Friday, April 18, 2025

By 

By Harry Myo Lin


On March 28, as Myanmar’s Muslims knelt in prayer during Ramadan’s holiest Friday, the ground beneath them split open. A 7.7 magnitude earthquake tore through central Myanmar, flattening neighborhoods in Mandalay and burying entire communities. Two days later, survivors dig through rubble with their hands, hospitals lie in ruins, and the world’s silence is deafening. This is not just a natural disaster—it is the culmination of decades of systemic discrimination, militarized neglect, and global apathy.

The quake struck at the precise moment mosques were most crowded. Hundreds died instantly under collapsing roofs—structures the governments had long forbidden worshippers to reinforce. “We pleaded for years to repair cracks, to add beams,” said a Sagaing imam, his voice trembling as he gestured to a mound of debris where his mosque once stood. “They said no. Now my congregation is gone.” Nearly 450 deaths are confirmed, but survivors whisper the true toll is far higher. These were not random tragedies. They were political choices. Myanmar’s military junta, which has systematically targeted religious minorities for decades, turned places of worship into death traps. The earthquake merely finished the job.

There are no rescue teams, cranes, or hope in the aftermath. The junta, accused of ethnic cleansing and war crimes, has abandoned its people. Youth volunteers who once mobilized during crises have fled conscription or been jailed. “We have shovels and desperation—that’s all,” said a 24-year-old former teacher digging through the ruins of a monastery where hundreds of monks perished. Hospitals, already gutted by the regime’s neglect, lack even basic supplies. “We’re using torn curtains as bandages,” a nurse confessed, her hands stained with blood. The junta’s legacy is a nation stripped of infrastructure and empathy, where disaster response is an act of solitary defiance.

But this earthquake did not strike a blank slate. It shattered a country already fractured by civil war, where junta airstrikes have displaced millions and children learn to duck before they learn to read. Ancient cultural landmarks—the Ava Bridge, the Mahamuni Pagoda, centuries-old monasteries, churches, temples, and mosques—have crumbled, erasing history alongside lives. “These sites held our stories,” said an 82-year-old grandma, staring at the dust where her village temple once stood. “Now we are ghosts in our land.” The quake’s aftershocks are literal and metaphorical: trauma layered on trauma, magnifying grief. Families who escaped junta violence now sleep in fields, fearing landslides will finish what soldiers started.

The world’s response will define this moment. International aid agencies face a moral quagmire: collaborate with a murderous regime that steals aid or bypass it to support local networks operating in the shadows. History offers a grim lesson. After Cyclone Nargis in 2008, the junta diverted relief supplies, leaving over 100,000 to die. Today, the stakes are higher. Myanmar’s civil society—battered but unbroken—pleads for direct support. “Don’t wait for the regime’s permission,” urged a volunteer with an underground rescue group. “We’re drowning now.” Grassroots medics, community kitchens, and ad-hoc rescue teams need funding, not sympathy. ASEAN and the UN must act without the junta’s consent. Every hour of delay is a death sentence.


This catastrophe is a test of global conscience. To view it as merely a “natural disaster” is to ignore the man-made rot beneath: a regime that engineers suffering and a world that too often tolerates it. Myanmar’s people are not asking for pity. They demand solidarity—the kind that bypasses tyrants and empowers those fighting to survive. Donate to trusted local organizations. Pressure governments to reject junta-controlled aid channels. Amplify the voices of those the regime tries to silence. The earthquake was inevitable in a land stripped of its right to prepare; the suffering that followed was not. As survivors dig graves with their hands, the world must decide: Will it watch, or will it finally act


  • About the author: Harry Myo Lin is a Myanmar commentator on Southeast Asian politics and human rights.
Shwetaungthagathu Reform Initiative Centre

