Sunday, February 01, 2026

Turkey blocks aid convoy to Syria's Kurdish town of Kobane: NGOs


Turkish authorities have blocked a convoy carrying aid to Kobane, a predominantly Kurdish town in northern Syria encircled by the Syrian army


The New Arab Staff & Agencies
31 January, 2026

Turkish authorities have blocked a convoy carrying aid to Kobane, a predominantly Kurdish town in northern Syria encircled by the Syrian army, NGOs and a Turkish MP said on Saturday.

They said the aid was blocked before it reached the Turkey-Syria border, despite an agreement announced on Friday between the Syrian government and the country's Kurdish minority to gradually integrate the Kurds' military and civilian institutions into the state.

Twenty-five lorries containing water, milk, baby formula and blankets collected in Diyarbakir, the main city in Turkey's predominantly Kurdish southeast, "were prevented from crossing the border", said the Diyarbakir Solidarity and Protection Platform, which organised the aid campaign.

"Blocking humanitarian aid trucks carrying basic necessities is unacceptable, both from the point of view of humanitarian law and from the point of view of moral responsibility," said the platform, which brings together several NGOs.

Earlier this week, residents of Kobane told AFP they were running out of food, water and electricity because the city was overwhelmed with people fleeing the advance of the Syrian army.

Kurdish forces accused the Syrian army of imposing a siege on Kobane, also known as Ain al-Arab in Arabic.

"The trucks are still waiting in a depot on the highway," said Adalet Kaya, an MP from Turkey's pro-Kurdish DEM party who was accompanying the convoy.

"We will continue negotiations today. We hope they will be able to cross at the Mursitpinar border post," he told AFP.

Mursitpinar is located on the Turkish side of the border, across from Kobane.

Turkish authorities have kept the border crossing closed since 2016, while occasionally opening it briefly to allow humanitarian aid to pass through.


DEM and Turkey's main opposition CHP called this week for Mursitpinar to be opened "to avoid a humanitarian tragedy".

Turkish authorities said aid convoys should use the Oncupinar border crossing, 180 kilometres (110 miles) away.

"It's not just a question of distance. We want to be sure the aid reaches Kobane and is not redirected elsewhere by Damascus, which has imposed a siege," said Kaya.

After months of deadlock and fighting, Damascus and the Syrian Kurds announced an agreement on Friday that would see the forces and administration of Syria's Kurdish autonomous region gradually integrated into the Syrian state.

Kobane is around 200 kilometres from the Kurds' stronghold in Syria's far northeast.

Kurdish forces liberated the city from a lengthy siege by the Islamic State group in 2015 and it took on symbolic value as their first major victory against the militants.

Kobane is hemmed in by the Turkish border to the north and government forces on all sides, pending the entry into the force of Friday's agreement.


Reshaping Syria's northeast: What now for the SDF?



The government's push into the northeast is reshaping Syria's balance of power, leaving the SDF's future and the country's reunification hanging in the balance

Analysis
Cian Ward
29 January, 2026



Deir Az-Zour, Syria - Two nail-biting hours after the deadline for last week's ceasefire in northeast Syria expired on Saturday, Syria’s Ministry of Defence announced that they had decided to extend the truce for an additional 15 days.

The announcement came following a major conflagration in Syria since mid-January, when the government launched an offensive against the Kurdish-majority Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in Syria’s northeast.

It followed a week of clashes in Aleppo’s Kurdish neighbourhoods of Achrafieh and Sheikh Maqsoud, and a government offensive in SDF positions in eastern Aleppo.

Just under a week into the operation in northeast Syria, tribes in the largely Arab provinces of Raqqa and Deir Az-Zour, who had been allies with the SDF for years, defected to the side of the government. This forced the SDF to retreat to Kobani, Qamishli, and Hasakah, where larger populations of Kurds are situated.

On 18 January, a 14-point peace deal was agreed between the two sides that stipulated the SDF’s integration, but it was never effectively implemented on the ground as both sides kept fighting.


A second deal was then announced that provided the SDF with four days for “internal consultations” to develop a concrete plan on how they could integrate. On Saturday, the deadline expired without response, and for two hours the country held its breath, not knowing if the northeast was about to be plunged back into war. At the 11th hour, the ceasefire was eventually extended, and is now due to expire on 8 February.

SDF commander Mazloum Abdi was in Damascus on Tuesday for further talks as part of efforts to reach a new security arrangement in the northeast.

A source close to the Kurdish side told Al-Araby Al-Jadeed, The New Arab's sister site, that the government’s internal security forces are expected to enter Hasakah city alongside the SDF’s internal security - perhaps as soon as the next 48 hours.

Cian Ward


Washington's shifting loyalties

The US announced plans last week to transfer 7,000 Islamic State (IS) prisoners from detention facilities under the control of the SDF to Iraq. The 15-day ceasefire extension was ostensibly to provide the US military time to achieve this.

Washington’s decision could signal a degree of pessimism about the ability of the SDF and the government to agree on an integration deal, alongside its diminished trust in the SDF’s capacity to guarantee the security of its prisons in the face of continued fighting.

According to Reuters, the US had reportedly given Damascus the tacit green light to launch the recent operation against its erstwhile ally.

The SDF have lost significant amounts of territory that they held in northeastern Syria following the government's recent offensive. [Getty]

The US played a role in the very formation of the SDF in 2015 by pushing a collection of left-leaning Kurdish-dominated groups - the largest of which was the YPG - into forming a more coherent military and political structure.

The SDF became Washington’s preferred security partner and was provided with large amounts of US weapons, training, and military support to pursue its fight against IS in Syria.

It is clear that Washington still hopes for a deal between the two sides, with Tom Barrack, US Special Envoy to Syria, posting on X that, “the ceasefire represents a pivotal inflection point, where former adversaries embrace partnership over division”.

However, what is also evident is that the US has switched its allegiance and now views Damascus as its primary partner in Syria moving forward - ultimately deeming that its interests lie in the SDF’s complete integration, rather than Syria’s continued fragmentation.

For many on the SDF side, however, this has come as an abject betrayal of years of blood, sweat, and tears that they have spent fighting IS on Washington’s behalf.

At the same time, the US administration was reportedly angry that Syrian forces had encircled Kurdish-majority cities despite the 18 January truce, with officials considering reimposing sanctions if mass violence against Kurds takes place and fighting continues.

Shelly Kittleson


The SDF's next move


One of the biggest questions is what comes next. Will the SDF lay down its weapons or will it continue its fight for a decentralised Syria? Could internal disagreements cause a split within the movement itself?

Following the 20 January ceasefire, decisions about the future now rest with the SDF. This period of internal consultation is due to them “hypothetically trying to get everyone who has power within the movement on board with the deal,” Alexander McKeever, researcher and author of the This Week in Northern Syria newsletter, told The New Arab.

He notes that whilst the SDF and their civilian government have official transparent hierarchies, “it is unclear if that has any bearing on how decisions are made. Instead, decision making is made by a number of senior cadres,” whose influence isn't necessarily reflected in their position.

There is a common line given by the pro-government side that SDF commander Mazloum Abdi is a moderate who is seeking a deal, but is being spoiled by others, perhaps with PKK ties, behind the scenes. However, according to McKeever such claims are entirely unsubstantiated.

The US has switched its allegiance and now views Damascus as its primary partner in Syria moving forward. [Getty]

In reality, it is notoriously difficult to assess the internal divisions within this shadowy network of cadres as they are extremely effective at showing a united front publicly.

