A new report outlines how Palestinian dehumanization is foundational to decades of US anti-terrorism law.
By Mike Ludwig
February 24, 2024
Source: TruthOut
The word “terrorism” first appeared in a U.S. federal law in 1969. Introduced by a Zionist congressman from New York who claimed “terrorists” were training children in refugee camps for the Palestinians forced from their homes by Israel, the provision banned U.S. humanitarian aid from benefiting any refugee who received military training from the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) or “has engaged in any act of terror.”
While the law did not define “terrorism,” it established a decades-long pattern of stigmatizing Palestinians — and especially refugees — as “terrorists,” according to a new policy analysis from Palestine Legal and the Center for Constitutional Rights. Israel had responded to the revival of the Palestinian national movement in 1967 by characterizing armed resistance to displacement as “international terrorism,” and the racist trope of Palestinian refugee children as brainwashed killers was born. Later, the first government-issued terrorism blacklist would be championed in Congress by Israel’s supporters and overwhelmingly used to target governments viewed as supporters of a liberated Palestine.
Fast forward to 2024. UNRWA, the same United Nations refugee aid agency targeted by the 1969 law, is once again under fire for alleged connections to “terrorists.” UNRWA is still the major administrator of the humanitarian aid in Gaza, where an Israeli campaign of bombardment and mass displacement in retaliation for the October 7 Hamas attacks has left more than 29,000 people dead and a majority of the population homeless in horrific conditions.
Israel recently accused a small number of UNWRA employees of participating in the October 7 attacks but provided little evidence. UNWRA immediately fired the employees and launched an internal investigation, but the U.S. and several other wealthy nations suspended support for UNWRA while aid for the desperate people starving and dying in Gaza slows to a trickle.
A foreign policy that denies Palestinian humanity is foundational to decades of U.S. anti-terrorism law and is once again being weaponized by the Israel lobby against nonviolent antiwar and Palestine liberation activists across the U.S., according to the Center for Constitutional Rights. Since the word “terrorism” first appeared in federal legislation in the wake of the 1967 Six-Day War, anti-terrorism statutes have undermined free speech rights by criminalizing opposition to Israel’s treatment of Palestinians, including the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement.
“Understanding the ways that Israel and its allies have shaped anti-terrorism laws is essential to challenging their use today as a weapon to shut down both humanitarian lifelines to Gaza in furtherance of this genocide, and the movement in the U.S. that is trying to stop it,” said Dima Khalidi, director of the U.S.-based legal aid group Palestine Legal, in a statement.
The Center for Constitutional Rights previously filed a federal lawsuit against the Biden administration for failing to prevent genocide in Gaza. While a federal court in California dismissed the case on a jurisdictional technicality, the judge agreed with the International Court of Justice that Israel’s siege and destruction of Gaza “plausibly falls within the international prohibition against genocide” after hearing testimony from experts and Palestinian victims.
The U.S. court urged the Biden administration to reconsider its “unflagging support” for the war. Israel flatly denies the allegations, arguing that its only goal is to eradicate its enemy, Hamas, which continues to hold about 100 Israelis hostage in hopes of striking a deal to free Palestinian political prisoners in an exchange.
Meanwhile, the Israeli military is annihilating life in Gaza with U.S. weapons and resources. From President Joe Biden’s unconditional support for Israel to the anti-Muslim animus embedded in President George W. Bush’s “war on terror,” modern U.S. policy toward the Middle East is rooted in a long-standing hostility toward the Palestinian cause in the form of a growing body of anti-terrorism law. Here’s a consolidated timeline from Palestine Legal and the Center for Constitutional Rights’ analysis:The first government-issued terrorism blacklist was championed by Israel’s supporters in Congress and has been overwhelmingly used to pressure governments accused of supporting Palestinian resistance.
The first and only time Congress has labeled a nonstate group a terrorist organization was in a 1987 law aimed at the Palestine Liberation Organization.
The first immigration law [passed in 1990] to include terrorism as a basis for exclusion and deportation singled out the PLO in its definition of terrorist activity.
The first law [passed in 1992] authorizing private terrorism lawsuits was drafted to target the PLO and has been heavily used by dual citizens of Israel and the United States.
The first financial sanctions blacklist of terrorist organizations was created in response to Israeli demands to crack down on Hamas and other Palestinian factions.
Although the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing was perpetrated by domestic extremists, the anti-terrorism provisions passed in its wake — including the material support statute — targeted only foreign groups, with Palestinian organizations being a primary concern.
The Palestine Liberation Organization is an interesting case. Founded in 1964, the PLO is an umbrella group that for decades embodied the Palestinian national movement and was broadly seen Palestine’s representative on the international stage.