The Shwetaungthagathu Reform Initiative Centre (SRIc) is a hybrid think tank and consultancy firm committed to advancing sustainable development and promoting sustainability literacy in Myanmar. Through its Sustainability Lab, SRIc conducts public policy research and analysis to promote Sustainable Development in Myanmar and guide the country toward a sustainable future. SRIc also offers consultation, CSR strategy development, and Sustainability roadmaps focused on Environmental, Social, and Governance (ESG). SRIc equips individuals and organizations with actionable strategies for sustainable growth through capacity-building programs, customized training, publications like Sabai Times, and outreach initiatives such as webinars and podcasts. By merging research insights with practical consultancy, SRIc fosters responsible business practices, develops CSR strategies, and creates sustainability roadmaps, contributing to local and global sustainability efforts.


By 

By Vibhu Mishra


Libya’s prolonged political transition is facing renewed strain, with mounting economic pressures and tensions between rival governments threatening the calm that has held since the 2020 ceasefire.

Nearly 15 years after the fall of Muammar Gaddafi and the emergence of rival administrations in 2014, the country remains divided, with the internationally recognised Government of National Unity (GNU) based in Tripoli in the northwest and the Government of National Stability (GNS) in Benghazi in the east.

“Every day, ordinary Libyans face recurring crises, whether economic, security or political,” Hanna Tetteh, Special Representative of the UN Secretary-General for Libya, told ambassadors in the Security Council on Thursday.

She said that most Libyan leaders agree on the need for an inclusive political process, ending unilateral actions, unifying institutions and restoring stability. Some believe a new unified government is the solution, while others argue it could extend the transition.

Similarly, though there is consensus on holding elections, opinions differ on whether a constitutional framework should precede them.


“Political will for compromise is crucial to develop a consensual roadmap resolving Libya’s political crisis and completing the transition. Elections must be integrated into a comprehensive political framework promoting state-building by unifying and strengthening institutions,” Ms. Tetteh added.SRSG Tetteh briefs the Security Council on the situation in Libya.

Divisions due to economic competition

The competition for Libya’s oil wealth lies at the heart of its political and economic challenges.

“The protracted institutional and political divisions, coupled with harmful unilateral actions and the struggle for control of resources by a privileged few, hold the aspirations and needs of the Libyan people captive,” Ms. Tetteh said.

She warned that overspending of Libya’s vast resources without an agreement on the national budget could lead to an economic collapse if not urgently addressed.

“This is despite the fact that the country’s resources could provide adequately for the safety, security and well-being of its citizens.”

Security and human rights challenges

While the 2020 ceasefire continues to hold, Libya’s security landscape remains precarious, marked by periodic tensions and localized outbreaks of violence.

Recent military build-ups in Tripoli and disputes over territorial control have heightened fears of renewed conflict.

Arbitrary detention continues to be widespread, with legal professionals and political opponents among those targeted. Although some detainees have been released in both eastern and western Libya, many remain held in unlawful detention without due process.

The broader human rights situation also remains deeply concerning – particularly regarding the treatment of migrants, refugees and humanitarian workers. Xenophobic and discriminatory rhetoric has further inflamed social divisions and jeopardised the safety of vulnerable communities.

Women, in particular, face serious threats, including gender-based violence and limited access to legal or social protection.

UNSMIL’s continued support

Amid ongoing challenges, the UN Support Mission in Libya (UNSMIL) – which Ms. Tetteh heads – continues to engage with political actors, civil society representatives and technical experts to support a Libyan-led path forward.

The Mission is facilitating the work of the Advisory Committee, which it established in February. The Committee is tasked with identifying options to resolve contentious electoral issues and is expected to submit its report with proposals by the end of April.

UNSMIL is also consulting economic experts on reforms to strengthen financial sustainability and transparency.

At the same time, efforts to enhance communication and information sharing between military authorities from eastern and western Libya are ongoing, including the establishment of joint security coordination centres.

International collaboration and political will essential

Ms. Tetteh also emphasised the importance of international support for Libya’s political and economic recovery.