“At the end of the day, this is a well-disciplined guerilla movement in which every major decisionmaker has spent years in the mountains socialised within the organisation [fighting the Turks,]” he adds.

This makes it “quite hard to predict whether or not they could be a split,” he explained to TNA. The SDF has no track record of public splits, however, the government's offensive represents the single gravest existential threat it has ever faced, and so the possibility can’t be ruled out.

Islamic State prisoners

The government’s offensive caused several IS prisons to be abandoned by the SDF as it withdrew, with a number of IS detainees and family members escaping over the last week.

At al-Shaddadi prison in Hasakah province, 120 IS members escaped after Arab tribal elements reportedly seized the facility and released those inside. According to the government, 83 of those have since been recaptured.

Despite this, it remains unclear how many of those accused of IS affiliation inside the SDF’s prison network are actually members of the group. Large families gathered outside al-Aqtan prison in Raqqa province last week demanding the release of their relatives, as a component of SDF fighters holed up inside negotiated their safe transfer to SDF territory.

Paul Iddon

Those families denied that their imprisoned relatives were members of IS, instead claiming that they had been unjustly targeted by the SDF as part of a broader pattern of systematic discrimination against the Arab community in SDF-controlled territory.

Following the successful negotiation of the SDF fighters’ safe departure to Kobani province, it emerged that Syrian authorities had found and released 120 underage prisoners inside al-Aqtan, many of whom had been accused of being members of IS.

The government also took control of the infamous Al-Hol camp, and the government has since decided to bring these detention facilities under the formal jurisdiction of the Ministry of Justice, potentially signalling that it is seeking to resolve the file and free the prisoners from years of political limbo. What form that takes, however, is yet to be determined.

An existential war for Kurds

Many Kurds, meanwhile, consider the threat posed by Damascus’ new government to be existential.

“We don’t know what will happen to our families,” one man, Daher, told TNA in Kobani. The city is surrounded on three sides by the Syrian government and on the fourth by Turkey, who consider the SDF as an arm of the PKK - a group that has fought a decades-long insurgency against Ankara.

Under siege for at least a week, it was only on Sunday that the Syrian government opened two humanitarian corridors into the region.

“These are the same people who massacred thousands on the coast and in Suweida,” Daher told TNA. “We are terrified that if they come, there will be massacres.”

If there is no deal to be made, this fight-or-die mentality will certainly strengthen the resolve of the SDF and the Kurdish populations living under their control in the face of a renewed government offensive.

Last week, the SDF issued a general mobilisation, calling on “all segments of our people to arm themselves and prepare to confront any potential attack”. Daher says he witnessed hundreds of residents in Kobani bringing their weapons to enlistment centres to sign up with the SDF.

“These people are now our reserves; they are currently on standby in case the enemy attacks, after which they will join the fight,” he told TNA. “How can I live in peace with those terrorists? They are no better than IS.”

Many Kurds consider the threat posed by Damascus' new government to be existential. [Getty]

It is a common sentiment in some parts of Syria, from Alawite areas on the coast to Druze-majority Suweida, pointing to a broader disaffection among many minority communities as Damascus seeks to centralise authority by force under the rhetoric of national unity.

This pattern of using repeated coercion to bind the country together, without providing an effective sense of justice, has been criticised by many for papering over the cracks that ripped the country apart over a decade of civil war.

Damascus may be able to extend its authority to the northeastern borders of Syria, but that doesn't necessarily mean it will be able to bring the four corners of the country into the centralised authority’s fold.

Suweida, for example, remains an open wound, while on the coast, widespread dissatisfaction amongst Alawites triggered protests last December, with calls for federalism amid an ongoing low-level insurgency.

Even if the government does win a war against the SDF, it doesn’t necessarily mean the bloodshed will stop in Syria’s northeast.


Cian Ward is a journalist based in Damascus, covering conflict, migration, and humanitarian issues

Follow him on X: @CP__Ward

Supplies running out at Syria’s Al-Hol camp as clashes block aid deliveries

FILE PHOTO: Detainees gather at al-Hol camp after the Syrian government took control of it following the withdrawal of Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), in Hasaka, Syria, January 21, 2026. (Reuters)

AP
January 31, 2026

DAMASCUS: An international humanitarian organization has warned that supplies are running out at a camp in northeast Syria housing thousands of people linked to the Daesh group, as the country’s government fights to establish control over an area formerly controlled by Kurdish fighters.

The late Friday statement by Save the Children came a week after government forces captured Al-Hol camp, which is home to more than 24,000 people, mostly children and women, including many wives or widows of Daesh members.

The capture of the camp came after intense fighting earlier this month between government forces and members of the Kurdish-led and US-backed Syrian Democratic Forces during which forces loyal to interim President Ahmad Al-Sharaa captured wide areas in eastern and northeastern Syria.

The SDF signed a deal to end the fighting after suffering major defeats, but sporadic clashes between it and the government have continued.

Save the Children said that “critical supplies in Al-Hol camp are running dangerously low” as clashes are blocking the safe delivery of humanitarian aid.

It added that last week’s clashes around the camp forced aid agencies to temporarily suspend regular operations at Al-Hol. It added that the main road leading to the camp remains unsafe, which is preventing humanitarian workers from delivering food and water or running basic services for children and families.

“The situation in Al-Hol camp is rapidly deteriorating as food, water and medicines run dangerously low,” said Rasha Muhrez, Save the Children Syria country director. “If humanitarian organizations are unable to resume work, children will face still more risks in the camp, which was already extremely dangerous for them before this latest escalation.”

Muhrez added that all parties to the conflict must ensure a safe humanitarian corridor to Al-Hol so basic services can resume and children can be protected. “Lives depend on it,” she said.

The SDF announced a new agreement with the central government on Friday, aiming to stabilize a ceasefire that ended weeks of fighting and lay out steps toward integrating the US-backed force into the army and police forces.



Deal reached with Kurdish-led SDF is a ‘victory for all Syrians,’ Syrian ambassador to UN tells Arab News


Ephrem Kossaify
February 01, 2026
ARAB NEWS
SAUDI ARABIA


Ibrahim Olabi says ceasefire and phased integration agreement shows that Kurdish-led SDF’s “best success story” lies within the Syrian government
Lauds Saudi Arabia’s “consistent diplomatic role in encouraging de-escalation and supporting Syria’s reintegration into the regional and international system”


NEW YORK: A landmark ceasefire and phased integration agreement between the Syrian government and the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces was announced on Friday, a deal senior Syrian officials described as a major step toward national unity and stability following years of conflict and stalled negotiations.

Speaking with Arab News in New York, Ibrahim Olabi, the Syrian Arab Republic’s permanent representative to the UN, described the agreement as not only a military and administrative achievement but a symbolic victory for all Syrians, one that reflects the country’s collective aspirations for peace, reconstruction and international cooperation.

He said that stability, equitable resource distribution and internal security underpin the deal’s significance. He also highlighted broad international support and specific engagement from countries such as Saudi Arabia and the US.

He said that Saudi Arabia had played a consistent diplomatic role in encouraging de-escalation and supporting Syria’s reintegration into the regional and international system, including through calls to lift sanctions and back state institutions.

The Syrian Arab Republic's national flag. (AFP)

As for Washington, Olabi said, it had come to view a unified Syrian state as serving US and regional interests, and saw integration within the Syrian government as the SDF’s most viable long-term protection.

