Tuesday, April 01, 2025

 

Source: Democracy Now!



We’re joined by the four-time Grammy-winning musician Macklemore, a vocal proponent of Palestinian rights and critic of U.S. foreign policy. He serves as executive producer for the new documentary The Encampments, which follows last year’s student occupations of college campuses to protest U.S. backing of Israel’s genocidal assault on Gaza. He tells Democracy Now! why he got involved with the film and the roots of his own activism, including the making of his song “Hind’s Hall,” named after the Columbia student occupation of the campus building Hamilton Hall, which itself was named in honor of the 5-year-old Palestinian child Hind Rajab. Rajab made headlines last year when audio of her pleading for help from emergency services in Gaza was released shortly before she was discovered killed by Israeli forces. “We are in urgent, dire times that require us as human beings coming together and fighting against fascism, fighting against genocide, and the only way to do that is by opening up the heart and realizing that collective liberation is the only solution,” Macklemore says.


Transcript

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

AMY GOODMAN: This is Democracy Now!, democracynow.org, The War and Peace Report. I’m Amy Goodman.

The Trump administration is escalating its crackdown on international students. On Thursday, Secretary of State Marco Rubio defended the State Department’s role in the arrest of Tufts University Ph.D. student Rumeysa Ozturk, who seized on Tuesday by a group of masked federal agents on the streets of Somerville as she was walking to dinner. A year ago, Ozturk had co-written a piece in the student newspaper criticizing Tufts’ response to Palestinian solidarity protests on campus. She’s now jailed in Louisiana. Massachusetts Democratic Congressmember Ayanna Pressley denounced Ozturk’s abduction, saying she was, quote, “kidnapped in plain sight.” Pressley wrote, quote, “She’s a peaceful protestor, grad student, & my constituent who has a right to free speech & due process. Now she’s a political prisoner. Free her now,” the congressmember wrote.

Marco Rubio was questioned about Ozturk’s abduction on Thursday.

HÜMEYRA PAMUK: Mr. Secretary, a Turkish student in Boston was detained and handcuffed on the street by plainclothes agents. A year ago, she wrote an opinion piece about the Gaza war. Could you help us understand what the specific action she took led to her visa being revoked?

SECRETARY OF STATE MARCO RUBIO: Yeah, well —

HÜMEYRA PAMUK: And what was your State Department’s role in that process? Can I —

SECRETARY OF STATE MARCO RUBIO: Well, we revoked her visa. It’s an F-1 visa, I believe. … I think it’s crazy — I think it’s stupid for any country in the world to welcome people into their country that are going to go to your universities as visitors — they’re visitors — and say, “I’m going to your universities to start a riot. I’m going to your universities to take over a library and harass people.” I don’t care what movement you’re involved in. Why would any country in the world allow people to come and disrupt? We gave you a visa to come and study and get a degree, not to become a social activist that tears up our university campuses. And if we’ve given you a visa and then you decide to do that, we’re going to take it away.

AMY GOODMAN: This week, thousands of students and faculty and community members in Somerville, Massachusetts, have gathered to protest her abduction. Secretary of State Marco Rubio went on to say the State Department has revoked more than 300 student visas across the country.

Nearly three weeks ago, unidentified federal agents arrested Mahmoud Khalil, a leader of the Gaza solidarity encampments at Columbia University. He was also a negotiator with the university. He was a permanent legal resident and a green card holder. He’s now being held in an ICE jail in Jena, Louisiana. Khalil is featured prominently in a new documentary called The Encampments. It’s an inside look at Columbia University Gaza solidarity encampment and the nationwide student uprising against U.S. support for Israel’s war on Gaza. This is the film’s trailer.

SEN. TOM COTTON: We’re here to discuss the little Gazas that have risen up on campuses across America.

MAYOR ERIC ADAMS: There is a movement to radicalize young people.

BRIAN KILMEADE: Can you believe they are chanting about the infitada [sic] in New York City?

DONALD TRUMP: I really believe they are brainwashed.

SUEDA POLAT: There was a very concerted effort by the media to portray things a certain way and refuse to discuss Gaza. Columbia is materially invested in the genocide in Gaza. We don’t want our money to go towards Palestinian death.

MAHMOUD KHALIL: I was born and raised in a Palestinian refugee camp, and the university was cracking down on Palestinian activism on campus.

GRANT MINER: It’s completely farcical to imply that in any way, like, Jewish people were being persecuted.

SARAH BORUS: I have never felt more proud to be Jewish than when I was pushing our university to divest from genocide.

MAHMOUD KHALIL: They would just criminalize anyone who would participate in a protest. That was the moment where students were like, “We need to do something more.”

PROTESTER 1: Letting me on the lawn!

MAHMOUD KHALIL: The university would say, “Oh, you’re overestimating your power.” I remember, like, telling them, “There are 60 universities setting up encampments across the United States.”

PROTESTER 2: We’ve got Yale holding it down right now, all live.

JAMAL JOSEPH: In ’68, the students at Columbia took over the campus, mainly in protest of the war in Vietnam. Columbia talks about how it was OK then, but not OK now.

MAYA ABDALLAH: Bravery is very contagious. We kind of watched Columbia in awe, and we knew we were next.

PROTESTER 3: The only weapon they have is fear. And when we call their bluff, they have nothing!

AMY GOODMAN: The trailer for The Encampments, a new documentary produced by Watermelon Pictures and BreakThrough News. Later in the show, we’ll be joined by two protest leaders at Columbia. One of them was just expelled by Columbia, a fifth-year grad student. We’ll also be joined by the film’s producer.