While Libyan leaders continue to grapple with their differences, there is a growing recognition that external actors must collaborate to support a comprehensive, Libyan-led solution to the country’s crisis.

“The international community must come together to collaborate on a unified plan to support a democratic state that addresses the Libyan people’s fundamental needs and aspirations, fosters economic growth and equitable development,” she noted.

“Inaction will be more detrimental than the cost of change.”

 INDONESIA

Uphill Struggle For Young Advocates Of Religious And Cultural Diversity In East Kalimantan – Analysis


Ronggeng dance from the Paser tribe in East Kalimantan, Indonesia. Photo Credit: Ezagren, Wikipedia Commons

By 

By Nasrullah, Azhar Ibrahim and Awang Azman Awang Pawi


The development of the Nusantara Capital City (IKN) in East Kalimantan has garnered significant attention. The Indonesian government views the region as a key economic asset, and wishes to capitalise on its abundant natural resources, including mining, forests, and plantations. East Kalimantan has long been a destination for migrants, be this through the government’s transmigration programme or internal migration from other islands such as Java, Sulawesi, Lombok, and Sumatra. Driven primarily by economic opportunities, migration to the region surged during Indonesia’s independence period and under Soeharto’s New Order.[1]

With the ongoing development of Nusantara, experts predict that this migration trend is set to continue. As the region attracts migrants seeking economic opportunities, the composition of its communities has become increasingly complex. Since the latter half of the 19th century, the influx of labourers and primary income earners to East Kalimantan has fostered vibrant interactions among diverse religious and cultural communities.[2] However, these interactions have also made society more susceptible to social and communal strife.

Examining past communal conflicts in East Kalimantan offers valuable insights into the challenges that may arise from the region’s diversity. This issue is particularly pressing for indigenous communities, who often face exclusion from government initiatives and corporate activities.[3] Therefore, it is important that promoting diversity extends beyond encouraging interethnic and interreligious interactions; it requires ensuring equitable access to resources and state policies for all religious and ethnic groups in the region.

Beyond economic factors, the demographic makeup of East Kalimantan is also noteworthy, particularly in the context of Indonesia’s current demographic changes, driven largely by a significant young population. This shift makes the exploration of religious and cultural diversity among the young in the area even more pertinent. Therefore, it is essential to assess the state of multiculturalism among young activists in East Kalimantan, especially with regard to two key questions: What are their views on the region’s diverse ethnic and religious identities, and how do they navigate and promote this diversity? This Perspective examines youth-led initiatives that aim to preserve multiculturalism in East Kalimantan—particularly in Samarinda—and evaluates their effectiveness in maintaining diversity amidst challenges posed by established organisations that may jeopardise harmony and tolerance in the region.

THE STATE OF MULTICULTURALISM IN SAMARINDA

Before examining the youth-led initiatives, it is essential to first understand the demographic makeup of Samarinda, the capital of East Kalimantan. The demographic landscape of Samarinda mirrors the broader multicultural composition of the region, characterised by a diverse mix of religious and ethnic communities.[4] Islam is the dominant religion, and Muslims  comprise 91 per cent of Samarinda’s population and 87 per cent of East Kalimantan’s,[5] with Christianity, Catholicism, and Buddhism making up the remaining portions.[6] Approximately 60 per cent of the population in these areas are of Javanese, Sundanese, and Madurese origin, while around 20 per cent of the population are Bugis and members of various ethnic groups from Sulawesi Island. The remaining 20 per cent consists of local and mixed ethnicities, contributing to the overall cultural diversity of the region.[7]  


Alongside these migrant populations, East Kalimantan is also home to several indigenous ethnic communities, including the Kutai, Paser, Malay-Beraunese, Tidung, and Dayak. These communities have long historical roots in the region, with ancestral ties to the Kingdoms of Kutai, Paser, and Sambaliung-Gunung Tabur. Religiously, the majority of Samarinda’s population, particularly the Javanese, Bugis, and Banjar ethnic groups, adhere to Islam. Christianity and Catholicism are mainly practised by the Dayak, Toraja, Batak, Minahasa (Manado), Chinese communities and a minority among Javanese. The Chinese community predominantly follows Buddhism, while Hinduism is mainly practised by Balinese transmigrants. Overall, the region is diverse in both its ethnic and religious composition. This diversity not only adds to the vibrancy of Samarinda and East Kalimantan but also presents both challenges and opportunities for fostering harmony and mutual understanding among different groups. The next section explores the efforts of civil society organisations (CSOs) in East Kalimantan and their role in managing and promoting diversity within the region.