“We are viewing the milestone that was achieved today as a success for all Syrians and for Syria. All Syrians benefit from stability, from having security apparatus in their towns. All Syrians benefit from resources being under the control of the state because they can be equitably distributed. The same thing goes for borders. All Syrians benefit when there is calm, domestically, which then also has regional implications and reconstruction implications,” he said.

“So, we view it as a success, as a victory for all Syrians.”

He added that the agreement built on existing momentum generated by earlier understandings and international endorsements, as well as shifting political and military realities, creating conditions that made this phase more likely to hold.

The core of the Jan. 30 agreement is a phased integration of SDF military units and administrative bodies into Syrian state structures, beginning with security arrangements and progressing toward full institutional incorporation.

Soldiers stand guard as Syrian government forces make their way to the city of Hasakeh in northeastern Syria on January 20, 2026. (AFP)

This model, Olabi said, was intended to avoid abrupt shifts that could destabilize fragile local dynamics.

“The phased integration approach falls within the wider theme that the Syrian government has always been open to proposals, to ideas, to debate whatever really works in having a united, strong, stable Syria,” he said.

“It starts with the security component, then it goes to the administrative component, then it goes to state institutions. We thought one month would be a reasonable timeframe. The idea is not to rush things, but also not for things to take too long, all Syrians are interested in moving ahead to the future, putting the past 14 years of conflict and factionalism behind them.”

Under the agreement, SDF fighters will begin joining national security units and brigades, and Interior Ministry forces will be deployed in key Kurdish-held cities including Hasakah and Qamishli, where the Syrian government’s presence had been limited for years.

A new military formation, including three brigades drawn from SDF elements, will be part of the broader Syrian army structure, with Kurdish civil institutions integrated into the state’s administrative framework.

Members of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) queue to settle their status with Syrian government in Raqqa, Syria, on January 27, 2026. (REUTERS)

Olabi stressed that the accord gave time for orderly integration, not immediate absorption, and that this timeframe was agreed in consultation with the SDF to promote confidence and minimize friction.

Addressing concerns over the sincerity of guarantees for SDF members against reprisals or loss of status, Olabi pointed to the government’s longstanding overtures and previous interactions with the Kurdish leadership, and to the government’s conduct throughout negotiations as evidence of its approach.

“(SDF chief) Mazloum Abdi was welcomed in Damascus as a hero, not as a villain or as an enemy. The SDF as a whole were always welcomed in Damascus, and we were always engaging with them and always trying to find ways. They have seen that we have no interest in reprisals, no interest in the situation deteriorating. We would like to move forward. International partners have also noticed that the Syrian government has no interest in escalating a situation,” he said.
BIO

Ibrahim Abdulmalik Olabi was appointed the permanent representative of the Syrian Arab Republic to the UN on Aug. 19 last year. Before that, he served as special adviser on international legal affairs to Syria’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates from Feb. 2025. He holds a master’s in public policy from the University of Oxford, an LLM in security and international law, and an LLB from the University of Manchester.

On the question of dispute resolution, Olabi made clear that all disputes would be addressed internally, through dialogue among Syrian factions, keeping the process fully within the country’s control.

“Any sort of disputes that may arise are things that we have to resolve together. The door has always been open. We didn’t want to resort to any military solutions, and the same will apply again. People have seen that we went into not one agreement, but four or five different versions of it. There is no judge or jury or adversarial group — it’s Syrian factions coming together to build the Syria they want.”

The agreement follows months of intense clashes between Syrian government forces and Kurdish armed groups in Aleppo’s Sheikh Maqsoud and Ashrafiyah districts in December 2025 and January 2026. The fighting left dozens of fighters dead on both sides and forced thousands of civilians to flee their homes. Several ceasefire agreements collapsed before this latest deal, underscoring the fragility of trust and the risks of renewed escalation.

Detainees gather at al-Hol camp in Hasaka, Syria, on January 21, 2026, after the Syrian government took control of it following the withdrawal of Syrian Democratic Forces. (REUTERS)

Olabi said that the current deal differed because it advanced those earlier understandings into a more detailed, time-bound and technically defined agreement, shaped by new political and military realities and reinforced by international and UN backing

“We believe this agreement is the next step from the initial agreement. It has more technical details, more timeframes, and is more nuanced than the framework agreement signed a couple of days ago. International powers and the UN have welcomed it, and the new political and military realities all contribute to its success,” he said.

Saudi Arabia has welcomed the ceasefire and integration deal, lauding it as a step toward peace, national unity and stability. A Ministry of Foreign Affairs statement reaffirmed the Kingdom’s support for Syria’s sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity. It said that the deal could help to advance security and stability, ease humanitarian suffering, and create conditions conducive to reconstruction and the return of displaced Syrians, while emphasizing the importance of a Syrian-led political process.

Olabi characterized Saudi support as consistent with the Kingdom’s long-standing backing for a sovereign, unified Syria.

Two women walk among tents at Roj camp, one of the detention facilities holding thousands of Daesh group members and their families, in the al-Malikiyah area of northeastern Syria, on Jan. 29, 2026. (AP)

“The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has been a key partner and key ally of the Syrian people, first of all, for many, many, many years and of the new Syrian government and the new Syrian leadership. We’ve seen that since day one. We’ve seen that when President Trump met President Ahmad Al-Sharaa; it was the first time that happened in Riyadh,” he said.

“We’ve seen their support for calling for the ending of sanctions, the institutional support that they’re giving in terms of working with us to build our capacity so that we have a stable Syria. Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has been a key ally, and the fact that they are welcoming such a statement is in line with the policies that they’ve had in supporting a united, strong and stable Syria,” he said.

Tom Barrack, the US ambassador to Turkiye and special envoy for Syria, welcomed the agreement in a post on X on Friday. He described it “as a profound and historic milestone in Syria’s journey toward national reconciliation unity and enduring stability,” adding that it affirmed “the principle that Syria’s strength emerges from embracing diversity and addressing the legitimate aspirations of all its people.”

Olabi said that the US administration recognized the mutual benefits of a stable, unified Syria.

“The United States, under President Trump and his envoy to Syria, Ambassador Tom Barrack, have seen that it is in US interests to have a stable, unified Syria. They have also seen that the SDF’s best protection, best success story is within the Syrian government,” he said.


Barrack noted that this moment was of “particular significance” for the Kurdish people, whose “extraordinary sacrifices” and “steadfast resilience” have been crucial in defending Syria and protecting vulnerable populations.

The recent Presidential Decree No. 13 represents a “transformative stride” toward equality, restoring citizenship, recognizing Kurdish as a “national language,” and correcting “longstanding injustices” to affirm the Kurds’ place in a secure, inclusive Syria.

Earlier this month, President Al-Sharaa issued a decree formally recognizing and protecting Kurdish cultural and civil rights, including language and representation, as part of broader efforts to address longstanding grievances. The move was presented by the Syrian government as a state decision independent of ongoing negotiations with armed groups.

Olabi said: “That question should be separated from the rights of Kurds, because for us, the Kurds are a key component that live all across Syria — in Damascus, in Aleppo, in Afrin, in Idlib and elsewhere. As you know, the decree granting Kurdish rights was issued independent of the negotiation. It wasn’t an outcome of the negotiation, it wasn’t during the negotiation.”