But first, we turn to the four-time Grammy-winning musician Macklemore, who served as the film’s executive producer. In May of last year, Macklemore released the song “Hind’s Hall,” inspired by the pro-Palestinian student protesters at Columbia University who occupied a campus building and gave it that name in honor of the [5-year-old] Palestinian child Hind Rajab. She was killed by Israeli forces in Gaza in January of 2024 in a car alongside of her family members. Prior to her death, Hind was on the phone for hours with emergency workers, pleading for help, pleading for them to come and save her. Macklemore announced all proceeds from the song would be donated to the U.N.’s Palestine relief agency, or UNRWA. In September, Macklemore released a sequel to the song, “Hind’s Hall 2,” with help from the Gazan rapper MC Abdul, a teenager, and Palestinian American singer Anees.

I spoke to Macklemore on Thursday and asked him about how he became involved in The Encampments documentary.

MACKLEMORE: Alana Hadid had reached out to me. I had seen her in San Francisco at Palestinian Day back in the fall, and she mentioned the film then. And I watched it and was blown away. What BTN was able to capture, I think, was a moment in American history that will be — that we will come back to, time and time again, when we look at resistance movements.

What the students did at Columbia University was deeply inspiring to me, on really every level. But it came at this point in the genocide in Gaza that I think a lot of us were feeling a certain fatigue around. What can we do, our voices? This isn’t working. And what the students did by peacefully protesting and advocating for Palestinian life and demanding that their university disclose information about the investments that they were making, their ties to the genocide that was underway, and coming together and rallying for humanity in that moment was one that rekindled a flame, I think, in all of us, and definitely in myself, of the students are always at the forefront of resistance movements. If you look at American history, the students are always those that are willing to risk, you know, being demerited, being — facing deportation, as we see with Mahmoud, and really spearheading what was to come, which was getting millions Americans back out into the streets and demanding for a permanent end to this genocide.

AMY GOODMAN: You know, the film is coming out, and now the people who are featured in the film are speaking alongside it: Grant Miner, who’s just been expelled from Columbia, a graduate student there; Sueda Polat, who, alongside Mahmoud Khalil, negotiated with the Columbia administration. I mean, originally, Mahmoud Khalil and the others were going to be live at the Q&As after the film, coming out this weekend. Now he can’t be reached. He’s in ICE jail in Louisiana. And you have this latest news of Rumeysa Ozturk, the Turkish graduate student at Tufts that is kidnapped off the streets of Somerville, Massachusetts, as she’s ending her daily fast, as she’s going to iftar with her friends, and she’s taken by six masked ICE agents. Can you talk about the latest news, as your songs come out and The Encampments, the documentary, is being released?

MACKLEMORE: I don’t know if I exactly have words for what’s happening. I think that we are under the utmost threat that we have — that we have seen as Americans using our voice. Our First Amendment is completely being stripped away from us in real time, in a way that is scary, in a way that is instilling fear, or as it attempts to instill fear. And you see real-life, very serious consequences to those advocating for peace. You see it with Mahmoud. You see it at Tufts yesterday. You know, we’ve been seeing it the last couple weeks. And people are scared, people that have been very at the forefront, and not even at the forefront, of this movement, that are being targeted right now and risking deportation.

And I think what it’s serving for me in this moment is this rally cry, right? Because if they’re coming for Mahmoud — and Mahmoud, as you see in The Encampments film, is just this very diplomatic, coming-from-the-heart Palestinian refugee from Syria, you know, university student at Columbia, super educated, super tapped in and a leader. And he is a — he is a threat. They are trying to use Mahmoud and everyone else that’s been abducted the last couple weeks as examples of this is what happens when you go against — when you go against our country. This is what happens when you go against genocide. This is what happens when you criticize Israel. And the narrative that is being spun around this being hateful or a form of terrorism or antisemitic is the furthest thing from the truth. These are human beings that are advocating for Palestinian life, that are leaders, that are brave, that are willing to risk their own freedom for the liberation of the Palestinian people. And we, as those in community, this is a call to all of us to step up in this moment, to realize that our First Amendment is being compromised and that we must come to the forefront and ensure that this stops.

AMY GOODMAN: Macklemore, I was wondering if you can share with people your own journey. Born Ben Haggerty, you’re now a four-time Grammy Award-winning rapper. And if you can talk about what changed you and if you were afraid to speak out and what it meant for you?

MACKLEMORE: I was on the road in the States on tour when October 7th happened. And the nature of being on the road is that you have a lot of time in the day. You know, I work for an hour and a half at night doing a show. And as video started to come out of Gaza — and to be honest, like, I, of course, knew about Palestine and knew about Israel. I knew there was a, quote-unquote, “conflict.” I didn’t know about the 70 — at the time, 75 years of oppression. I didn’t know about the Nakba. I didn’t know what Zionism meant. I didn’t know about the apartheid state and the system that is Israel. I did not know about the open-air prison that was Gaza. I did not know. And I started to learn. And once I started to learn, in conjunction with the videos that were coming out of Palestine, something happened in me. There was an awakening and a remembering of what actually matters in this world.