MANAGING DIVERSITY: EFFORTS BY CIVIL SOCIETY ORGANISATIONS (CSOS)

The religious and ethnic diversity of East Kalimantan, particularly in Samarinda, has given rise to two distinct types of CSOs. One group seeks to uphold and preserve the regions’ diversity by celebrating its broad spectrum of ethnic identities. By contrast, the other emphasises specific religions and local ethnicities as the foundation of their organisational identity. Both these contrasting groups play an active role in public discussions on the regions’ religious and ethnic diversity, especially during key events such as presidential and regional elections.

In recent years, there has been a noticeable rise in the presence of large banners and billboards in Samarinda and Balikpapan, claiming to represent mass organisations affiliated with local ethnic groups or indigenous Kalimantan tribes. This trend reflects the increasing prominence of regional ethnic organisations, and reinforces division between indigenous and migrant ethnic groups, or between local residents and those from other Indonesian islands. Moreover, the elites of these indigenous or local ethnic mass organisations are often linked to local politicians who either hold or aspire to government positions, including regional heads and legislative members at regional and national levels.

In this regard, it is important to highlight that the attitudes of CSOs in East Kalimantan towards diversity are primarily influenced by two key material factors: access to crucial government positions, and the distribution of resources. The recurring discourses in East Kalimantan society often centre on the marginalisation of migrants and the exclusion of native residents. The root cause of this marginalisation lies in state policies and the disproportionate influence granted to companies by central and regional governments.[8] The factors result in significant structural challenges within natural resource management, leading to inequitable access among various civil society groups.

Notably, the central and regional governments actively perpetuate the disparity in access between local residents and migrants, with migrant workers often being the primary beneficiaries of this bias. Moreover, regional mass organisations have inadvertently contributed to the widening divide between indigenous populations and migrants (perantau). Rather than advocating for equitable aid distribution or pushing for affirmative measures to support indigenous ethnic groups, these organisations have, in effect, exacerbated the rift between local residents and migrants.

THE POLITICAL-ECONOMY OF DIVERSITY

Compared to the CSOs, political parties and interest groups in East Kalimantan generally adopt a more pragmatic approach to diversity—they embrace it only when it aligns with their political and economic goals. Only a few civil organisations have genuinely prioritised diversity as their organisational goals. As a result, political parties tend to focus more on safeguarding economic and political interests than on promoting diversity. While the need for maintaining and appreciating diversity is acknowledged, the main objective is often to leverage the presence of multiple perspectives to further economic and political agendas. In the November 2024 gubernatorial election, for instance, one candidate pair blocked contenders of local ethnic heritage from competing by securing the support of established political parties. In this case, diversity and multiculturalism were secondary to political and economic interests.

It is important to note that the Javanese, the largest ethnic group in East Kalimantan, hold considerable influence, particularly in Samarinda. Political elites in the region often seek political backing from the Javanese population either by nominating them as candidates or appointing them to influential government positions, such as the regional secretary of East Kalimantan province or the mayoral secretary of Samarinda.[9] In these scenarios, diversity is not the primary consideration. Nevertheless, this example underscores the significant impact of ethnic diversity on regional head elections in East Kalimantan. Indeed, the positions of Regent (Bupati) and Deputy Regent (Wakil Bupati) in the Kutai Kartanegara region are predominantly occupied by ethnic migrants of Javanese-Bugis descent.[10] The Bupati and Wakil Bupati pair faced minimal competition in the most recent Bupati election, particularly from local ethnic candidates, such as those from the Kutai and Dayak communities.

