspective and demands down the throats of other involved parties is doomed for failure. Sadly, in the ongoing peace process, has been defined by such efforts.


But all is not lost. Recently, the Muslim provincial leaders from the Deep South submitted to the government a realistic proposal for the future of the region covering four key issues relating to governance, religion, economy and social identity/culture.

The proposal, which calls for more autonomy in running the daily lives of Muslim communities in the southern provinces, can be a good starting point for a serious discussion on building peace in the region.

However, such proposals can only bring the region closer to sustainable peace if they are taken seriously by the central government. Indeed, this conflict can only be resolved if the leadership in Bangkok recognises the Malay minority’s right to self-determination, either directly in the constitution or in a law passed by the parliament, and grants this minority community the authority to run their affairs according to their own cultural and religious norms and traditions.

The current military-led government, which appears hell-bent on curtailing the most basic rights and freedoms of not only the Malay minority but the entire Thai population, is unlikely to ever agree to such a move.

This is why the success of the ongoing fight for democracy in Thailand is crucial for the Deep South. Only a democratically elected government can translate the people’s aspirations into policy and finally bring peace to the country’s restive south.

The views expressed in this article are the authors’ own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

Chalida Tajaroensuk
Executive Director of Peoples’ Empowerment Foundation and peace advocate working in Thailand’s Deep South

Gus Miclat
Executive Director of the Initiatives for International Dialogue
28 Nov 2020

Thai Protesters March on Elite Military Unit Carrying Inflatable Rubber Ducks
November 29, 2020 

Riot police cover themselves with shields as they guard behind barb wires during a pro-democracy rally demanding Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha to resign and reforms to the monarchy, at 11th Infantry Regiment, in Bangkok, Nov. 29, 2020.

BANGKOK - Thousands of protesters, carrying yellow inflatable rubber ducks over their heads, descended on an elite military unit in Thailand Sunday as they called for limits to the power of the monarchy.

With chants of “my tax, my tax,” demonstrators massed outside the headquarters of the 11th Infantry Regiment — an elite unit placed under the control of Thailand’s immensely rich and powerful King Maha Vajiralongkorn. 

"The army in this country was never here to protect the people, but they've always been here to protect the royal family,” 27-year-old Bom, a protester, said.

“Thor had his hammer,” said 25-year-old graphic designer Angkana, referring to the movie, “Hammer of the Gods.”

“We have our ducks. At least they protect us,” Angkana added. The rubber duck has become an emblem of the protest movement.

Breaking a taboo, protesters are targeting all areas of the king’s power — from his $2.3 billion holding in one of the country’s top banks to his preferred army units and status in his overseas sanctuary in Germany. They are turning up the pressure on the monarch to pull his support for unpopular Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-O-Cha.

They are demanding Prayuth’s resignation and a new constitution to excise the army from politics once and for all, in a country which has had 13 coups in less than a century. 

But they also want reform of the monarchy to keep it within the constitution, outside of politics with its spending and influence restrained. 

Thailand’s monarchy is protected by a tough royal defamation law which carries up to 15 years in prison per charge of insulting, defaming, or threatening the palace.

At least a dozen protest leaders were hit with the charge over the last week after anti-monarchy graffiti was sprayed across downtown Bangkok.

The monarch commands the loyalty of the army top brass, the business elite and many mainly older conservatives across the country. 

A generation gap has subsequently opened, with the youth-driven protesters refusing to moderate their demands for reform of the monarchy and royalists enraged that the protesters have taken aim at the palace.

“Their demands are never ending… and the kids are ‘acting up,’ getting bored of one thing, then moving onto another,” Somchai Sawangkarn, one of the 250 senators appointed by Prayuth, said.

Violent clashes between pro-democracy protesters and “yellow shirt” royalists — so called for wearing the king’s colors — left scores injured on November 17 outside parliament, as legislators voted against constitutional reforms demanded by the street movement.