And I think that there was that first couple weeks of, like, “How am I watching this, and no one else — how are we all watching this, and no one in the music industry is saying anything? I feel crazy.” And I wanted to say something, but I would have conversations with friends, and they’d be like, “Yeah, dude, if you say that, you’re going to get canceled. If you say anything around Palestine, they’ll come for you. They’ll cancel you.” And at a certain point, I remember I saw a fellow artist and friend, Kehlani, and she had said something. And someone told me she was going hard for Palestine. And I went to her Instagram page, and I saw that. And as it says in the film, bravery is contagious. And I saw Kehlani, and I was like, “OK, that’s all I needed, was one other person stepping up and saying, ‘This is wrong.’” And it gave me kind of that push to make a first statement. And I haven’t really turned back since.

I believe it’s my moral obligation, not just as an artist, not as someone with a platform or four-time Grammy — like, all that is just labels. What this really comes down to is humans, human beings, humanity advocating for the most marginalized. When we strip all of it away, when we take away what — you know, what’s at stake here, what — you know, I just — I’m done. I’m done playing the game of capitalism and “let me walk the straight and narrow so I don’t offend this person and that person.” And that was an unlearning. You know, that was an unlearning for me to be like, “You know what? I am not tied to any record label. I don’t care about a brand deal. I don’t care. I’ve been so lucky in my career that I’m financially stable enough that I don’t have anything to risk that’s going to actually jeopardize, like, putting food on my table. I need to step up in this moment right now.” And I felt called. I felt called by my ancestors. I felt called from those who came before. I felt called by all the people that have put their freedom on the line for the freedom of all of us. And I’m not going to stop.

AMY GOODMAN: The film, among others, features Grant Miner, who’s what? A fifth-, sixth-year graduate student at Columbia, who is a Jewish American, now expelled. So, were you afraid of being, as you were talking about, being called antisemitism, when so many of the activists around the country who are fighting for Palestine are Jewish?

MACKLEMORE: Of course. Of course I was afraid of it. But you realize this has never been about Jewish people. This is — at the very root, at the core of this resistance movement, is beautiful Jewish people in solidarity with Palestinians. As Mahmoud says in the film, Palestinian liberation is Jewish liberation. Jewish liberation is Palestinian liberation. They are not separate. But this term “antisemitic” is being used in this way to instill fear, to create division, to continue the absolute genocide that is taking place in Gaza, to center that fear and use it as a mechanism in which to silence the people.

And what we have seen is education is the greatest tool. It’s the greatest tool in this moment. The young people — at a certain point, we know what it is. We see it. Young people are educated. They know the difference between Judaism and Zionism. They are not — they are not linked. Zionism is a political ideology. It has nothing to do with the Torah. We know this. But the way that it is being spun in the media as anything but a movement of love and of solidarity is completely false. So, shoutout to Grant. Shoutout to all — to JVP, to IfNotNow, to Israelism, the film. There’s so many Jewish people right now in our country stepping up and dispelling this insane notion of antisemitism. They’re actually showing the beauty of collective liberation.

AMY GOODMAN: Macklemore, can you talk about the making of “Hind’s Hall” and “Hind’s Hall 2”? Start with “Hind’s Hall” and why [Hind Rajab], her story, the [5-year-old girl], touched you so much. It became basically an anthem of the encampment movement across the country.

MACKLEMORE: I hear the 911 tape of Hind, and I hear my own 6-year-old daughter. You know, I have a 6-year-old. She just turned 7. Hind didn’t get to turn 7. I hear her crying out. I cannot help but imagine my own 6-year-old. And it makes me emotional even just saying it. I can’t imagine my 6-year-old making that 911 call and pleading for someone to please come and save her, and the way that her life was ended by IDF bullets, you know, over a hundred of them. I can’t make sense of that. I can’t make sense of that world.

And really, the song came from a place of — I was writing. I was just — I had no other way to process this. You know, writing has always been a means of me trying to process this world and get deeper into my own truth and this human experience. And I was so moved by what the students at Columbia were doing. I was so moved by — by their bravery and taking over Hamilton Hall, you know, being reminded of resistance movements of the past, of seeing that the students have never been wrong. They have always been on the right side of history. And look at what they’re doing again. Look at what they are doing again. They are leading not only our country, but showing the rest of the world what it looks like to risk, to risk all — you know, again, they paid — who knows how much money they paid to go to college there at Columbia University? They are uprooting this notion of “I need to protect myself,” and they stepped in. And I think that it came in a time where we were all feeling that fatigue, and Columbia reminded us of what is possible.

And it spread. It spread to universities all across the country. That news got back to those kids in Gaza. They saw, “You know what? Although the U.S. is literally bombing us, Israel is literally killing us, there are people out there that know that our lives are worth the exact same as anyone else in this world.” Those kids in Gaza felt seen.

And the students at Columbia reminded me of what it means to show up. And I remember I came home one day, I went to yoga, and I left yoga, and my heart was feeling open, and I heard this sample by Fairuz that my friend Tamara had played me. And it came on in the car, and it was divine timing. I came right down here to this chair that I’m in, and that song wrote itself. You know, I believe that songs that come from source write themselves. I was just — I happened to have the pen in my hand at that moment.

AMY GOODMAN: Could you share a few lines with us of “Hind’s Hall”?

MACKLEMORE: [rapping] The people, they won’t leave
What is threatenin’ about divesting and wantin’ peace?
The problem isn’t the protests, it’s what they’re protesting
It goes against what our country is funding
Block the barricade until Palestine is free
Block the barricade until Palestine is free
When I was seven, I learned a lesson from Cube and Eazy-E
What was it again? Oh yeah, F— the police.

AMY GOODMAN: And then, “Hind’s Hall 2,” you made that with the help of a Gazan teenager, a rapper named MC Abdul, and the Palestinian American singer Anees. Can you talk about them?