Israel has continued military operations inside Syria over the past year following the removal of Bashar Assad from power, carrying out repeated airstrikes and ground incursions that Al-Sharaa’s government says have violated its sovereignty and killed Syrian civilians, even as it has signaled its openness to diplomatic engagement.

Members of the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) queue to settle their status with Syrian government in Raqqa, Syria, on January 27, 2026. (REUTERS)

labi referred to a December 2025 tweet by President Trump after an Israeli incursion that killed 13 Syrians. “The Syrian government has said since day one that we will uphold the 1974 agreement between Syria and Israel, an agreement that withstood the test of time for over 50 years. We even engaged publicly and openly with Israel through US mediation,” he said.

“But Israel’s actions have been against Syrian interests. Syria is not going to be a threat to anyone. We are always open to diplomacy and constructive engagement. If there are legitimate security concerns, we can address them. But land grabs and destabilization are something we cannot tolerate. No government in Syria can give away Syrian rights.”

On how trust can be rebuilt after years of factional fighting, Olabi emphasized a distinction between the SDF as an armed faction and Syria’s Kurdish population at large, who have endured decades of discrimination. “The Kurds have seen our discipline in operations, the decree protecting their rights, and our openness to engage. That is why many chose to move from Aleppo to Afrin,” he said.

The Syrian government on Friday declared the Al-Hol and Roj camps northeast Syria, which house families linked to former Daesh fighters, as formal security zones. Security at the camp collapsed following the withdrawal of SDF amid intense fighting, with reports of escape by possibly 1,500 Daesh-linked individuals.

A boy eats bread as displaced Syrians take shelter in a mosque after clashes between the Syrian Democratic Forces and the Syrian army, in Qamishli, Syria, on January 29, 2026. (REUTERS)



Humanitarian aid is now blocked. The camp holds roughly 24,000 people — mostly women and children — including about 14,500 Syrians, 3,000 Iraqis and 6,500 foreign nationals.

“The Syrian government inherited a very complicated situation at Al-Hol, with many families of former Daesh fighters. We have taken responsibility for both security and humanitarian management. We are also urging states whose nationals are detained there to take responsibility. The UNHCR and other UN agencies are engaged, and we hope to address this in a humane, just, and secure way over the coming weeks,” he said.

As Syria and the SDF embark on this integration phase, analysts caution that while the ceasefire provides a framework, deep-seated distrust, unresolved grievances and external pressures could destabilize progress.

Olabi, however, maintained that the focus remained on Syrian autonomy and the state’s responsibility to protect all citizens. “People have seen that we have no interest in reprisals. We would like to move forward,” he said.





People across US join general strike to protest ICE immigration crackdown

People across the US on Friday abstained from school, work and shopping – and many braved sub-zero temperatures – to protest immigration crackdowns.


Brooke Anderson
Washington, DC
31 January, 2026
THE NEW ARAB


The killing of Alex Pretti by immigration agents helped spark a nationwide general strike.
[Getty]


People across the US on Friday abstained from school, work and shopping – and many braved sub-zero temperatures – to protest the hardline government crackdown on immigration.

The “National Shutdown” or the “General Strike” took place in towns and cities across the US, with the support of hundreds of civil society groups.

The main organisers were student groups from Minnesota, where earlier in January two local protesters were fatally shot at close range by immigration agents, and where a growing immigrant crackdown has led to warrantless apprehensions and family separations.

Many businesses closed for the day, while some opened their doors to serve as community centres to shelter and feed demonstrators. Though the majority of protesters stayed home for the national shutdown to show their dissatisfaction with ICE, many also staged walkouts from school or work and attended demonstrations, often in sub-zero temperatures.

A statewide strike in Minnesota was held the previous Friday in response to the killing of Renee Good by ICE agents. After organisers’ demands were not met, and after Customs and Border Patrol Agents killed Alex Pretti, another protester, they planned a second strike to be held nationwide.

The main demands of the organisers were the immediate withdrawal of immigration agents from Minnesota; accountability for those involved in the killings of Good and Pretti; expanded protections for international students; and the abolishment of ICE.

Saikat Charkrabarti, a candidate for Congress in San Francisco, said in a public statement by email, “No work. No school. No shopping. Let’s shut it down! The killings of Renée Good and Alex Pretti are not one-off incidents. They are part of a pattern of violence being carried out by Trump’s secret police. But we’re seeing resistance work.”

He continued, “We have to keep pushing and resisting until we abolish ICE and hold everyone accountable for these murders and this violence.”

He went on to encourage other candidates, including his opponents, to join the strike, saying it only works if everyone does it.

The Council on American-Islamic Relations, a sponsor of the strike, issued a public statement saying, “We urge all Americans to participate in this strike to send the message that ICE is out of control and must be stopped. Shooting innocent people, including American citizens, dead on the street in broad daylight is just one of the many abuses ICE is committing in American cities. These breaches of law and order and violations of civil rights must stop immediately.”


Power & Pushback: Soliman family members recount harsh details of being held in ICE detention for 8 months

 January 27, 2026 
MONDOWEISS

DHS Secretary Kristi Noem (Department of Homeland Security)

Last week, an immigration judge denied bond to the wife and children of Mohamed Soliman, the man accused of attacking a June 2025 Boulder, Colorado rally “calling for the immediate release of the hostages held by Hamas.”

Prosecutors say Soliman lit and threw two Molotov cocktails at the Run for Their Lives group during their Boulder walk. Soliman told officers he learned of the rally after searching online for Zionist events. The attack killed a woman and injured 15 other people.

Soliman is facing dozens of federal charges, including 12 hate crime counts. But it might come as a surprise that Soliman’s wife and five children have also been held in a Texas detention facility for eight months, and ICE says they intend to deport them all, even though the family says it knew nothing about his plans.

Earlier this month, his 18-year-old daughter Habiba released a lengthy statement through her attorneys.

“We believe that what happened to the victims of the attack is dreadful,” it reads. “That no one ever should experience what they have experienced. Violence is never justified. And we condemn every one that uses violence including my father.”

The statement details harsh treatment from ICE and DHS:


“Just like other people, we were lied to by DHS and ICE agents. On the third day, they told us that staying in the hotel was dangerous and that we should go to another hotel for our safety. … We drove for an hour to Florence still believing that we were going to a hotel. To our surprise we arrived at a place in the middle of nowhere.”

“We drove into a garage and watched it close behind us. We felt trapped. We thought we got kidnapped. … The ICE agents didn’t show their badges or identify themselves at all until we got inside and saw the holding cells. They took our phones and all of our property, and we stayed for more than 8 hours in a cold cell. It was the beginning of the end.”

Habiba says the conditions at the facility have been terrible:


“We have been fighting and struggling to get the most basic things like food, medicine and even clothes. It was surprising to see the amount of heartless people that worked in the facility. … the truth is that only 10 percent of these officers have ever treated us like humans. … The officers talk arrogantly and treat the residents like they are nothing, as if just because we are detained, we are not humans anymore.”

“Their actions would be anywhere from eating lollipops and candy in front of the little kids, knowing that they all want some but can never get any.”

“Our whole day is spent running from one line to the next; they manage to keep us very busy waiting that by the end of the day, we have no energy left. … My brother himself had appendicitis, and when he went to the medical department, he wasn’t even seen by a doctor. … He was finally taken to actually be seen after he threw up in the waiting room and begged the nurse that he couldn’t even walk from the pain.”