However, in 1987, the PLO also became the first and only nonstate actor to be declared an “terrorist organization” in a law passed by Congress after a rogue faction known as the Palestine Liberation Front killed a U.S. citizen during a 1985 hijacking of a cruise ship. The law directed the U.S. government to remove the PLO’s observer mission from the offices of the United Nations, an effort only stymied by international outcry and legal intervention.
For much of the 1990s, former PLO leader Yasser Arafat was the architect for the Palestinian side of the U.S.-backed peace negotiations with Israel. “Terrorist” designations are typically made by the State Department, which removed the PLO from its nonstate “terrorist” list in 1993 after Arafat renounced violence and began a decade of peace negotiations that fell apart in the early 2000s.
While Arafat worked for peace, he was also criticized for failing to stop acts of violent resistance by militant factions perceived to fall under the PLO umbrella. However, Israeli state violence is a fact of everyday life for thousands of Palestinians living in refugee camps and occupied territories.
While not representative of the Palestinian population and diaspora, the armed wing of Hamas and smaller militant groups are currently waging guerrilla resistance against Israel, a much more powerful foe. Hamas is broadly seen as engaging in terrorism when its fighters attacked and abducted civilians during the “Al-Aqsa Flood” operation on October 7.
Israel retaliated by terrorizing the entire population of Gaza, leaving tens of thousands of civilians injured or dead, and entire communities reduced to rubble. Israeli propaganda exploits the trope of the Palestinian “terrorist” to justify the slaughter in Gaza as well as the mass incarceration of Palestinians accused of “supporting terrorism,” a broad charge often levied against young men and teenagers who spend years in jail for attending street protests and throwing stones.
Back in the U.S., the foreign policy establishment — along with the Israel lobby and its allies in media — instrumentalizes Islamophobia and attempts to redefine “antisemitism” in order to defuse opposition to Israeli military operations, according to human rights scholars. By conflating criticism of Israel with “antisemitism” and the fight for Palestinian rights with support for “terrorism” and Hamas, right-wing and Zionist groups leverage anti-terrorism and anti-boycott laws in the U.S. to shut down campus protests and punish peaceful BDS activists.
Many Arab and Muslim Americans see a double standard. For example, Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Michigan) — the only Palestinian American in Congress — was censured by her colleagues for sharing a video of Palestinian rights activists at a protest and agreeing with international human rights groups that many Palestinians live under apartheid conditions imposed by Israel.
Would another member of Congress face such a rebuke and public shaming for calling out human rights abuses in a Muslim country? Probably not. But take a look at just about any corner of social media, and you’ll find bigots claiming that Tlaib is not a peaceful lawmaker but a “terrorist.”
Source: TruthOut
The word “terrorism” first appeared in a U.S. federal law in 1969. Introduced by a Zionist congressman from New York who claimed “terrorists” were training children in refugee camps for the Palestinians forced from their homes by Israel, the provision banned U.S. humanitarian aid from benefiting any refugee who received military training from the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) or “has engaged in any act of terror.”
While the law did not define “terrorism,” it established a decades-long pattern of stigmatizing Palestinians — and especially refugees — as “terrorists,” according to a new policy analysis from Palestine Legal and the Center for Constitutional Rights. Israel had responded to the revival of the Palestinian national movement in 1967 by characterizing armed resistance to displacement as “international terrorism,” and the racist trope of Palestinian refugee children as brainwashed killers was born. Later, the first government-issued terrorism blacklist would be championed in Congress by Israel’s supporters and overwhelmingly used to target governments viewed as supporters of a liberated Palestine.
Fast forward to 2024. UNRWA, the same United Nations refugee aid agency targeted by the 1969 law, is once again under fire for alleged connections to “terrorists.” UNRWA is still the major administrator of the humanitarian aid in Gaza, where an Israeli campaign of bombardment and mass displacement in retaliation for the October 7 Hamas attacks has left more than 29,000 people dead and a majority of the population homeless in horrific conditions.
Israel recently accused a small number of UNWRA employees of participating in the October 7 attacks but provided little evidence. UNWRA immediately fired the employees and launched an internal investigation, but the U.S. and several other wealthy nations suspended support for UNWRA while aid for the desperate people starving and dying in Gaza slows to a trickle.
A foreign policy that denies Palestinian humanity is foundational to decades of U.S. anti-terrorism law and is once again being weaponized by the Israel lobby against nonviolent antiwar and Palestine liberation activists across the U.S., according to the Center for Constitutional Rights. Since the word “terrorism” first appeared in federal legislation in the wake of the 1967 Six-Day War, anti-terrorism statutes have undermined free speech rights by criminalizing opposition to Israel’s treatment of Palestinians, including the Boycott, Divestment, Sanctions (BDS) movement.