Thailand has a history of violent political convulsions. Pro-democracy movements dating to the 1970s have ended in bloodshed on Bangkok’s streets.

But the open anti-monarchy sentiment and near-daily occupation of key parts of the capital are also wearing on the government, which is already struggling with a flatlining economy caused by the collapse of tourism during the coronavirus.

“The government hasn’t done a great job in controlling the protesters. They arrest them and let them out on bail, that’s why things have escalated. Tougher measures are needed,” said Senator Somchai.

Meanwhile, a hearing has been set for Wednesday at the constitutional court to determine whether Prayuth committed an illegal act by staying in an army residence after he retired from the military.

The court could ultimately remove him from office as it has done to several prime ministers before in times of political crisis — although they were aligned to the pro-democracy camp.

Experts say a Prayuth exit after six years, by order of the courts, could be a face-saving way for the establishment to meet one of the protesters’ three demands without being seen as bending to pressure.

But in the unlikely event the court removes a key establishment player, it is far from certain that would defang an increasingly angry protest movement.

"I've gone to almost every protest,” said Angkana. "I will fight as long as it takes to get all three demands answered. I won't budge."

There are fears of a military intervention if the crisis drags on, prompting the army chief to say that would not be the case.

Thailand Protesters Gather as Government Weaponizes Lese Majeste

Protest groups change venue to keep the peace as authorities resurrect the notorious Article 112.

By Tyler Roney
November 27, 2020


A demonstrator present at nearly all protests, with 112 and 116 on his cheeks, referring to the lese majeste law and sedition law respectively.

Credit: Tyler Roney


After a week of escalating government threats and arrests, razor wire and shipping container barricades were set up around the Crown Property Bureau (CPB) on Wednesday for a tense showdown between police and protest groups. But the protesters had other ideas.

Khana Ratsadon 2020 (People’s Party) and Free People announced a change of protest venue a dozen kilometers north to the Siam Commercial Bank (SCB) headquarters, giving the police just 16 hours to adjust.

“I’m happy it is changed,” says a protester wishing to be referred to as Chan. “We want peaceful protests. We all want to be peaceful. Thais are peaceful.” Protesters met, among other reasons, to criticize the king’s wealth, which is estimated at $40 billion. The king holds a $2.3 billion stake in SCB.

A protester waves the Thai flag in front of SCB headquarters. 

Photo by Tyler Roney


The protests that have gripped Bangkok have been largely without major conflict, but scuffles between protest groups and police last week saw scenes of violence, gunshot wounds, and water cannons. By moving the protest, Wednesday’s event was an occasion for political speeches, songs, and dancing. The week, however, had taken a severe toll on the movement’s leaders.

To much shock around the country, Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha gave notice on Thursday last week that “all laws and all articles” would be used against the protesters, and on Tuesday the worst fears were confirmed when 12 protest leaders were charged under Thailand’s notorious lese majeste law, Article 112.

As of Wednesday, the protests’ biggest names — Parit “Penguin” Chiwarak, Anon Nampa, Passaravalee “Mind” Thanakitvibulphol, Mike Rayong — are all now facing Thailand’s infamous lese majeste law, which carries a penalty of 15 years in prison for insulting the monarchy.

Article 112 has not been levied in earnest since 2017, with the government relying on vague charges of sedition and computer crimes to silence critics. The resurrected and notorious Article 112 could be levied for almost any reason. In the past, it was used against people for sharing a BBC article or discussing historical battles


Nonetheless, the protest leaders showed up at the protest. Mike Rayong came early in the day, Chukiat dressed as usual in a satirical outfit, Rung gave interviews, and, to much amusement, Penguin came dressed as a duck.


Parit -Penguin- Chiwarak on the main protest stage in front of SCB headquarters. Photo by Tyler Roney.