The statement ends with Habiba calling for more people to oppose the Trump administration’s immigration policies.

“I don’t know when or how our detention will end,” she writes. “I don’t know if it’s a happy or a sad ending. I don’t know how we will deal with the effects that this place imposed on us. … But I know one thing: the truth never dies. We just need more people who are willing to spend the time and effort to find it.”

“I just hope that when the truth comes out that it is not too late and that the damage is fixable,” Habiba continues. “We are fighting because we know we are innocent. What happened is terrible, but there is no point in destroying the lives of six innocent humans. We pray for someone to look at us not as the family of a man who is accused of terrorism, but as humans who deserve to live freely.”
Momodou Taal detained

Momodou Taal, a student and activist who left the United States last year after his visa was revoked for participating in Gaza protests, says he was detained by British police at Heathrow Airport for six hours.

Taal says his phone and laptop were confiscated, and that authorities took a sample of his DNA. They asked him about “his childhood, mosque, Islamic preachers, and friends,” and if he had ever “read Karl Marx.”

Under Schedule 7 of the Terrorism Act, British authorities can question anyone whom they believe is involved in the “current, emerging and future terrorist activity.”

“Full solidarity with you Momodou,” tweeted Electronic Intifada editor Asa Winstanley. “It’s the UK’s systemic abuse of its draconian Schedule 7 ‘counter-terror’ powers for political persecution that makes me extremely reluctant to travel anywhere right now. The ‘Terrorism Act’ is illegitimate and should be rescinded!”

Taal was suspended by Cornell University over his connections to the school’s Gaza solidarity encampment. He left the U.S. amid a lawsuit against Trump. He voluntarily left the country amid a lawsuit against the Trump administration.

“Given what we have seen across the United States, I have lost faith that a favourable ruling from the courts would guarantee my personal safety and ability to express my beliefs,” he wrote at the time. “I have lost faith I could walk the streets without being abducted. Weighing up these options, I took the decision to leave on my own terms.”

Further Reading

Drop Site News: 

 Qatar, Jordan, Egypt condemn Israeli ceasefire violations in Gaza


Palestinians search for bodies and survivors from the rubble of a police station after it was targeted by an Israeli army strike in Gaza City Saturday, Jan. 31, 2026
. (AP)


Arab News
January 31, 202622:33

Israel pounded Gaza on Saturday with some of its most intense ​airstrikes since the October ceasefire was brokered


LONDON: Qatar, Jordan and Egypt on Saturday strongly condemned Israel’s repeated violations of the ceasefire in the Gaza Strip, warning the attacks risk dangerous escalation and undermine regional and international efforts to restore stability.

Qatar’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs said the breaches, which have resulted in fatalities and injuries, threatened the political pathway aimed at de-escalation and jeopardize efforts to create a safer environment for Palestinians in Gaza, the Qatar News Agency reported.

Doha urged Israel to fully comply with the ceasefire agreement, calling for maximum restraint from all parties to ensure the success of the second phase of US President Donald Trump’s plan and the implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 2803.

The ministry also stressed the importance of creating conditions conducive to early recovery and reconstruction in the enclave.

Jordan echoed the condemnation, with its Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Expatriates describing the latest incidents as a blatant breach of the ceasefire and a dangerous escalation.

Ministry spokesperson Fouad Majali called for strict adherence to the agreement and its provisions, including the immediate, adequate and unhindered delivery of humanitarian aid to Gaza, as well as moving forward with the second phase of the deal, according to the Jordan News Agency.

Majali urged the international community to fulfil its legal and moral responsibilities to ensure Israel’s compliance, while warning against actions that could derail de-escalation efforts. He also reiterated Jordan’s call for a clear political horizon leading to an independent Palestinian state on the June 4, 1967, borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital, in line with the two-state solution and the Arab Peace Initiative.

Egypt, meanwhile, condemned what it described as recurrent Israeli breaches that have led to the deaths of at least 25 Palestinians.

Cairo warned that such actions risk turning the situation into a tinderbox and threaten ongoing efforts to stabilize Gaza at both the security and humanitarian levels.

In a statement, Egypt’s Foreign Ministry appealed to all parties to exercise maximum restraint, safeguard the ceasefire, and avoid measures that could undermine the political process. It stressed the need to maintain momentum toward early recovery and reconstruction, emphasizing that continued violations directly threaten prospects for lasting stability in the enclave.


Palestinian citizens in Israel demand more security from violence



AP
February 01, 2026

Protests and strikes are sweeping Israel over record levels of violence targeting the country’s Palestinian citizens

At least 26 people were killed in January alone, adding to a record-breaking toll of more than 250 last year


KAFR YASIF, Israel: Nabil Safiya had taken a break from studying for a biology exam to meet a cousin at a pizza parlor when a gunman on a motorcycle rode past and fired, killing the 15-year-old as he sat in a black Renault.
The shooting — which police later said was a case of mistaken identity — stunned his hometown of Kafr Yasif, long besieged, like many Palestinian towns in Israel, by a wave of gang violence and family feuds.
“There is no set time for the gunfire anymore,” said Nabil’s father, Ashraf Safiya. “They can kill you in school, they can kill you in the street, they can kill you in the football stadium.”
The violence plaguing Israel’s Arab minority has become an inescapable part of daily life. Activists have long accused authorities of failing to address the issue and say that sense has deepened under Israel’s current far-right government.
One out of every five citizens in Israel is Palestinian. The rate of crime-related killings among them is more than 22 times higher than that for Jewish Israelis, while arrest and indictment rates for those crimes are far lower. Critics cite the disparities as evidence of entrenched discrimination and neglect.
A growing number of demonstrations are sweeping Israel. Thousands marched in Tel Aviv late Saturday to demand action, while Arab communities have gone on strike, closing shops and schools.
In November, after Nabil was gunned down, residents marched through the streets, students boycotted their classes and the Safiya family turned their home into a shrine with pictures and posters of Nabil.
The outrage had as much to do with what happened as with how often it keeps happening.
“There’s a law for the Jewish society and a different law for Palestinian society,” Ghassan Munayyer, a political activist from Lod, a mixed city with a large Palestinian population, said at a recent protest.
An epidemic of violence
Some Palestinian citizens have reached the highest echelons of business and politics in Israel. Yet many feel forsaken by authorities, with their communities marked by underinvestment and high unemployment that fuels frustration and distrust toward the state.
Nabil was one of a record 252 Palestinian citizens to be killed in Israel last year, according to data from Abraham Initiatives, an Israeli nongovernmental organization that promotes coexistence and safer communities. The toll continues to climb, with at least 26 additional crime-related killings in January.
Walid Haddad, a criminologist who teaches at Ono Academic College and who previously worked in Israel’s national security ministry, said that organized crime thrives off weapons trafficking and loan‑sharking in places where people lack access to credit. Gangs also extort residents and business owners for “protection,” he said.
Based on interviews with gang members in prisons and courts, he said they can earn anywhere from thousands to hundreds of thousands of dollars, depending on whether the job is torching cars, shooting at buildings or assassinating rival leaders.
“If they fire at homes or people once or twice a month, they can buy cars, go on trips. It’s easy money,” Haddad said, noting a widespread sense of impunity.
The violence has stifled the rhythm of life in many Palestinian communities. In Kafr Yasif, a northern Israel town of 10,000, streets empty by nightfall, and it’s not uncommon for those trying to sleep to hear gunshots ringing through their neighborhoods.
Prosecutions lag
Last year, only 8 percent of killings of Palestinian citizens led to charges filed against suspects, compared with 55 percent in Jewish communities, according to Abraham Initiatives.
Lama Yassin, the Abraham Initiatives’ director of shared cities and regions, said strained relations with police long discouraged Palestinian citizens from calling for new police stations or more police officers in their communities.
Not anymore.
“In recent years, because people are so depressed and feel like they’re not able to practice day-to-day life ... Arabs are saying, ‘Do whatever it takes, even if it means more police in our towns,’” Yassin said.
The killings have become a rallying cry for Palestinian-led political parties after successive governments pledged to curb the bloodshed with little results. Politicians and activists see the spate of violence as a reflection of selective enforcement and police apathy.
“We’ve been talking about this for 10 years,” said Knesset member Aida Touma-Suleiman.
She labeled policing in Palestinian communities “collective punishment,” noting that when Jews are victims of violence, police often set up roadblocks in neighboring Palestinian towns, flood areas with officers and arrest suspects en masse.
“The only side that can be able to smash a mafia is the state and the state is doing nothing except letting (organized crime) understand that they are free to do whatever they want,” Touma-Suleiman said.
Many communities feel impunity has gotten worse, she added, under National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, who with authority over the police has launched aggressive and visible campaigns against other crimes, targeting protests and pushing for tougher operations in east Jerusalem and the occupied West Bank.
Israeli police reject allegations of skewed priorities, saying that killings in these communities are a top priority. Police also have said investigations are challenging because witnesses don’t always cooperate.
“Investigative decisions are guided by evidence, operational considerations, and due process, not by indifference or lack of prioritization,” police said in a statement.
Unanswered demands
In Kafr Yasif, Ashraf Safiya vowed his son wouldn’t become just another statistic.
He had just gotten home from his work as a dentist and off the phone with Nabil when he learned about the shooting. He raced to the scene to find the car window shattered as Nabil was being rushed to the hospital. Doctors there pronounced him dead.
“The idea was that the blood of this boy would not be wasted,” Safiya said of protests he helped organize. “If people stop caring about these cases, we’re going to just have another case and another case.”
Authorities said last month they were preparing to file an indictment against a 23-year-old arrested in a neighboring town in connection with the shooting. They said the intended target was a relative, referring to the cousin with Nabil that night.
And they described Nabil as a victim of what they called “blood feuds within Arab society.”
At a late January demonstration in Kafr Yasif, marchers carried portraits of Nabil and Nidal Mosaedah, another local boy killed in the violence. Police broke up the protest, saying it lasted longer than authorized, and arrested its leaders, including the former head of the town council.
The show of force, residents said, may have quashed one protest, but did nothing to halt the killings.
Bearing witness to the gruesome end of Western liberalism