“Understanding the ways that Israel and its allies have shaped anti-terrorism laws is essential to challenging their use today as a weapon to shut down both humanitarian lifelines to Gaza in furtherance of this genocide, and the movement in the U.S. that is trying to stop it,” said Dima Khalidi, director of the U.S.-based legal aid group Palestine Legal, in a statement.
The Center for Constitutional Rights previously filed a federal lawsuit against the Biden administration for failing to prevent genocide in Gaza. While a federal court in California dismissed the case on a jurisdictional technicality, the judge agreed with the International Court of Justice that Israel’s siege and destruction of Gaza “plausibly falls within the international prohibition against genocide” after hearing testimony from experts and Palestinian victims.
The U.S. court urged the Biden administration to reconsider its “unflagging support” for the war. Israel flatly denies the allegations, arguing that its only goal is to eradicate its enemy, Hamas, which continues to hold about 100 Israelis hostage in hopes of striking a deal to free Palestinian political prisoners in an exchange.
Meanwhile, the Israeli military is annihilating life in Gaza with U.S. weapons and resources. From President Joe Biden’s unconditional support for Israel to the anti-Muslim animus embedded in President George W. Bush’s “war on terror,” modern U.S. policy toward the Middle East is rooted in a long-standing hostility toward the Palestinian cause in the form of a growing body of anti-terrorism law. Here’s a consolidated timeline from Palestine Legal and the Center for Constitutional Rights’ analysis:The first government-issued terrorism blacklist was championed by Israel’s supporters in Congress and has been overwhelmingly used to pressure governments accused of supporting Palestinian resistance.
The first and only time Congress has labeled a nonstate group a terrorist organization was in a 1987 law aimed at the Palestine Liberation Organization.
The first immigration law [passed in 1990] to include terrorism as a basis for exclusion and deportation singled out the PLO in its definition of terrorist activity.
The first law [passed in 1992] authorizing private terrorism lawsuits was drafted to target the PLO and has been heavily used by dual citizens of Israel and the United States.
The first financial sanctions blacklist of terrorist organizations was created in response to Israeli demands to crack down on Hamas and other Palestinian factions.
Although the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing was perpetrated by domestic extremists, the anti-terrorism provisions passed in its wake — including the material support statute — targeted only foreign groups, with Palestinian organizations being a primary concern.
The Palestine Liberation Organization is an interesting case. Founded in 1964, the PLO is an umbrella group that for decades embodied the Palestinian national movement and was broadly seen Palestine’s representative on the international stage.
However, in 1987, the PLO also became the first and only nonstate actor to be declared an “terrorist organization” in a law passed by Congress after a rogue faction known as the Palestine Liberation Front killed a U.S. citizen during a 1985 hijacking of a cruise ship. The law directed the U.S. government to remove the PLO’s observer mission from the offices of the United Nations, an effort only stymied by international outcry and legal intervention.
For much of the 1990s, former PLO leader Yasser Arafat was the architect for the Palestinian side of the U.S.-backed peace negotiations with Israel. “Terrorist” designations are typically made by the State Department, which removed the PLO from its nonstate “terrorist” list in 1993 after Arafat renounced violence and began a decade of peace negotiations that fell apart in the early 2000s.
While Arafat worked for peace, he was also criticized for failing to stop acts of violent resistance by militant factions perceived to fall under the PLO umbrella. However, Israeli state violence is a fact of everyday life for thousands of Palestinians living in refugee camps and occupied territories.
While not representative of the Palestinian population and diaspora, the armed wing of Hamas and smaller militant groups are currently waging guerrilla resistance against Israel, a much more powerful foe. Hamas is broadly seen as engaging in terrorism when its fighters attacked and abducted civilians during the “Al-Aqsa Flood” operation on October 7.
Israel retaliated by terrorizing the entire population of Gaza, leaving tens of thousands of civilians injured or dead, and entire communities reduced to rubble. Israeli propaganda exploits the trope of the Palestinian “terrorist” to justify the slaughter in Gaza as well as the mass incarceration of Palestinians accused of “supporting terrorism,” a broad charge often levied against young men and teenagers who spend years in jail for attending street protests and throwing stones.