MACKLEMORE: I wanted to continue, you know, continue. I think it was important for me to give Palestinian artists a voice, that was maybe a voice through my platform. Obviously, both those artists have amazing platforms and voices, but I think that my demographic is different. And I wanted to ensure that, like, everyone was able to come and lend their perspective on what’s going on right now, and have it be as heard by as many people as possible.

Anees and I had been going back and forth, and we had kind of both talked about, like, “Yo, we got to do something. We got to say something. You know, we got to make a song.” And it was the perfect opportunity. And right after “Hind’s Hall” came out — it was probably within a couple days — I was in New Zealand. And I hit Anees, and I was like, “Bro, we got to do — we got to do a remix to this.” And I started making the beat. We started sending things back and forth. And slowly, you know, in the next four months, the song was made.

My guy Ghazi from Empire Records put me in touch with MC Abdul, 15 years old, you know, from Palestine, who’s just a phenomenal MC, phenomenal person. And yeah, he sent his verse in. And just the imagery — you know, he’s able to tell a story that I’m not able to tell. He’s able to tell us a very personal story about, you know, losing family, about getting out, about the Palestinian struggle from the perspective of a Palestinian that’s from Palestine. And that voice needs to be heard.

So, to me, it’s just, we are storytellers. We are — art is the greatest form of resistance, or a form of resistance. And “Hind’s Hall 2” was birthed out of that resistance and coming from a place of “We are going to tell our story and not have it be told by anybody else.”

AMY GOODMAN: Macklemore, what do you hope will happen with the film The Encampments, that’s just opening today in different theaters, from Los Angeles to New York?

MACKLEMORE: I hope it wakes up people’s hearts. I hope it reminds people, it serves as a deep reminder, that we are all connected, that it dispels any notion of division, and yet what it actually shows is true solidarity. I hope that it rewrites this history. I think this history — the truth will be our history, as much as it’s attempted to be censored right now. But I think that it will remind people, again, that the students are never wrong. It rekindles bravery. It rekindles courage. And it’s a call to action. We need to get mobilized, organized, And we are in urgent, dire times that require us as human beings coming together and fighting against fascism, fighting against genocide, and the only way to do that is by opening up the heart and realizing that collective liberation is the only solution.

AMY GOODMAN: Four-time Grammy-winning musician Macklemore. He’s the executive producer of the new documentary The Encampments, which is opening in the next week in New York, in Los Angeles and beyond. Coming up, we speak to two Columbia graduate students, one who’s just been expelled, as well as the producer of The Encampments. Stay with us.

How Worker-Owned News Outlets Are Changing the Media Industry

For growing numbers of media companies, employee ownership offers journalistic freedom and job stability.
March 29, 2025
Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.





The arrival of COVID-19 in the United States kicked off an ongoing period of job insecurity within the media industry. In April 2020, the New York Times reported that about 37,000 news company employees had been laid off, furloughed, or had their salaries reduced since March of that year.

This instability was still evident in 2024, with media outlets like the Los Angeles Times, the Messenger, and HuffPost undergoing major layoffs and closures.

An October 2024 report from the executive outplacement firm Challenger, Gray, and Christmas, Inc. found that 13,279 media jobs had been cut that year. This included 3,520 cuts in the broadcast, digital, and print news industry—the most since 2020. Companies cited cost-cutting, business closures, and poor market and economic conditions as the main reasons for this downsizing.

According to Andy Challenger, a senior vice president at Challenger, Gray and Christmas. “[T]he news business… [has] changed with ad revenue being captured by Google and Facebook at such a high percentage. Now, artificial intelligence could potentially affect jobs in the news industry as well, particularly for reporting that is based on data, like sports reporting or certain financial reporting,” states a 2024 Columbia Journalism Review article.

Job insecurity has helped spur the rise of worker-owned journalism cooperatives like Flaming Hydra, Aftermath, Racket, and RANGE. According to the Poynter Institute, “[a]t least six worker-centered [news] outlets launched in 2024 alone.”

Emanuel Maiberg is a worker-owner at 404 Media, a “journalist-founded digital media company exploring the ways technology is shaping—and is shaped by—our world.” Before co-founding the company, he was the executive editor at VICE Magazine’s technoscience publication, Motherboard. He and three other former Motherboard employees launched 404 Media in August of 2023—three months after VICE filed for bankruptcy.

“We didn’t like how the company was operating at that point, and we decided to make a go of it on our own,” Maiberg says. “Given our experience at VICE and constantly having to advocate for our journalism to businesspeople and advertising people, we wanted a company owned by journalists.”

This journalist-owned business model frees cooperatives like 404 from many restrictions that non-worker-owned media outlets face. For instance, in 2023, a cyberattack shut down several of MGM Resorts International’s services in Las Vegas and other locales. The “unauthorized third party” accessed the personal information of some of the company’s customers.

“What you want to do at that moment is get someone on the ground who can report what is happening from where it is happening,” Maiberg says. “When you’re [working for] a big company like VICE and you want to do something like that, you have to go through several levels of approval [such as] your manager, your manager’s manager, and people in charge of budget, HR, and travel. That slows you down, and a lot of people want to say no because they have different priorities for what the money should be spent on. When you work at a small, worker-owned company, if the story can be better if we send someone there, we can just do it. When [the MGM hack] happened, my colleague Jason got on the plane that day and went to Las Vegas.”