BOOK REVIEW
Rod Such


A protest in the streets of Paris in May 2024. Anne PaqActiveStills

One Day, Everyone Will Have Always Been Against This by Omar El Akkad, Penguin Random House (2025)

Omar El Akkad’s One Day, Everyone Will Have Always Been Against This is a searing indictment of Western liberalism. It especially exposes corporate journalism’s distortions, lies and incitement of a genocide – even while that genocide is being livestreamed to millions of people around the world for all to bear witness.

Written during the peak of Israel’s genocidal attacks on Gaza, El Akkad’s book is a kind of meditation on genocide that will have lasting significance. In the blurbs on the back of the book cover, it is described as “part elegy, part rallying cry” and “a landmark of truth telling and moral courage.”

Its impact may be greater because it avoids the detailed documentation of the atrocities and war crimes committed or the evidence of intent needed to meet the requirements of the United Nations genocide convention.

“This is not an account of [the] carnage,” El Akkad cautions early on. Rather it is “an account of a fracture, a breaking away from the notion that the polite, Western liberal ever stood for anything at all.”

It is also an “account of an ending,” he promises, “the moment millions of people looked at the West, the rules-based order, the shell of modern liberalism and the capitalistic thing it serves, and said: I want nothing to do with this.”
Journalist turned novelist



A challenge to the fundamental liberal claim of benevolent Western empires may be the central contribution of El Akkad’s book. Its dissection of Western corporate journalism very much resembles the Palestinian poet and journalist Mohammed El-Kurd’s Perfect Victims (2025).

The very title of the book may be its most poignant and resonating insight.

One Day, Everyone Will Have Always Been Against This implies the inevitability of a universal recognition that Israel committed a genocide against the Palestinian people with the full support of the US and European states. And yet that day tragically will only come in the aftermath of the deaths, injuries and traumas inflicted on millions of Palestinians.

The title also hints at hypocrisy: The idea of “will have always been against” is emphatically not true since so many Western government officials and politicians, civil society organizations and others defended Israel and justified its atrocities at the time. The Palestinian narrative will inevitably win out, as the title implies and as many of us believe. It will become dominant, but it will still take time.

El Akkad is a journalist turned novelist who was born in Egypt, raised in Qatar and educated at the university level in Canada, where he later reported for The Globe and Mail covering the US war in Afghanistan as a war correspondent, the Arab Spring, and the US military trials of prisoners held in Guantanamo Bay. He moved to the United States, settling in the Portland, Oregon area and became better known as a novelist. His first novel, American War, was published in 2017.

His newspaper experience provides insights into the many aspects of Western journalism that come under examination in One Day. He singles out US President Joe Biden’s lies about seeing photos of beheaded babies in the aftermath of Hamas’ 7 October 2023 attack as an example of how Western journalism helps promote myths. Although news accounts eventually debunked that Biden had seen any such thing, the damage was done.

“Beheaded babies” played the role that nonexistent weapons of mass destruction and the oft-repeated “mushroom cloud” played in justifying the US invasion of Iraq. What the enemy “is believed capable of doing” is more important than what it actually did, as El Akkad puts it. For the corporate liberal media, so-called objective journalism is simply reporting what the president said, not the lie that was spread or what agenda was served by spreading it.

Also analyzed by El Akkad is the use of passive voice to obfuscate who is doing what to whom, something employed most infamously in reporting on Israel’s killing of civilians. El Akkad notes a particularly egregious example in a headline from The Guardian: “Palestinian journalist hit in head by bullet during raid on terror suspect’s home.”

El Akkad calls this out as the “heightened derangement of language for the purpose of sanitizing violence.” Yet another example is The Guardian’s coverage of Israeli soldiers firing on Palestinians seeking food, reduced to the absurd description of “food aid-related deaths.”

Because of this deliberately distorted coverage, El Akkad writes, “Palestinian reporters are in effect the world’s sole source of information about the reality of the obliteration of Gaza, the plain truth of the horror in the face of a mass propagandist effort.”
Singling out Western liberalism

Why single out Western liberalism and not Western conservatism? Liberalism’s longstanding support for Israel’s system of apartheid, occupation and ethnic cleansing of Palestinian Arabs is, of course, one reason.

But, according to El Akkad, so is liberalism’s complicity in “the Vietnamese and Cambodian and Laotian villages turned to ash,” as well as “the nice clean beach north of Tel Aviv that sits atop a mass grave” – a reference to the massacre of hundreds of people by Zionist forces in the Palestinian village of Tantura in May 1948.

The material support given by the Democratic Party and its leader Joe Biden to Israel’s ethnic cleansing and its genocidal bombing is no less morally reprehensible than Republican politician Nikki Haley signing her name on an Israeli bomb before it was dropped on Gaza.