Inflatable rubber ducks have become a symbol of the movement, used last Tuesday against the water cannons, hence Penguin Chiwarak’s costume and the tossing of rubber chickens from the main stage. Penguin has become one of the most popular protest leaders and faces an array of charges for previous protests.

The CPB protest plans stemmed from the Royal Assets Structuring Act of 2018, in which the current king was granted ownership of the CPB’s assets and in which there is no distinction between the royal family’s private holdings and state assets.

The monarch, His Majesty King Vajiralongkorn, is a powerful and, to some, sacred force in Thai politics. King Rama IX was universally beloved in Thailand, but his son has drawn criticism for a range of topics, including his lavish lifestyle. On signs, make-up, and on stage, Thai protesters were fighting back against Article 112 and the king’s finances.

“Reform, not destroy,” says Nam, a student at Suan Dusit University, which was closed in preparation for protests at the CPB. “We are Thai people. We want to control our future and money. End 112.”

Plans to reform of the monarchy involve nearly a dozen specific changes, but the Free Youth group released a statement prior to the protest stating, “The ruling class oppress the people who are the true founders and heirs of this country, not any great king.”



Demonstrators and traffic on Ratchadapisek Road. Photo by Tyler Roney.

As celebration and protest songs raged from Ratchayothin bridge to SCB Park Plaza and beyond, a collection of royalists attended a ceremony with a royal motorcade and shouted support for Prayut in Lumpini park on the other end of town.

The yellow-clad pro-royalists were one of the main reasons protesters chose to move the protests from the Crown Property Bureau. Though smaller in Bangkok and made up of largely older adherents, the pro-royalists at the rally last week were found beating protesters, chucking bricks into the crowd, and the gunshots were believed to have come from a 35-year-old pro-royalist. 


Prayut’s military-aligned government has been the central complaint of the protesters, with Prayut taking a great deal of criticism at the protest on Wednesday, including one man dressed as a monk carrying a photo of him in a funeral procession.

The past week has seen the government taking on a much more antagonistic role. In a move seemingly dedicated to sow chaos among the protesters, Bangkok also arrested Piyarat “Toto” Chongthep on Tuesday, head of the “WeVo,” short for “We Volunteer,” who stand arm-in-arm between police and rival protesters to keep the peace. The guards of the protest on Wednesday, however, were unphased, directing traffic and giving security pat downs to those entering the area.

Protest guard by the main protest stage. Photo by Tyler Roney.

The protests began in 2019 with the lawfare launched against the charismatic Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit’s Future Forward Party but picked up after COVID-19 lockdowns in July with protesters growing increasingly bold. The demands of the anti-government protesters include the resignation of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha who took power in a 2014 coup, a rewriting of the constitution that keeps the current government in power, and reform of the monarchy.

The protest’s taboo turn toward reforming the institution of the monarchy galvanized royalist groups. The Network for the Protection of the Monarchy planned to gather in front of the CPB to protect the institution against protesters prior to the location being moved to SCB.

The king’s recent charm offensive around the country — following on from criticism of the time the monarch spent in Germany during the pandemic — has fallen on deaf ears for may, with his statements “Thailand is a land of compromise” and “We love them all the same” becoming the subject of derision in the wake of the violence against protesters.

Crowd shot at the November 25 with a picture of Prime Minister Prayut. 

Photo by Tyler Roney.

Thai Twitter comes alive with the daily “mob” hashtag, with the Free Youth’s eye-catching posters sometimes announcing locations the day of the protest. On the ground, the protests vary from a festival style-atmosphere — with street food and music from local stars — to the harrowing scenes of teargas laced water cannons and bloody wounds.

Some protest groups like Sk8tizen skateboard over Prayut’s face, others like Rap Against Dictatorship film their videos live from the “mob.” On the frontline, Thailand’s protesters have taken lessons from Hong Kong’s 2019 protests.

Opposition to the protesters centers around nationalism and evidence-free accusations that dark money — such as from Thanathorn or the CIA or George Soros — is funding the protesters. As tension grows, the military finds itself denying constant rumors of a coup. 