While one might assume that Muslims, as the dominant religious group, exert significant influence over government and politics in East Kalimantan, there is, in reality, little to no substantial competition at the provincial level which is based on religious identity. In districts like Mahakam Ulu and West Kutai, governance and politics are primarily shaped by Christian communities and ethnic Dayaks, who practise Catholicism and Christianity. Over time, conflicts have emerged within the Muslim community, largely revolving around ethnic identity—particularly the divide between indigenous ethnic groups and ethnic migrants. However, political disputes generally downplay these identities, as long as they do not threaten political and economic stability. The discourse on diversity in this region is only revived when stability, especially on religious matters, is at risk.

YOUTH-LED EFFORTS IN PROMOTING DIVERSITY

On the other hand, the youths of East Kalimantan, particularly in Samarinda, have demonstrated a stronger willingness to embrace diversity. Youth organisations and activist groups, in particular, adopt a flexible and inclusive approach to religious and ethnic identities. This is largely because youths in East Kalimantan are more inclined to accept and celebrate religious and cultural diversity within their social circles. Their social dynamics tend to be less rigid and more open compared to those of the older generation, especially those involved in government, business, and politics. For example, the Gusdurian Community and Aksi Kamisan Kaltim—both led by young people—have been at the forefront of promoting diversity in the region, actively defending the rights of minority groups. Unlike the older generation, these young activists not only embrace diversity but also leverage it as a powerful tool to advocate for positive change, both within their local communities and across East Kalimantan.

The Gusdurian Community in East Kalimantan, in particular, actively champions diversity and pluralism in line with the teachings of Gus Dur, a respected figure in Indonesian history. On the other hand, Aksi Kamisan Kaltim principally dedicates its efforts to advocating for and enlightening the public on human rights and environmental concerns. Despite their distinct area of focus, both groups regularly advocate causes that safeguard the rights of marginalised communities in East Kalimantan, including those facing persecution, such as the Ahmadiyah group.[11] Furthermore, both groups address issues such as land grabbing, environmental degradation, and anti-corruption, partnering with other non-governmental organisations (NGOs) to amplify their efforts.

However, despite these youth-led efforts to promote diversity, the issue of migration, in particular, remains a dominant and polarising topic in East Kalimantan. Migration is often framed as a threat to the interests of the indigenous population, with some groups attributing resource scarcity and economic disparities to the influx of migrants. This has fuelled a growing wave of anti-migrant sentiment, with migrants being blamed for exploiting the region’s resources at the expense of the indigenous people. Such attitudes are further reinforced by the visible presence of billboards and public messaging in Samarinda and Balikpapan, which emphasise the need for indigenous communities to reclaim what they believe are their lost rights—something often framed as having been taken by migrants.

In light of this, youth organisations advocating for diversity in East Kalimantan have yet to issue a collective statement that challenges the aforementioned narrative. However, addressing this misconception is crucial, as the tension between indigenous and migrant communities is often rooted in the competition for scarce resources, a situation further compounded by the control over key resources by state-backed private companies. If left unaddressed, this issue could disrupt the harmonious coexistence between the region’s diverse communities.

THE EFFECTIVENESS OF YOUTH INITIATIVES

As highlighted earlier, the current situation presents significant challenges for civil society and youth organisations working to address diversity issues in East Kalimantan. Despite their efforts, religious and ethnic sentiments continue to overshadow the support for multiculturalism, particularly during major events involving religious and ethnic mass organisations. For example, the aftermath of the 2017 Jakarta regional elections saw heightened tensions between Islamic mass organisations, such as the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI), and several Dayak groups in East Kalimantan.[12] These mass organisations, with their extensive networks and influence, still play a dominant role in shaping religious and ethnic sentiments, often undermining the efforts of youth groups advocating for diversity and tolerance. As a result, organisations focused on promoting diversity and tolerance face considerable difficulties in mobilising the general public to support multiculturalism in East Kalimantan, especially when confronting organisations perceived as intolerant or conservative.