“In times like these, one remarkable difference between the modern Western conservative and their liberal counterpart is that the former will gleefully sign their name on the side of the bomb while the latter will just sheepishly initial it,” El Akkad observes.

“And yet,” the author concludes, “against all this, one day things will change.”

The hopeful anticipation that one day, everyone will have always been against this is indeed visible in the ongoing mass movement that has seen millions of people in the West protest against the genocide.

This movement has included student encampments at universities despite massive state repression, closing down ports to prevent arms shipments to Israel and the activation of a multitude of boycott, divestment and sanctions campaigns.

The very fact that this book won the National Book Award for nonfiction in 2025 is another sign of the changing narrative.

And yet, it still needs to be said that without changing the structures behind this genocide and all forms of oppression, nothing is permanent or even guaranteed. Once-suppressed narratives can become ascendant and even dominant.

Whether they remain that way depends on dismantling the systemic features of the “capitalistic thing” that El Akkad rightly identifies as the source of the problem.

Rod Such is the author of Digging Deeper into the Meaning of Palestine (Changemaker Publications, 2025).

29 December 2025
Global Alliance for Palestine: The solidarity movement confronting Trump's 'Board of Peace' plans



With governments retreating, global Palestine solidarity has emerged as the main arena of pressure. We speak to GAFP's Dr Anas Altikriti about unity and power


Agnese Boffano
London
30 January, 2026
THE NEW ARAB

Donald Trump's renewed push for a Middle East "Board of Peace" at the World Economic Forum is being framed by its supporters as an attempt to stabilise a region in crisis.

But to critics, it represents something else entirely: a return to top-down diplomacy that sidelines Palestinians, rewards power, and repackages coercion as peace-making.

While political leaders across the world engage in grand initiatives and closed-door bargaining, one force has reshaped the conversation on Palestine more than any government since October 2023: the global solidarity movement.

From mass protests and campus organising to boycotts and union mobilisation, civil activism has challenged the elite-driven narrative and pushed Palestine to the forefront of public life — even as official policy in many capitals remains stubbornly unchanged.

For many public organisers, the shift has been unmistakable: as governments retreat from meaningful action on Palestine, the pressure has shifted to civil society.


A pro-Palestinian activist is arrested during a demonstration in London earlier this month [Getty]

But solidarity is not a single movement — it is a patchwork of coalitions, campaigns, and communities that often disagree on tactics, language, and priorities. This fragmentation, activists warn, risks turning global mobilisation into noise rather than power.

It is in this context that the Global Alliance for Palestine (GAFP) has emerged, positioning itself as an umbrella coalition designed to unify grassroots efforts internationally — and translate momentum into sustained influence.
The receding role of governments

In an interview with The New Arab, political strategist and Secretary-General of the GAFP, Dr Anas Altikriti, spoke about the declining role of governments in leading on political issues.

"When you have the Trump way of thinking, or dictating world order by a committee of the wealthy and powerful and those who really have no inkling of how ordinary human beings are suffering, it may seem like a post-apocalyptic scenario, but it is what we're seeing happen now," Dr Altikriti tells The New Arab.

Altikriti watched the events unfold in Switzerland and said he witnessed the "true erosion of what we used to call the international community and international order."


"There is now an awareness that, unfortunately, governments do not want the best for the Palestinian people"

Trump's board plans to oversee the future governance of a largely devastated Gaza, backed by a $1 billion fund. Meanwhile, Jared Kushner's $30 billion "New Gaza" plan contained multiple Arabic spelling errors, indicating that no Palestinian reviewers were involved.

"There is now an awareness that, unfortunately, governments do not want the best for the Palestinian people," Altikriti continues. "They want what makes Palestinians less of a headache, and sometimes that will be shown in positive gestures, and sometimes not."

Take the UK government as an example. Prime Minister Keir Starmer's stance on Gaza is largely seen within the pro-Palestine movement as being "morally evasive" — a politics of restraint and reassurance at a time when the scale of Palestinian suffering demanded clarity and accountability.

The opening of a Palestinian embassy in London in January 2026 was largely hailed as a "historic moment", but in practice, "it makes not a jot of a difference for someone in Gaza," Altikriti argues.

"What it does do is that it makes Western countries wash their hands and say, well, we've done what we could, what more do you want?" he adds.


US President Donald Trump formally signed off on the creation of his proposed so-called 'Board of Peace' at a ceremony held on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum in Davos [Getty]


Solidarity as the central battlefield

With governments increasingly unwilling to lead on Palestine, organisers argue that solidarity has become the primary mechanism through which public outrage seeks political consequences.

Altikriti speaks of the past two and a half years, since the start of Israel's genocide in Gaza, as a period where "several glass ceilings were broken."

In the first eight months of the war, the US saw over 12,400 pro-Palestine protests, according to the Crowd Counting Consortium.

The Columbia University Gaza Solidarity Encampment inspired actions at around 180 universities worldwide, and in the UK, organisers reported more than 600,000 people marched in London for last May's Nakba anniversary.

The unprecedented scale of public mobilisation has driven changes in divestment, academic freedom, and institutional ties to Israel's military and financial networks.

Altikriti emphasises that the issue of Gaza has galvanised a "level of public awareness that we never had before and that we couldn't even imagine before."
Related



Disunity as an obstacle facing Palestine solidarity movements


But Altikriti argues that momentum alone doesn't guarantee outcomes — especially when movements are divided.

If governments are increasingly unwilling to lead on Palestine, and solidarity is the main arena of pressure, then the question becomes organisational: what kind of structure can hold a global movement together long enough to matter?

Scholars of social movements argue that fragmentation isn't just disagreement — it's what happens when activists pull in different directions, chasing parallel goals without a shared strategy, and losing political leverage as a result.

In the context of the Palestine solidarity movement, fragmentation can take the form of tactical splits — boycotting versus lobbying — as well as messaging: language, framing, or the priorities put forward.


With the political conversation amongst Western governments being driven by the debate of the post-war governance of Gaza, Altikriti argues, "One thing that unfortunately has been playing a divisive role within the global movement is the place of Palestinian politics."

Academics, therefore, argue that disunity does not merely limit a movement's effectiveness; it makes it easier for governments to proceed as though global mobilisation is temporary, incoherent, and ultimately containable.

The option of Trump-style diplomacy exemplified by the "Board of Peace" can be seen by Western governments as an acceptable solution when the alternative is dispersed activism with no shared strategy.

Pro-Palestine protesters attend a rally outside the News Corp headquarters in New York City [Getty]


The Global Alliance for Palestine steps up

When asked about the thinking behind the formation of the GAFP, Dr Anas Altikriti said the idea was to "capitalise" on the growing support for Palestine by transforming the momentum into sustained political pressure.

Launched at a London conference in July 2025, the GAFP aims to "bring together civil society leaders, grassroots movements, and campaigners" with representatives from across dozens of countries and more than 60 organisations.

Its core mission is to "amplify and safeguard the global movement for Palestinian liberation by uniting fractured solidarity efforts into a coordinated international front".

Among the alliance's steering committee are international speakers including Jeremy Corbyn, Mustafa Baghouthi, Gerry Adams and Ronnie Kasrils.
Related



The organisation has purposely decided not to invite any members of the Palestinian Authority or other politically aligned individuals to, Altikriti explains, "not have Palestinian politics be there from the start."