Like 404 Media, Defector is a worker-owned journalism cooperative founded by former staff members of a large media outlet. “Many of us used to work at Deadspin, the sports website at G/O Media (formerly Gizmodo Media Group, and before that Gawker Media),” Defector’s website explains. “In October of 2019, new private equity ownership took over and tried to make us ‘stick to sports’—despite that violating the very spirit of Deadspin—and fired deputy editor Barry Petchesky on the spot. In response, the rest of the editorial staff quit in solidarity.”

When Defector launched in 2020, Editor-in-Chief Tom Ley wrote, “Who ultimately wins when publications start acting less like purpose-driven institutions and more like profit drivers, primarily tasked with achieving exponential scale at any cost? What material good is produced when private equity goons go on cashing their checks while simultaneously slashing payroll throughout their newsrooms? Things have gotten so bad that even publications that get away with defining themselves as anti-establishment are in fact servile to authority in all forms and exist for the sole purpose of turning their readers into a captive source of profit extraction.”

The 2021 paper “Impact of Media Ownership on News Coverage” highlighted how corporate ownership can compromise journalistic integrity, noting that “media conglomerates may place greater emphasis on profits, with media coverage reflecting the financial interests of its owners.” Similarly, a 2025 study published in the International Journal of Communication found “overwhelming evidence that ownership influences journalistic content.”

In January 2025, ScienceBlog.com presented an example of the journalistic bias and homogenization that can occur within non-employee-owned media outlets. A study of almost 290,000 articles about earnings announcements showed that news sources owned by the same companies “often present similar coverage of financial events.” Flora Sun, assistant professor of accounting at Binghamton University’s School of Management, explained, “You might be subscribing to 10 newspapers or online news websites, but the information you’re getting might be pretty similar, and all those sources happen to be owned by a common media company.”

This situation has been exacerbated by the fact that only six corporations control almost all of the media in the United States, according to a 2024 article by Motley Fool.

Rather than relying on corporate funding, outlets like 404 Media and Defector earn revenue from paid reader subscriptions. Many employee-owned media companies also take little or no money from advertisers. For instance, in 2023, Morning Brew reported that Defector got 95 percent of its revenue from subscribers during its first year [2020], and “outside of a few small, DTC brands, the company was focusing on other areas of the business rather than advertising; a year later, Defector said it had ‘largely stopped’ running ads on its site and in its newsletters.”

In 2025, Brett White, the editor-in-chief of the employee-owned entertainment news outlet Pop Heist, told Poynter he was “very adamant against on-site advertising.” He added, “Just as much as corporate interests and the Google algorithm notification of everything has ruined pop culture journalism, I think ads have as well.”

Besides helping journalists avoid pressure from advertisers and corporate overseers, employee ownership can boost job security. According to a 2022 study published by IZA World of Labor, worker-owned companies “have more stability, higher survival rates, and fewer layoffs in recessions.”

This business model has brought financial success for Defector, whose annual report for September 2023 to August 2024 showed a total revenue of $4,600,000. Meanwhile, the Nieman Journalism Lab reported in 2024 that Hell Gate “doubled its subscription revenue in its second year as a worker-owned news outlet.” Hell Gate, which launched in 2022, attributes this “growth to its hard paywall and a website redesign that made subscribing easier.”

Maiberg explains that each member of 404 Media owns an equal percentage of the company. “[When we founded this group,] our theory was that if journalists own the company, journalism leads the business, and we publish good articles, people will want to pay us for them. So far, it’s working.”

As co-owners of the business, 404 Media’s members make all their decisions by consensus. “It’s not like if it’s three against one, we go with the three,” Maiberg notes.

He adds that all the company’s members were active in VICE’s editorial union before starting 404. Rather than taking votes, the union’s 12-person bargaining committee “talked about issues until we arrived at a decision we were all comfortable with.” 404 continues to use that model. “Even if it takes time, I think it’s better to [find] something that everyone feels good about than have one person be sour about a decision they were voted down on.”

This article was produced by Local Peace Economy.

Damon Orion is a writer, journalist, musician, artist, and teacher in Santa Cruz, California. His work has appeared in Revolver, Guitar World, Spirituality + Health, Classic Rock, High Times, and other publications. Read more of his work at DamonOrion.com

Shaking the Cherries Down

As an antifascist movement awakens, our job is to build organization




March 29, 2025
Source: Liberation Road




It’s spring, a season of hope, and the prairie grass is dry, waiting for sparks. And we face a clear challenge from the Trump fascist clique. People are suffering. Some are being “disappeared.” We are called to fight.

Antifascist movements don’t arise out of nowhere. The clique now in the White House sets them in motion by inflicting one outrage after another against people’s liberties, lives, and livelihoods.

In the past week alone, some 550 grassroots protests emerged in every state—with dozens, naturally, in D.C. itself, the seat of federal power. That power is now split into three: those defending the fascists, those enabling it by conciliation or silence, and those taking stands against it in various ways. We have to learn how to use contradictions among those on top, while healing contradictions among the people at the base.

I am thrilled by the tens of thousands turning out in the heartland for Bernie and AOC. A large coalition of the progressive organizers behind the upsurge has already formed. It’s calling on all of us to turn out on Saturday, April 5, 2025. There will be a very large mobilization in D.C. But if you can’t make it there, substantial local mobilizations also will take place in nearly every city and college town in the country.


We have dozens of reasons to join them and even more demands to be raised. The tip of our spear must aim at the ICE/DHS secret raid against immigrants, documented or not, who have spoken out against the genocide being inflicted on Gaza. The thugs start here because they consider it low-hanging fruit, our weak point, believing that these voices are a despised minority within another unpopular minority of a wider peace and justice movement. We demand a foreign policy in tune with the UN Charter and its Principle of Peaceful Coexistence.