An image of the king at SCB looking down on Parit -Penguin- Chiwarak on the main protest stage. Photo by Tyler Roney.

To little relief, army chief Narongphan Jittkaewtae, urged media outlets to stop reporting coup rumours. Prime Minister Prayut also denied coup rumors before he took power by force in 2014. Move Forward MP Rangsiman Rome was gladhanding at the protest and spoke about how it is ridiculous that the country still has to live under fear of a coup

The scheduled protests in Bangkok’s Ladprao area on Friday will concentrate on preventing a coup.

AUTHORS

CONTRIBUTING AUTHOR
Tyler Roney is a Bangkok-based writer and editor who has reported from Asia for more than a decade

Thai protesters flood street with rubber ducks in 'coup prevention' drill

Thousands block major Bangkok junction in continuing protests against government and monarchy

Protesters in Bangkok pass giant inflatable yellow ducks, a symbols of resistance, in the latest demonstration against Thailand’s government and monarchy. Photograph: Teera Noisakran/Pacific Press/REX/Shutterstock

Agence France-Presse
Sat 28 Nov 2020 

Thousands of democracy activists blocked a major junction in Bangkok for several hours on Friday to rehearse “coup prevention” strategies in the latest round of Thailand’s anti-government protests.

The country has for months been rocked by youth-led protests demanding a new constitution, reform of the untouchable monarchy and for the prime minister, Prayut Chan-O-Cha, to resign.


Giant rubber ducks become symbol of Thai pro-democracy rallies

Prayut, who came to power in a 2014 coup, this week played down the prospects of being overthrown or introducing martial law.

Inflatable Santa Claus figures joined the bright yellow rubber ducks that have become a symbol of the movement as some 5,000 demonstrators massed in the shadow of a motorway flyover in the north of the capital.

Natalie, a 32-year-old Bangkok office worker, said the last coup was disastrous for Thailand and warned the country shouldn’t go down that path again.

“Now is a crisis time in Bangkok and Thailand. I want new elections and to change the prime minister and for a new government to actually listen to the people,” she said.

As part of what they called “coup prevention” drills, protesters passed an armada of the pool toy ducks over their heads, to represent the military passing over the people to take the front row of Thai politics.

Another group paraded portraits of generals who had led past coups before ritually burning them. After speeches from protest leaders, the crowds dispersed around 10.30pm.

The young protesters taking on the monarchy are changing Thailand for ever Pravit Rojanaphruk

The army chief, Narongphan Jittkaewtae, has rejected coup rumours, saying the chance of another putsch was “less than zero”.
Advertisement

Political scientist Titipol Phakdeewanich from Ubon Ratchathani University believes another coup is unlikely at present.

“I don’t think [Prayut] will be ousted because he still has strong support from conservatives ... and big businesses,” Titipol said.

But in a country that has seen a dozen coups since it became a democracy in 1932, the current round of protests, which began in July, has fuelled rumours another could be looming.

Next week a constitutional court in Bangkok will rule on whether Prayut has broken rules by living in an army house, despite the fact the former general is no longer in the military’s top brass. Losing the case could see Prayut forced out of office.is rooted in authority and integrity. That’s why we made a different choice: to keep our reporting open for all readers, regardless of where they live or what they can afford to pay. This means more people can be better informed, united, and inspired to take meaningful action.

Thai protesters move to Bangkok suburbs 

with a duck parade

Thai protesters stage an inflatable duck parade in Nonthaburi on the outskirts of Bangkok, on Nov 28, 2020.PHOTO: REUTERS

PUBLISHED NOV 28, 2020

BANGKOK (REUTERS) - Thai anti-government protesters demonstrated in Bangkok's outskirts on Saturday (Nov 28) with a duck parade and speeches demanding the removal of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha, a new constitution and reforms to the monarchy.