The Secretary-General defines the GAFP as "an umbrella movement that doesn't request or require organisations or campaigns to dissolve. In fact, the very opposite — that these organisations are strengthened, are empowered, are given the assets and information that are required so that they can improve and they can up their performances, but with a shared kind of coordination."

To Altikriti and the founders behind the movement, unity does not equate to unanimity; the GAFP seeks to reinforce the local autonomy within these organisations while working towards a shared objective.

"We're in a context that is becoming more and more vague, and hence more and more dangerous," Altikriti tells The New Arab.

"As a result of that, we need to stay strong. We need to stay resolute. We need to be sure of where we stand and what we're trying to achieve. Otherwise, we will be swaying and shifting, just like events around us and the world around us," he adds.

"That's not good for anyone or anything that we stand up for, because the next thing that will be swaying and will be shifting are our principles and our humanity, and that's something that we can't afford to do. All of a sudden, justice will become subjective. And things like oppression, racism, war crimes, will become matters of opinion."

Trump's proposed "Board of Peace" may be only one initiative among many, but it captures a wider reality: Palestine is still being discussed as a problem to be managed, rather than a people entitled to rights.

Since October 2023, global solidarity has disrupted that script — forcing Palestine into public view when governments preferred silence.

Whether that disruption becomes lasting political leverage may depend less on the scale of mobilisation than on its coordination.

For movements built on moral urgency, unity is no longer just a slogan. It is the difference between momentum that fades and pressure that endures.


Agnese Boffano is a journalist at The New Arab, with previous experience in breaking news and OSINT investigations across the Middle East

Follow her on X: @AgneseBoffano
Trump’s Board of Peace: billionaires, cronies and genocidaires

Ali Abunimah 
21 January 2026



US President Donald Trump’s Board of Peace repackages genocide with “humanitarian” branding. Daniel TorokAvalon

Donald Trump is hard-selling a new brand, his so-called Board of Peace, as if this Orwellian name can hide the reality of the ongoing US-backed Israeli genocide in Gaza – and the chaos and conflict the American president is spreading globally from Venezuela to Greenland to Iran.

The White House is pitching this monster as a mechanism for “mobilizing international resources and ensuring accountability as Gaza transitions from conflict to peace and development.”

But it is just another vulgar pay-to-play scam with Trump claiming the role of chairman for life.

The invitation letter and draft charter say member states get three-year terms, unless they hand over $1 billion for permanent membership.


Board of predators


The White House says a “founding executive board” has already been assembled, stacked with Trump cronies, billionaire financiers and ultra-Zionists, including Secretary of State Marco Rubio, envoy Steve Witkoff, real estate developer and Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner, globally reviled former British Prime Minister Tony Blair, World Bank President Ajay Banga and Marc Rowan, CEO of the vulture capitalist hedge fund Apollo.

Rowan has labeled recently inaugurated New York City mayor Zohran Mamdani an “enemy” of Jews for criticizing Israel.

That’s a good indicator of how much fairness Palestinians can expect.

There is also a separate Gaza “executive board” and a “high representative” – blatantly colonial structures harkening back to the days of League of Nations mandates.
The White House also states that American General Jasper Jeffers has been appointed commander of the so-called International Stabilization Force to “establish security, preserve peace and establish a durable terror-free environment.”



“Terror,” of course, is a reference to Palestinian resistance, not to Israeli genocide.

This unaccountable force, whose makeup remains a mystery, will, according to the White House, “lead security operations” and “support comprehensive demilitarization.”




The only Palestinian participation in all this is a handpicked “technocratic” committee led by Ali Shaath, a former official in the Ramallah-based Palestinian Authority. It is supposed to manage Gaza’s affairs under external colonial supervision.
This looks like an even more degraded version of the 1993 Oslo accords, which established the Palestinian Authority as a body to collaborate with Israel against any Palestinian resistance to its deepening occupation and apartheid.

Concentration camps within concentration camps

Meanwhile, there are troubling signs that Israel – undoubtedly with full American backing – is preparing to create concentration camps for Palestinians in Gaza.

Or more accurately, concentration camps within a concentration camp.



The publication Drop Site and investigative group Forensic Architecture reported this week that “Israel is razing a strategic area of Rafah in southern Gaza, compacting the ground, and clearing rubble in a way that suggests the land is being prepared for the construction of new residential infrastructure.”



“The location lies on the northern edge of what Israeli Defense Minister Israel Katz first announced in July would be a planned ‘humanitarian city’ that would eventually house the entire population of the Gaza Strip,” the report states.



Arab regimes provide cover

So how many countries have joined Trump’s Board of Peace? It is reported that Trump invited about 50 countries to join.

The White House claims that 30 are expected to do so, but it has provided no details.

One leader who has accepted the invitation is none other than Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, a fugitive from the International Criminal Court charged with crimes against humanity.

He ordered and has presided over the slaughter of at least tens of thousands of Palestinians in Gaza in the ongoing genocide, launched an unprovoked war of aggression against Iran, continues to occupy and bomb Syria and Lebanon.



Netanyahu also murdered the prime minister and senior ministers in Yemen.

This genocidaire’s government just seized and demolished the headquarters of UNRWA, the UN agency for Palestine refugees, in occupied East Jerusalem.
In a joint statement on Wednesday, Egypt, Jordan, Qatar, United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Pakistan and Indonesia announced they were all accepting the invitation to join the Board of Peace and reaffirmed their support for what they described as the “peace efforts led by President Trump.”



They will now presumably take their seats at the table with the fugitive Netanyahu.
Other countries that have reportedly accepted Trump’s invitation include Armenia, Morocco, Vietnam, Belarus, Hungary, Kazakhstan and Argentina.



But there has also been limited pushback. France has declined, warning the board could replace the United Nations – although it is an open question how much of a loss that would be given how ineffective the world body has become.

Trump has threatened to retaliate with 200 percent tariffs on French wines.

Norway and Sweden have also refused or said they won’t sign up as things currently stand.

Others, including Canada, have been hedging, perhaps in hopes of avoiding the wrath of the mad king in Washington.

What is clear, as is so often the case, is that what starts in Palestine never stays there: Israel’s bestial experiments in human cruelty may begin in Gaza or the occupied West Bank, but quickly become models for the whole world.

So it is with this Board of Peace, which Trump and his accomplices apparently hope will be used to impose their will elsewhere across the planet.

What makes this all even more alarming is the complicity or at best negligence of perhaps the only powers that could effectively stand up to Washington.

Russia and China, which both routinely claim to defend the international system against US-engineered chaos, declined to veto UN Security Council resolution 2803, the framework that allowed Trump’s Board of Peace to move forward under a thin veil of international legitimacy.

By choosing abstention, they effectively handed Washington the cover it craved.

Their inaction, framed as diplomatic pragmatism and a response to the pleas of regional US puppets, has helped launder a genocidal apparatus as a collective international response.

At this point, the best hope to stop this madness is that Trump’s increasing aggression and threats against US vassals and allies will alienate enough countries to bring the whole project down.

The question then is whether the rest of the so-called international community – countries that still claim to uphold international law but which have cowered before the US – are ready to fulfill their binding legal obligation under the Genocide Convention to stop the US-fueled Israeli killing machine.

Nothing we’ve seen since the genocide started gives much hope that this will happen.

Ali Abunimah is executive director of The Electronic Intifada.