We must do a deeper exposure of Team Trump and prove them and their policy of division wrong. The core value in all our diverse narratives of who we are and what we want is solidarity. An injury to one of us is an injury to all of us. We don’t have to agree with everything any of those targeted might say. But we must stand with them on the right to speak, the right to equality before the law, and the right to due process. Most of all, we want their voices in our campaigns and organizations.

Our 14th Amendment gives these “due process” rights to all persons in our country, whether they are citizens or not. If you think otherwise, you are abandoning what it means to be an American. You are abandoning the legacy of our “Second Revolution,” of the 500,000 or more who perished, Black, white, and otherwise, those who “gave the last full measure of devotion.” Moreover, “It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought,” for a nation rooted in an abolition democracy. This is the core value that is never granted to us by our “betters,” and never can be. Why? Because, self-evidently, these core values and natural rights are part of our nature as social beings. Tyrants can deny them or try to restrict them, but they can never take them away.

We demand that today’s anti-American neo-confederates stop all their fascist projects. We aim for their removal from power. We demand that they and any successors respect the rights of immigrants and welcome those fleeing injustice. We demand that they stop their attacks on veterans, whom Trump has always despised, and restore the VA and its hospitals and benefits. We demand they cease their attacks on the Department of Labor and the NLRB. All workers have the right to form unions in every state and to stand up for better wages, working conditions, and the expansion of social justice. We demand the restoration of all DEI measures won in all the civil rights battles of every decade. There is one race, the human race, and we defend the rights of all, regardless of skin color, language, or religious faith. We demand respect and equality for all women, including health care and abortion rights. The attacks on doctors and their female patients must cease and desist in every state. Likewise for all LGBTQ persons. In short, we want consistent democracy for all the exploited and oppressed, all along the line.

Our task in the weeks ahead is to join these movements and “fan the flames of discontent.” But we also must avoid a trap, one this writer observed earlier in the Jesse Jackson campaigns of the 1980s. My organization at that time, the League of Revolutionary Struggle, or LRS, played an important role in shaping Jesse’s Rainbow Coalition. Jackson started with a firm base in Chicago’s Black and Latino communities. But LRS did important work in bringing in Chicanos, Chinese-Americans, Filipinos, and all Pacific Islanders and others. (I worked with a small team taking Jesse to Iowa and Nebraska, bringing in progressive farmers, the “green stripe” in the Rainbow).

We saw ourselves as “building a movement.” But Jesse frequently warned us: “My job is to shake the cherries down from the tree. But I can’t do it all. Your job is to gather up the harvest on the ground.” We found the wisdom in that warning the hard way, soon after the election activities ebbed. All the “build a movement” assertions turned into empty air. We won a few new recruits to the LRS here and there, but not much else, even though a few of us continued with staff positions in Jesse’s Rainbow-Push operation in Chicago.


“My job is to shake the cherries down from the tree. But I can’t do it all. Your job is to gather up the harvest on the ground.” -Jesse Jackson

We fell into the “build the movement” trap. We do not create movements. We can see what actually builds them every day, with the flurry of Oval Office assaults and inflections on us everywhere. Wherever there is oppression, there is resistance.

But it’s also true that movements, like everything else in the universe, move in waves; they flow, and they ebb. At one point of upsurge in the “long 1960s,” we thought it would be ever upward and onward, and when the ebb came, our old set of tactics for flow failed miserably. Think of the Weather Underground as an extreme case in point.

We can help build movement in many ways, such as by fanning the flames. But to avoid the hidden trap, we must also build structured campaigns and new mass organizations within movements. Organizations of all sorts are our most essential weapons, including but not limited to our own socialist organizations. The socialists who think straight matter a great deal. As Uncle Ho once noted, “the harder the core, the broader the front.” We have a far-sighted strategy and tactics. If we deploy them well, everyone in our common front can grow.

But the key important lesson arises as the wave begins to ebb. We have to know when to cast the net out, during the flow, and when to draw the net in, when the crest begins to ebb. We need to keep stronger and larger campaigns, like Rev. Barbor’s “Third Reconstruction” and organizations within it that can survive and thrive either way, so when the next wave comes, we start on higher ground with better and larger organizations. We especially need this when we are in Gramsci’s “war of position,” where we engage in our “long march” winning “strong points” (Lenin) in all of them. Why? Because at some point the crisis deepens, and we face the tasks of winning governing power—a war of movement that can start to “capture the castles,” tactically, at all levels, starting with cities, counties, and states.

At some point, the war of movement will arise everywhere, and a dual power will become a new power. This will create new problems. We would all love to have these new problems on our plates, but we are not there yet. For the moment, we solve the problem of organization-building within movement-building.

Here’s a closing hint for an efficient way to do all this: when you go to a protest event or action, take a clipboard, pens, and calling cards with you. Then ask questions of people you don’t know, outside your comfort zone, listen to them, and ask more. Learn to persuade by sharing common passions of weal and woe. Record and report. If you don’t take these tools, you are simply an activist. If you do and you use them well, you are an organizer and a party-builder. Now is the time for us to build.

Monday, March 31, 2025

 

Source: Labor Notes

In his broadest attack on federal workers and their unions to date, President Donald Trump on Thursday announced an executive order that claimed to end collective bargaining rights for nearly the whole federal workforce. Early estimates have the move affecting 700,000 to 1 million federal workers, including at the Veterans Administration and the Departments of Defense, Energy, State, Interior, Justice, Treasury, Health and Human Services, and even Agriculture.