Protests have been stepped up this week despite threats by Mr Prayut, a former junta ruler, to use all available laws against protesters who break them and charges of insulting the monarchy against several protest leaders.

Hundreds of people gathered in both Nonthaburi and Bang Na, to the northwest and southeast of Bangkok respectively.

"We have had too many years of corrupt dictatorship. We want an election in which our voices are really heard," said one 24-year-old recent graduate, who gave only her nickname "A".

Protesters are seeking the removal of Mr Prayut, accusing him of engineering an election last year to keep power that he seized from an elected government in a 2014 coup. He has said the vote was fair and he will not resign.

Protesters have also broken taboos by seeking reforms to curb the powers of the monarchy of King Maha Vajiralongkorn, saying the institution has enabled decades of military domination.

The palace has made no comment since protests began. The king has said that despite the demonstrations, the protesters are loved "all the same".

MORE ON THIS TOPIC

Thai protesters target would-be coup makers as rumours swirl

Thai protesters target King's wealth in latest Bangkok rally

 

Thai protesters flood streets with rubber ducks as a symbol of resistance as fears of a coup grow

Naina Bhardwaj 
Nov 28, 2020

Protestors hold rubber ducks during an anti-government protest on November 27, 2020 in Bangkok, Thailand. Sakchai Lalit/AP Photos

Protesters in Thailand have flooded the streets with rubber ducks as a sign of resistance ahead of warnings of a possible coup.

The youth-led protests call for a new constitution, a reform of the monarchy, and Prime Minister Chan-O-Cha to resign. 

Rubber ducks have a history of being used in political protests as a sign of bravery and strength, ABC News reported.

Protest artwork has also been posted online, with the rubber ducks being portrayed as heroes, according to Mashable.

Protesters in Thailand have flooded the streets with rubber ducks as a sign of resistance ahead of warnings of a possible coup.

The youth-led protests call for a new constitution, a reform of the monarchy, and Prime Minister Prayut Chan-O-Cha to resign. 

The rubber ducks were initially brought out after authorities blocked access to the parliament building, The Guardian reported. Protesters had joked that the only way to reach parliament would be to send rubber ducks along the river.

Inflatable yellow ducks, which have become good-humored symbols of resistance during anti-government rallies, are lifted over a crowd of protesters Friday, Nov. 27, 2020 in Bangkok, Thailand 

Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images

The protests have been ongoing for months and the ducks have also become shields from police water cannons and tear gas.

They have become increasingly violent after six people were shot outside Bangkok's police headquarters, according to The Telegraph.

At least 55 of the 100,000 protestors who took to the streets throwing paint and firing water guns were also injured, The Telegraph added.

Rubber ducks have a history of being used in political protests and have become a sign of bravery and strength, ABC News reported.

In 2013, giant ducks were photoshopped onto the iconic 'tank man' photograph from the Tiananmen Square massacre in China.

Subsequently, the term 'big yellow duck' was censored on the Chinese social media platform Weibo, ABC News added.

Protest artwork has also been posted online with the rubber ducks being portrayed as heroes, according to Mashable.

"This time, yellow inflatable rubber ducks have become a new symbol for the pro-democracy movement, not just because they are cute but also because they highlight the sheer absurdity and disproportionality of the situation," Tracy Beattie, a Thai politics researcher and specialist, told Mashable.

A 'rehearsal against the coup' demonstration was held yesterday with protesters warning of a possible coup, VOA News reported.

'Rehearsal against the coup' protest in Bangkok, 

Thailand on November 27, 2020. Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images

Thailand is no stranger to coups. There have been 13 since a 1932 revolution established a constitutional monarchy, VOA News added.


Army Chief Narongphan Jittkaewtae has rejected coup rumors and said chances were "less than zero," The Guardian added. 

The call for the monarchy to be reformed has been the most controversial since it is considered untouchable and a cornerstone of Thailand's national identity, according to the Press Association. 