Back in the U.S., the foreign policy establishment — along with the Israel lobby and its allies in media — instrumentalizes Islamophobia and attempts to redefine “antisemitism” in order to defuse opposition to Israeli military operations, according to human rights scholars. By conflating criticism of Israel with “antisemitism” and the fight for Palestinian rights with support for “terrorism” and Hamas, right-wing and Zionist groups leverage anti-terrorism and anti-boycott laws in the U.S. to shut down campus protests and punish peaceful BDS activists.
Many Arab and Muslim Americans see a double standard. For example, Rep. Rashida Tlaib (D-Michigan) — the only Palestinian American in Congress — was censured by her colleagues for sharing a video of Palestinian rights activists at a protest and agreeing with international human rights groups that many Palestinians live under apartheid conditions imposed by Israel.
Would another member of Congress face such a rebuke and public shaming for calling out human rights abuses in a Muslim country? Probably not. But take a look at just about any corner of social media, and you’ll find bigots claiming that Tlaib is not a peaceful lawmaker but a “terrorist.”
LIKE LEILA KHALID SAID - TEARDROP EXPLODES
Anti-Palestinian Animus at Root of U.S. Anti-Terrorism Laws, New Report Reveals
The first U.S. government terrorism blacklist was championed by Israel’s supporters and has been used primarily against governments supporting Palestinian resistance.
The first and only time Congress has designated a group a terrorist organization was in a 1987 law aimed at the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).
The first immigration law to include terrorism as a basis for exclusion and deportation singled out the PLO.
Although the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing was perpetrated by domestic extremists, the antiterrorism provisions passed in its wake – including the one criminalizing “material support” – targeted only foreign groups, with Palestinians a primary focus.
“Understanding the ways that Israel and its allies have shaped anti-terrorism laws is essential to challenging their use today as a weapon to shut down both humanitarian lifelines to Gaza in furtherance of this genocide, and the movement in the U.S. that is trying to stop it,” said Dima Khalidi, Director of Palestine Legal. “This briefing paper is a first step toward interrogating this entire regime that has served to undermine fundamental constitutional rights as it has been exploited to criminalize opposition to Israel’s 75 years of oppression of Palestinians.”
In addition, former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has urged the FBI to investigate groups advocating for a ceasefire, claiming they “are connected to Russia,” and Palestine Legal has received multiple reports of the FBI visiting and intimidating Palestine advocates for their social media posts. Meanwhile, a House committee is investigating Muslim nonprofits and charities for alleged ties to Hamas and other groups designated as terrorists.
“Advocates and scholars working at the intersection of national security, civil liberties, and humanitarian issues can no longer ignore the anti-Palestinian origins and uses of many of the laws and policies they are concerned with,” said Diala Shamas, Senior Staff Attorney at the Center for Constitutional Rights. “In 2024, ignoring Palestine in this work is clearly no longer an option. Developing the right solutions requires properly diagnosing the problem, and this report goes a long way to doing that.”
Read the full report here.
Palestine Legal is a legal advocacy organization dedicated to protecting the civil and constitutional rights of people in the US who speak out for Palestinian freedom. Since 2014, Palestine Legal has responded to over 2200 incidents of suppression of Palestinian rights advocacy, many involving harassment and censorship attempts by university administrations and right-wing organizations aimed at intimidating Palestinians and their supporters into silence and inaction. Follow Palestine Legal on social media: Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook.
February 22, 2024
Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.
Low Steps was flooded with protesters chanting, holding signs, and waving flags in solidarity with the Palestinian people. By Erick Berlanga / Columbia Daily Spectator
Recent calls to weaponize terrorism laws against Palestinian rights activists part of decades-long push
Opposition to Palestinian rights has shaped U.S. federal anti-terrorism law from its beginnings, according to a briefing paper released today. Dating back to the 1960s, the government has used anti-terrorism law to target the Palestinian movement and supporters and to stigmatize Palestinians as terrorists, the paper says.
Published by Palestine Legal and the Center for Constitutional Rights, the paper provides historical and political context for the escalating effort to restrict the rights of activists protesting Israel’s brutal assault on Gaza – and those that extend well beyond the movement for Palestinian rights. In just the past few months, the Anti-Defamation League has called on university presidents to investigate Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) chapters for “material support for terrorism,” and Florida Governor Ron DeSantis used the same rationale to order a ban of SJPs from the state’s public universities – a move that a federal court recognized would likely violate the First Amendment. Efforts to defund the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) have invoked these same “support for terrorism” laws.
“In passing anti-terrorism laws, legislators have made little secret that a primary aim has been to repress Palestinian freedom struggles,” said Darryl Li, author of the briefing paper. “This briefing paper connects the dots, showing how the anti-Muslim policies of the post-9/11 era were built on a foundation of anti-Palestinian animus.”