This gutting of federal worker rights has the potential to be a pivotal, existential moment for the labor movement. It is a step that recognizes that the Trump administration’s rampage against the federal government is hitting a roadblock: unions.


Much remains to be seen: How quickly will the government move to execute the order? How much of it will stand up to challenges in court? Members of the Federal Unionists Network (FUN), who have been protesting ongoing firings and cuts, are holding an emergency organizing call on Sunday, March 30.


ECHOES OF PATCO


The move echoes past attacks on federal and public sector unions, including President Ronald Reagan firing 11,000 striking air traffic controllers, members of PATCO, in 1981. Reagan’s move signaled “open season” on the labor movement, public and private sector alike. Reacting to the Trump executive order, Auto Workers President Shawn Fain said in a statement that after the PATCO firings, “The labor movement failed to act in that moment, and we have been paying the price ever since.”


“The actions the administration has taken today are many times worse than PATCO,” he said


The dubious mechanism that Trump is using to revoke these rights involves declaring wide swaths of the federal workforce to be too “sensitive” for union rights.

The executive order claims that workers across the government have “as a primary function intelligence, counterintelligence, investigative, or national security work.”


Historically the interpretation of this has been much narrower. While CIA operatives have not been eligible for collective bargaining, nurses at the Veterans Administration have. These rights have been law since the 1978 Civil Service Reform Act, and in various forms for years prior, starting with an executive order by President Kennedy in 1962.


For example, the Veterans Administration has the largest concentration of civilian workers in the federal government, with more than 486,000 workers. The Trump executive order declares all of them to be excluded from collective bargaining rights.


A MILLION WORKERS AFFECTED


The order names 10 departments in part or in full, and eight other governmental bodies like agencies or commissions, ranging from all civilian employees at the Department of Defense and the Environmental Protection Agency to all workers at the Centers for Disease Control (a part of the Department of Health and Human Services) and the General Services Administration.


Federal unions immediately denounced the executive order, promising to challenge it in court. Everett Kelley, president of the American Federation of Government Employees, the largest federal union, said in a statement that AFGE “will fight relentlessly to protect our rights, our members, and all working Americans from these unprecedented attacks.”


It is unclear how quickly the federal government and its various agencies will act to nullify contracts and all that come with them.


At the Transportation Security Administration, where collective bargaining rights were axed in recent weeks, the impact was felt immediately: union representatives on union leave were called back to work, grievances were dropped, and contractual protections around scheduling were thrown out the window.


Some protests already in the works may become outlets for justified anger about the wholesale destruction of the federal labor movement.


Organizers with the FUN, a cross-union network of federal workers that has jumped into action as the crisis has deepened, are organizing local “Let Us Work” actions for federal workers impacted by layoffs and hosting the Sunday emergency organizing call March 30.


National mobilizations under the banner of “Hands Off” are also already planned for April 5.

 

Source: Labor Notes

From big cities to small towns, postal workers organized hundreds of rallies across the country in the past week to defend a beloved public service—and the nation’s largest union employer—against privatization and DOGE attack.

“Whose Postal Service?” workers chanted in New York: “The people’s Postal Service.”

“U.S. Mail Is Not for Sale” was the rallying cry March 20 at 250 rallies organized by the Postal Workers (APWU). “Fight Like Hell” was the theme March 23 for another 210 rallies led by the Letter Carriers (NALC).

A hundred people came out to the NALC rally in St. Petersburg, Florida, covering all four corners of the busiest intersection in town, said Roger Ezra Butterfield, a recently minted steward in APWU.

“I’ve been going to pickets for about 15 years, for farmworkers, for nurses, but I’ve never seen such a positive reception,” Butterfield said. “The ratio of getting flipped off to getting cheered on was heavily in our favor. There was so much honking, people shouting ‘We love postal workers!’ It was incredibly exciting.”

A hundred and twenty showed up for the APWU rally in Des Moines, Iowa, said letter carrier Margo O’Neill. “We were fired up,” she said. “More than anything I was glad to have the chance to express solidarity with APWU. I’m glad we can start working together.” Mail handlers and rural carriers came too: all four major postal service unions were represented.

BOTTOM-UP PLANNING

The NALC’s “Fight Like Hell” events were originally meant to be contract rallies, after letter carriers voted down a pitiful contract offer in January.

It was a breakthrough for the union’s bottom-up reform movement when NALC leadership agreed to call a national day of action. After a couple zigs and zags, the national even got on board with the date backed by the Build a Fighting NALC caucus—a Sunday, when most members are off work.

An energetic demonstration in Detroit, possibly the first that NALC Branch 1 has ever organized, drew 300 enthusiastic letter carriers and family members. “This is my first rally—and it won’t be my last,” one worker told longtime Labor Notes editor Jane Slaughter, who called it the most encouraging rally she had been to since Trump took office.

Three hundred turned out in the pouring rain in Seattle, where speakers included a federal worker from the Environmental Protection Agency and a veteran of the 1970 postal strike.

DOWNSIZE AND PRIVATIZE?

Foreboding clouds have hung over USPS since the reelection of Trump, who during his first term made no secret of his ambitions to downsize and privatize the service. His Postal Board of Governors back then appointed as Postmaster General Louis DeJoy, a major Trump campaign fundraiser from the private logistics sector.