Protestors believe that King Maha Vajiralongkorn holds too much power and has recently made it the main campaigning point despite a possible 15 years in prison, the Press Association added. 

The royal institution is led by an army whose actions are endorsed by the ever-powerful royal palace, according to VOA News. 

Prime Minister Chan-O-Cha who came to power during the country's last coup in 2014 has played down prospects of being overthrown and a change in martial law, The Guardian added.

  

Thai pro-democracy protesters rally outside army base

BANGKOK — Thailand’s indefatigable pro-democracy activists took to Bangkok's streets again Sunday, this time to protest the army as they push forward with their campaign for sweeping reforms, including to the nation's monarchy.

© Provided by The Canadian Press

Around 800 protesters marched to the base of the 11th Infantry Regiment, which is closely associated with the country’s royal palace. Their number grew to well over 1,000 as they settled in for speeches by protest leaders.

An advance group of protesters had already pulled away two decrepit buses that had been used to block the entrance to the base and removed strands of razor wire. A large contingent of riot police, several rows deep, stood their ground in front of the gate but no violence was reported by the end of the rally.

The protesters believe that the army undermines democracy in Thailand, and that King Maha Vajiralongkorn wields too much power and influence in what is supposed to be a democratic constitutional monarchy.

The student-led protesters for months now have been demanding reforms to make the monarchy more accountable, even though criticism of the institution has long been considered taboo and comments judged defamatory of the king and key royals are punishable by up to 15 years in prison.

“People should be able to criticize the king. People should be able to inspect what he does. In this way, people will respect and love him more,” said activist Somyot Pruksakasemsuk, who served seven years in prison for defaming the monarchy and is facing criminal charges in connection with this year’s protests.

The protesters also want Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha and his government to step down and the constitution to be amended to make it more democratic.

As the army chief in 2014, Prayuth led a coup ousting an elected government. His military junta oversaw the rewriting of the constitution, which shifted power from elected politicians to unelected bodies, and he was returned to power after elections held under the new rules last year.

Prayuth faces a legal challenge on Wednesday, when the constitutional Court is to rule on whether he illegally stayed in army housing after he retired from the military at the end of September 2014. If found guilty, he could be forced out of the prime minister's post. Protest leader Parit “Penguin” Chiwarak urged the crowd to rally outside the court on the day of the verdict.

The site of Sunday's protest was symbolic for several reasons.

Last year, the 11th Infantry Regiment was shifted from the army’s chain of command and made part of the Royal Security Command, answerable directly to the king. The action was one of several denounced by protesters as an example of the palace taking powers that should not be allowed under constitutional rule.

Although it was a bloodless army revolt in 1932 that ended the absolute monarchy and installed constitutional rule, the military and the palace have been closely allied for decades. By promoting and defending the royal institution, the army lays claim to being the protector of the nation, while the palace can count on the army to put down any threats to its position of privilege.

There have been 20 military coups since 1932, the most recent ones in 2006 and 2014. Because it is based in Bangkok, the 11th Infantry Regiment has been a key player in coups, or opposing them, according to the prevailing political climate.

While most coups are bloodless, the army has not hesitated to use force to crush threats to the established order.

In 2010, more than 90 people were killed and almost 2,000 injured during nine weeks of protests that saw part of central Bangkok occupied by protesters who were eventually cleared out by the army. Prayuth, then a senior army general, was involved in the crackdown.

In announcing plans for Sunday’s protest, a group from Bangkok’s Thammasat University explained on Twitter that the regiment was targeted “because this unit suppressed people in 2010 and it was the main force for the previous coups.”

Near the end of the rally, protesters threw red paint in the direction of the army base — some splattering on shields held by the police — to symbolize the 2010 bloodshed.

___

Associated Press journalist Chalida Ekvitthayavechnukul contributed to this report.