That said, influential religious organisations such as Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and Muhammadiyah, along with ethnic and regional associations must step up to rally support for diversity, multiculturalism, and tolerance. By doing so, they can help mitigate the harmful impact of ethnic and religious attitudes that threaten tolerance in East Kalimantan. If these large organisations choose not to act, ethnic and religious sentiments could lead to social fragmentation. This, in turn, would make it increasingly difficult for youth-led efforts to promote tolerance and multiculturalism to have meaningful impact. This is especially true when highly organised and influential mass organisations make use of divisive rhetoric and actions. In such a climate, advocates of multiculturalism may struggle to encourage the celebration of diversity and tolerance in East Kalimantan.

Despite the challenges, the situation is not without hope—youth activists in East Kalimantan still have significant opportunities to promote and uphold diversity and multiculturalism. A strategic approach would begin with engaging the aforementioned prominent Islamic institutions, such as NU and Muhammadiyah, whose influence and networks can lend credibility and support to these efforts. Following this, youth leaders can collaborate with other religious groups, including those representing Christian, Catholic, Hindu, Buddhist, Confucian, and indigenous faiths, to foster a more inclusive dialogue. Additionally, youth activists can reach out to community associations representing groups such as the Javanese, Banjar, Bugis, Chinese, Batak, Kutai, Dayak, Tidung, and others, to form a broad coalition.

Simultaneously, proponents of multiculturalism must strengthen their partnership with NGOs. By promoting proactive measures that guarantee equal economic and educational opportunities for all, youth activists can address the growing religious and ethnic tensions between local ethnic groups and migrants. In doing so, they can help pave the way for a more inclusive, harmonious future in East Kalimantan. 


For endnotes, please refer to the original pdf document.

  • About the authors: Nasrullah is PhD candidate at the Department of Socio-culture and the Arts, Academy of Malay Studies, Universiti Malaya. He is also a lecturer and faculty member at the Faculty of Cultural Sciences, Mulawarman University. Azhar Ibrahim is Senior Lecturer at the Department of Malay Studies, National University of Singapore (NUS). Awang Azman Awang Pawi is Professor at Academy of Malay Studies, Universiti Malaya. He is also a Director of Center for Malay Excellence Studies (Pusat Kajian Kecemerlangan Melayu – PKKM), Academy of Malay Studies, Universiti Malaya. 
  • Source: This article was published at ISEAS Perspective

ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute

The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS), an autonomous organization established by an Act of Parliament in 1968, was renamed ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute in August 2015. Its aims are: To be a leading research centre and think tank dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. To stimulate research and debate within scholarly circles, enhance public awareness of the region, and facilitate the search for viable solutions to the varied problems confronting the region. To serve as a centre for international, regional and local scholars and other researchers to do research on the region and publish and publicize their findings. To achieve these aims, the Institute conducts a range of research programmes; holds conferences, workshops, lectures and seminars; publishes briefs, research journals and books; and generally provides a range of research support facilities, including a large library collection.
Leaked: Ukraine and US intend to finalise mineral exploitation deal by end of April


Copyright AP Photo

By Eleonora Vasques
Published on 18/04/2025 


Ukraine and the United States signed a 'memorandum of intent' on Thursday seen by Euronews laying the groundwork to finalise the mineral deal. Key negotiations are expected in Washington between 21-26 April.

The US and Ukraine have signed a memorandum of intent with the goal of finalising a "formal agreement on economic partnership and reconstruction investment fund," concerning mineral exploitation, according to a document seen by Euronews.

The one-page document, signed by Ukraine's first deputy prime minister Yulia Svyrydenko and US Secretary of Treasury Scott Bessent on Thursday evening, says that a key round of negotiations will happen in Washington between 21 and 26 April.