The intensity of the effort to silence advocates for Palestinian rights since October 7 has escalated despite most Americans supporting a ceasefire and half of Democrats believing Israel is committing genocide. Recent attacks on their rights grow out of a long history in which Israel-aligned groups and their allies in Congress have both shaped anti-terrorism laws and weaponized them against advocates of Palestinian liberation, according to the report:The first mention of “terrorism” in a federal statute, in 1969, dealt specifically with restricting humanitarian aid to Palestinians.
Low Steps was flooded with protesters chanting, holding signs, and waving flags in solidarity with the Palestinian people. By Erick Berlanga / Columbia Daily Spectator
Recent calls to weaponize terrorism laws against Palestinian rights activists part of decades-long push
Opposition to Palestinian rights has shaped U.S. federal anti-terrorism law from its beginnings, according to a briefing paper released today. Dating back to the 1960s, the government has used anti-terrorism law to target the Palestinian movement and supporters and to stigmatize Palestinians as terrorists, the paper says.
Published by Palestine Legal and the Center for Constitutional Rights, the paper provides historical and political context for the escalating effort to restrict the rights of activists protesting Israel’s brutal assault on Gaza – and those that extend well beyond the movement for Palestinian rights. In just the past few months, the Anti-Defamation League has called on university presidents to investigate Students for Justice in Palestine (SJP) chapters for “material support for terrorism,” and Florida Governor Ron DeSantis used the same rationale to order a ban of SJPs from the state’s public universities – a move that a federal court recognized would likely violate the First Amendment. Efforts to defund the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) have invoked these same “support for terrorism” laws.
“In passing anti-terrorism laws, legislators have made little secret that a primary aim has been to repress Palestinian freedom struggles,” said Darryl Li, author of the briefing paper. “This briefing paper connects the dots, showing how the anti-Muslim policies of the post-9/11 era were built on a foundation of anti-Palestinian animus.”
The intensity of the effort to silence advocates for Palestinian rights since October 7 has escalated despite most Americans supporting a ceasefire and half of Democrats believing Israel is committing genocide. Recent attacks on their rights grow out of a long history in which Israel-aligned groups and their allies in Congress have both shaped anti-terrorism laws and weaponized them against advocates of Palestinian liberation, according to the report:The first mention of “terrorism” in a federal statute, in 1969, dealt specifically with restricting humanitarian aid to Palestinians.
The first U.S. government terrorism blacklist was championed by Israel’s supporters and has been used primarily against governments supporting Palestinian resistance.
The first and only time Congress has designated a group a terrorist organization was in a 1987 law aimed at the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO).
The first immigration law to include terrorism as a basis for exclusion and deportation singled out the PLO.
Although the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing was perpetrated by domestic extremists, the antiterrorism provisions passed in its wake – including the one criminalizing “material support” – targeted only foreign groups, with Palestinians a primary focus.
“Understanding the ways that Israel and its allies have shaped anti-terrorism laws is essential to challenging their use today as a weapon to shut down both humanitarian lifelines to Gaza in furtherance of this genocide, and the movement in the U.S. that is trying to stop it,” said Dima Khalidi, Director of Palestine Legal. “This briefing paper is a first step toward interrogating this entire regime that has served to undermine fundamental constitutional rights as it has been exploited to criminalize opposition to Israel’s 75 years of oppression of Palestinians.”
In addition, former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi has urged the FBI to investigate groups advocating for a ceasefire, claiming they “are connected to Russia,” and Palestine Legal has received multiple reports of the FBI visiting and intimidating Palestine advocates for their social media posts. Meanwhile, a House committee is investigating Muslim nonprofits and charities for alleged ties to Hamas and other groups designated as terrorists.
“Advocates and scholars working at the intersection of national security, civil liberties, and humanitarian issues can no longer ignore the anti-Palestinian origins and uses of many of the laws and policies they are concerned with,” said Diala Shamas, Senior Staff Attorney at the Center for Constitutional Rights. “In 2024, ignoring Palestine in this work is clearly no longer an option. Developing the right solutions requires properly diagnosing the problem, and this report goes a long way to doing that.”
Read the full report here.
Palestine Legal is a legal advocacy organization dedicated to protecting the civil and constitutional rights of people in the US who speak out for Palestinian freedom. Since 2014, Palestine Legal has responded to over 2200 incidents of suppression of Palestinian rights advocacy, many involving harassment and censorship attempts by university administrations and right-wing organizations aimed at intimidating Palestinians and their supporters into silence and inaction. Follow Palestine Legal on social media: Twitter, Instagram, and Facebook.
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