Grant Peck, The Associated Press NOV 30/2020

Scientists: Here's how to fight back against anti-maskers, climate deniers and anti-vaxxers

“If we cannot talk about sex, then we cannot talk about good sex,” proclaimed gynecologist Jennifer Gunter on a trailer for Jensplaining, her show on female reproductive health. Gunter is an example of a scientist using non-traditional platforms to communicate research.

© (Shutterstock) Teaching researchers and scientists communication skills — including social media proficiency — will help inform the public about new discoveries and research.

The shift to online science communication from conventional news platforms has been going on for a while. There is a need for credible and accurate science reporting because the miscommunication of science in the media is causing lasting damage to the public’s understanding of science.

Misinformation has consequences, as seen during the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic. Ignoring public health advice to wear masks and physically distance has cost thousands of lives and livelihoods in countries such as the United States, Brazil and Russia. Yet, resources in science journalism are dwindling. Budget cuts have slashed the number of journalists in conventional news outlets; this often affects specialized reporters like science journalists.

We need to equip scientists with science journalism skills. At Concordia University, the Projected Futures science journalism summer school is training graduate science students on journalism in various media such print, TV and radio. In fall 2021, a minor in science journalism will be an option for science undergrads. The Concordia School of Graduate Studies has also initiated a Public Scholars program, where a cohort of 10 Concordia doctoral candidates each year is trained to communicate their research to the public.

This withdrawal of conventional news outlets from conducting science journalism and the increasing role of universities and scientists doing so introduce new challenges. Through Projected Futures, we conducted interviews and research to examine the future of science communication.
Academic publishing is flawed

Because there are fewer science journalists in conventional news outlets, the public is less able to access the scientific information they need to make informed decisions. This is further exacerbated by the flaws of the existing academic publishing model.

Currently, scientists communicate their research via private publishing groups. Due to paywalls, this research is very hard to access by the taxpayers who fund that research. Meanwhile, research funded by industry is freely accessible to the public via the publication of patents

Open access is often discussed as a way to ease public access to scientific findings. However, some publishing groups lobby against possible open access government regulation.

But scientists are fighting back. Psychologist Tal Yarkoni, who has been an outspoken critic of the academic publishing model, and other researchers are boycotting journals that engage in this lobbying. In January 2019, the entire editorial board at Elsevier’s Journal of Infometrics resigned in protest of commercial control of scholarly work.

Academic institutions are joining the resistance against for-profit publishing models. In June 2020, the libraries of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology ended negotiations with the Elsevier publishing group as a result of a new policy making MIT’s research publicly accessible.
Challenges of communicating science

When it comes to communicating research, there is an inherent conflict of interest between scientists and the universities that employ them.

That’s not to say that universities have sinister intentions. Universities are heavily invested in enhancing their reputations, which is closely tied to their success in raising funds through student recruitment, government grants and philanthropic endowments.

Universities view science communication as a fundraising activity, directed at funding sources, rather than the general public. It’s important that university communication engages in knowledge translation with the intention of informing public debate, instead of viewing scientific communication as a potential fundraising tool.
Futures of storytelling

Universities should equip scientists with the knowledge-translation skills necessary to communicate their own science critically and credibly. And an emphasis on science journalism skills and training can help academic communicators apply a critical eye to their work. This builds credibility and engages the public audience, moving away from the cycle of hyped scientific findings.

Universities should also find a way to engage students in scientific communication. For example, there should be funding for internships for communications students, where those hired can manage Twitter accounts and blogs for research labs, update websites and write research publications in a more compelling, accessible and critical way. Such internships would be a way to apply what these students learn in their science journalism training without further burdening already overworked scientists.

The importance of credible science journalism goes well beyond addressing the immediate COVID-19 crisis. Credible science journalism remains critical to fight the anti-vaccine movement and the climate crisis with evidence-based urgent action.