While protests have stalled some parts of DeJoy’s 10-year plan of drastic cost-cutting and reorganization, he has managed to enact others, and until recently vowed he wasn’t going anywhere. But in February he announced he would be leaving, though he didn’t set a date.

Days later the Washington Post broke the news that Trump was on the verge of signing an executive order to bring the currently independent USPS under the Commerce Department, an illegal move that would presumably curtail union rights. Unlike other federal workers, postal workers since their 1970 strike have enjoyed full collective bargaining rights and the protections of the National Labor Relations Act.

The executive order still hasn’t arrived—but the threat set many dominos tumbling. The Postal Board of Governors held an emergency meeting and hired its own lawyers. DeJoy opened the door and invited DOGE in to help him hack away at specific parts of USPS, including workers’ retirement and a regulatory commission he doesn’t like. Wells Fargo investment analysts put out a memo drooling over postal privatization opportunities.

And the NALC leadership rushed the economic part of the contract into expedited arbitration, abandoned noneconomic issues, and refocused its “Fight Like Hell” rallies to emphasize the new threats.

CONTRACT FALLOUT

The day after the rallies, March 24, NALC President Brian Renfroe announced that the arbitrator had awarded a deal on March 21. The raises are barely improved—where the rejected offer had raises of 1.3 percent each year, the forced-upon-members contract has 1.3 percent the first year, 1.4 the second, and 1.5 the third.

Letter carriers, fresh off the energy of their rallies, were furious.

“It’s functionally the same contract that we all just voted down,” said O’Neill. She thought Renfroe might have trouble winning his next election after this. “One thing that rang true in a lot of people’s minds immediately is that UPS with [Teamsters then-President] James Hoffa Jr., he forced through that contract that they had voted down [in 2018] and then he ended up getting voted out.”

She has been helping build a local chapter of the Build a Fighting NALC caucus. “We have made so many connections with letter carriers across the state,” she said, giving as an example the town of Ames, which turned out 50-60 people for the NALC rally—impressive for a branch with just 30 members. People in rural communities, whatever their politics, rely on the postal service.

“It’s really heartening to see people standing up and see resistance even in these small pockets of Iowa,” O’Neill said. “I know there are a lot of people out there who are really upset with the union and just want to leave the union. We’re offering an alternative and saying, ‘Don’t leave the union. We need all hands on deck to make it better—either push leadership to take our side or find a new leadership.’”

In Seattle, “the members of Branch 79 that showed up, showed that they cared to fight and cared to win, and they had the gumption to win,” said letter carrier C. Moline. “Brian Renfroe has shown time and time again that he doesn’t have that, and that’s why he should step down. But he won’t step down, and that’s why we’re going to have to take him down.

“All the pride I feel about our rally is about equal to all the shame I feel about this man.”

The union election is next year. Two candidates have been gathering steam to challenge Renfroe for the presidency. And bargaining has taken so long that the NALC will be back at the table at next year, too. This contract is retroactive to 2023 and expires in 2026.

WOLF AT THE DOOR

A national day of action is not so novel in the APWU. Members rally regularly, most recently last fall when bargaining kicked off. But turnout was higher this time: at least double, for instance, in Tampa.

“There’s a feeling in the air that something is different,” said Butterfield. Local union leaders have been projecting urgency: texting members, asking stewards to talk about the threat, holding town halls on all three shifts in the distribution plant. Still, there’s also skepticism: people say “I’ve been hearing about privatization my entire career, and it hasn’t happened yet.”

“The boy who cried wolf metaphor been raised,” Butterfield said. “Our local president is saying this is very different: the wolf is at the door.”

The Wells Fargo memo bluntly suggests mass layoffs, doubling postal prices, selling off half the post offices, and eliminating the central mandate that USPS must provide universal service at universal rates. “You can send a postcard from rural Alaska to Tampa, Florida, for less than a dollar,” Butterfield said.

The APWU is still in bargaining, working under an extension of its recently expired contract. At last summer’s convention, members passed a resolution that the union should answer the United Auto Workers’ call to line up contract expirations around May Day 2028; this would be the contract in which to get that done.

The Rural Carriers (NRLCA) also rallied March 24 in Washington, D.C.

FOX ENTERS HENHOUSE

Contrary to what he had said about sticking around to make a smooth transition to his replacement, Postmaster General DeJoy announced his immediate resignation on March 24. Washington Post reporting suggested he was pushed out for not giving DOGE complete access.

“He let the fox into the henhouse and said, ‘Why don’t you just do the dishes,’” Moline said. “That’s not how this works.”

Meanwhile the administration’s attacks on workers in the rest of the federal sector are reaching a fever pitch. The latest executive order, issued March 27, is meant to eliminate the limited collective bargaining rights that federal workers have had. Four current bills in the House would dismantle additional union rights, like dues deduction and paid time for stewards.

“Forcing our representatives to go on record opposing legislation like that would be a good step,” said O’Neill. “The most important thing is that we organize, talk to the people we work with, discuss what privatization would mean for us—for the city letter carrier, and for our families that don’t live in cities.”

“While [Trump] has us looking at policies of hate and discrimination and prejudice, what he’s doing is he’s distracting us from the real picture,” said New York Metro Area APWU President Jonathan Smith at the March 20 rally. “And the real picture is corporate greed.

“Do not ever believe that this fight is about white versus black. It’s about rich versus poor. It’s about the haves and the have-nots… Who built this country? It wasn’t people in suits. It was people in coveralls.”


Jane Slaughter and Jenny Brown contributed reporting.