By that time, it is expected that both sides will have reached a general agreement to finally sign off on the deal.

"Without prejudice to any remaining political or legal procedures required to complete the arrangement, Ukraine Prime Minister Shmyhal will visit Washington DC the week of April 21 2025 to meet the US Treasury Secretary Bessent and lend high-level support to the conclusion of technical discussions on the terms of an agreement establishing a reconstruction investment fund," the document reads.

Vice President JD Vance speaks with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy as President Donald Trump listens in the Oval Office, 28 February, 2025AP Photo

"Negotiating teams are expected to report on the progress by April 26, 2025, with the aim of completing discussions by that date and signing as soon as possible."

The document also outlines possible conflicts the agreement may create with the European Union and that the US will not interfere in such a case.

"The United States respects Ukraine's intention to avoid conflicts in the drafting of the agreement with Ukraine's obligations under European Union accession or agreements with international financial institutions and other official creditors," the document says.

Tensions between the US and Ukraine

Relations between Ukraine and the US have soured since US President Donald Trump began negotiations with Russian officials to end the war, side-lining Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

A meeting between Zelenskyy and Trump in the Oval Office in February descended into a shouting match, with Trump accusing the Ukrainian president of not being grateful enough for US support.

Meanwhile, Secretary of State Marco Rubio was in Paris on Thursday to discuss a wide range of issues with European allies, including the war in Ukraine.

On Friday, he told the press that if no progress is made on peace within the next few days, Washington might abandon peace talks.

What is in the deal?

At the end of March, Bloomberg and the Financial Times revealed details about the latest version of the mineral agreement put forward by the White House, which would see Washington gain unprecedented control over Ukraine's natural resources through a joint investment fund.

Under the draft, the fund's board would comprise five members: three appointed by the US and two appointed by Ukraine.

In practice, this would give Washington an effective veto power on key decisions regarding new projects of infrastructure and natural resources.

Roads, railways, ports, mines, oil, gas and the extraction of critical minerals would all fall under the scope of the new structure.

A view of an ilmenite open pit mine in a canyon in the central region of Kirovohrad, 12 February, 2025   AP Photo

Ukraine would be obliged to present all new projects to the fund for review "as early as practicable", Bloomberg reported. If the project were turned down, Ukraine would be prevented from offering it to other parties with "materially better" conditions.

Additionally, the US would have the right to reap all the profits from the fund and a 4% annual return until the military and financial aid that has been provided to Ukraine is fully recouped.

The Kiel Institute for the World Economy estimates American support to be worth €114 billion since the start of Russia's full-scale invasion.

The "payback" model has been central to Donald Trump's motivation to sign the deal.


US, Ukraine sign memorandum on minerals deal: Ukrainian minister

Memorandum of intent lays groundwork for future minerals agreement

David Kachkachishvili and Beril Canakci |18.04.2025 - 



KYIV, Ukraine

Ukraine and the US signed a memorandum Thursday that lays the groundwork for a future economic partnership and cooperation on mineral development, said Ukrainian Economy Minister Yulia Svyrydenko.

“We are happy to announce the signing, with our American partners, of a Memorandum of Intent,” Svyrydenko wrote on X.

She said the agreement paves the way for an economic partnership agreement and the creation of an investment fund for the reconstruction of Ukraine.

According to Svyrydenko, negotiating teams from the two countries recently concluded a fresh round of technical talks in Washington.

The next steps include finalizing the text of the broader agreement, followed by its formal signing and parliamentary ratification, she added.

“There is a lot to do,” Svyrydenko said, “but the current pace and significant progress give reason to expect that the document will be very beneficial for both countries.”

An agreement giving the US access to Ukraine’s rare earth minerals was scheduled to be signed at the White House in late February.

But US President Donald Trump and his Ukrainian counterpart Volodymyr Zelenskyy engaged in a heated dispute, and the signing was canceled.