Universities and scientists must recognize the necessity of equipping the next generation with science journalism skills, and adapt their training and professional development accordingly.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Keroles Riad, PhD student in the individualized program, Concordia University, 

Cristina Sanza, Digital Journalism Instructor, Concordia Science Journalism Project Team Manager, Concordia University

 and Nancy Hamdy, MSc candidate studying Physiology and Neuroscience, University of Toronto

Keroles Riad receives a PGS-D scholarship from NSERC.

Cristina Sanza works at Concordia University.

Nancy Hamdy does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Brightly burning meteor seen across wide areas of Japan

TOKYO — A brightly burning meteor was seen plunging from the sky in wide areas of Japan, capturing attention on television and social media.

Provided by The Canadian Press

The meteor glowed strongly as it rapidly descended through the Earth's atmosphere on Sunday.

Many people in western Japan reported on social media seeing the rare sight.

NHK public television said its cameras in the central prefectures of Aichi, Mie and elsewhere captured the fireball in the southern sky.

A camera at Nagoya port showed the meteor shining as brightly as a full moon as it neared the Earth, the Asahi newspaper reported.

Some experts said small fragments of the meteorite might have reached the ground.

The Associated Press

In ancient Italian monastery, monks defend a dying tradition
By Angelo Amante and Philip Pullella 

© Reuters/GUGLIELMO MANGIAPANE 

Italy's last Basilian monks of the Greek rite

GROTTAFERRATA, Italy (Reuters) - In an ancient monastery behind huge medieval battlements in a hilltop town just south of Rome, 10 monks are striving to keep alive a 1,600-year-old spiritual tradition against increasing odds.

Aged between 23 and 89, they are among Italy's last remaining Byzantine-rite Basilian monks - adherents of an order founded by St. Basil in 356 in present-day Turkey who still follow his ascetic regimen of prayer and work.

Brother Claudio Corsaro, 27, abandoned a promising career as an opera singer to become a monk. The only singing he does now is in the chapel.

"I was only six years old when I felt the Lord for the first time but I fully realised my vocation many years later, when I had already started my singing career," he said while walking between olive trees in the monastery compound.

Corsaro and his confreres dress in the habit of Orthodox churchmen, including flowing black robes and the traditional flat-topped round hat.

Basilian monk St Nilus founded the Grottaferrata abbey in 1004, 50 years before the Great Schism of 1054 split Eastern and Western Christianity.

At the time, the Grottaferrata monks chose to remain faithful to the pope in Rome rather than switch allegiance to the newly established Orthodox patriarch in Constantinople, now Istanbul.

However, to this day they worship in the Eastern, Byzantine rite, including saying the Divine Liturgy, their version of the Mass, in ancient Greek. Catholics in the West say the Mass in local languages and occasionally in Latin.

The daily regimen starts at 5:30 a.m. with individual prayer and communal worship. Then there is work in the vegetable garden and olive groves, painting icons, study, and house chores. Lunch is followed by rest, vespers, more work, more prayer and then early to bed.

Most of the monks have connections to tiny ethnic Greek or Albanian communities in southern Italy populated by descendants of early settlers from the East.

They are the last monks of the Italo-Albanian tradition to follow the Rule of St. Basil.

Brother Filippo Pecoraro, 23, was raised in an Italo-Albanian family in Sicily and is from the Arbereshe people who fled Ottoman invasions of the Balkans between the 14th and 18th centuries.

"I grew up in an environment very close to the Church and this life choice was inside me," Pecoraro said.

The young blood has not stopped the order's numbers from shrinking significantly. In the middle of the last century the abbey was home to around 80 monks.

Nonetheless, Corsaro is steadfast in his belief that preserving the ancient tradition is his sacred calling.

"I feel like someone the Lord has chosen among the few to continue this responsibility and I thank God for the grace he has given me to carry out this task," he said.

(Philip Pullella reported from Rome; Editing by Raissa Kasolowsky)