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Monday, September 21, 2026

The silent bomb: AI and the dismantling of the human mind

AI mind consciousness

We are not witnessing a takeover by robots of the kind imagined in countless films. We face a different model of digital control, built on automation and the deployment of artificial intelligence (AI) and algorithms to manage ever larger parts of daily life, leaving societies further subject to systems, corporations and intelligent machines.

Losing control of these systems, however, is just the tip of the iceberg in terms of the danger. That tip is developing fast under the pressure of competition between major powers and capitalist monopoly corporations — faster than laws, societies and educational institutions can keep up with. But the danger does not stop there, as these systems are being developed inside relations of ownership and fierce capitalist competition. That graver danger is harder to see. Under capitalism, AI is used to shape the consciousness of billions, steering their attention and behaviour to serve the capitalist model’s logic. Competition between digital capitalist monopolies and major powers, in the absence of effective constraints and laws, may inflict the gravest damage on the human mind, turning AI into a weapon of mass destruction if its development and deployment continues at this excessive pace and without adequate safeguards.

These concerns no longer come from critics alone. On several occasions — among them the case revealed by TIME — AI systems have slipped out of control and attacked other systems. In response, about 1400 engineers at major AI companies signed a petition calling for technical tools and international governance mechanisms to regulate the pace of AI development. That petition was no isolated case. The International AI Safety Report, prepared by more than 100 experts with the backing of more than 30 states and international organisations, warned models have begun to distinguish between the testing environment and real-world use, and to circumvent evaluation mechanisms, allowing dangerous capabilities to pass undetected. It warned AI agents raise the level of risk because they act independently, which makes human intervention difficult before harm occurs. There are serious risks that AI systems will develop themselves, slip out of control and come to play a larger part in managing and controlling human beings than planned.

Tens of thousands of people, among them leading scientists, have signed an international statement demanding a ban on the development of “superintelligence” until there is scientific consensus it can be achieved safely and under control. Researchers at major digital corporations have resigned in protest at the course of AI systems development and its priorities.

The matter moved to another level on September 12. Under global pressure from the public, rights organisations and voices within the profession, the digital capitalist corporations that develop AI systems were forced to break their silence. Anthropic chief executive Dario Amodei published an essay, “We Must Pace the Frontier,” calling on his industry to slow down the development race, and proposing three steps: opening laboratories to independent evaluators, a common standards body and an international agreement that includes China. Within hours, OpenAI chief executive Sam Altman announced his agreement, X platform owner Elon Musk wrote “Dario is right” and Google DeepMind’s Demis Hassabis expressed his support. The three companies also revealed they had been in talks for weeks.

This admission is the clearest confirmation of how serious the situation is. They are openly saying that they cannot stop on their own, because whoever slows down will lose out to the competitors. The problem’s core lies in the structure of ownership and competition, not in any lack of knowledge of the risks. The political response came quickly. US President Donald Trump described these warnings as a “hoax” and “sick conspiracy,” writing “Don’t kill the Golden Goose.” Vice President JD Vance called them a “Trojan horse.” The world’s most powerful state thus stands on the side of acceleration without safeguards, even against the people who build this technology. The corporations developing AI will not take real measures of control. Their measures will most likely remain formal, aimed at absorbing growing anxiety and opposition. They are tied, in one way or another, to governing authorities and subject to the rules of competition and domination.

No one denies the enormous possibilities AI offers. It compresses years of research in drug discovery, uncovers protein structures that defeated scientists for decades, raises the accuracy of medical diagnosis and allows diseases to be caught early and save lives, models climate change and gives warning of its disasters before they strike, breaks language barriers through translation and places knowledge within reach of those long denied it, eases daily and professional life for millions of people, and opens doors to services that may resolve intractable problems facing humanity. Those very gains are what make the issue more pressing. This article does not dispute these capabilities but rather who owns the systems, who directs them, whose interests they serve, and how they are put to work.

Before going further, three layers routinely conflated need to be distinguished. The first is “ranking and recommendation algorithms,” which decide what appears before us and what is kept from us. The second is “digital platforms” and their business model built on the attention economy, meaning the conversion of users’ time and data into profit. The third is “generative AI tools,” which stand in for human beings in writing, analysis and decision-making. Each layer has its own mechanisms and its own effects, distinct from the others; yet the three are interwoven in the hands of the same capitalist monopoly corporations and obey a single logic of capital accumulation. Their entanglement runs deeper still because AI runs all three: ranking and recommendation algorithms have become AI models, the platform business model uses AI to target users by observing and predicting their behaviour, and generative tools are AI. That they are closely bound together, makes reading them together a matter of intellectual necessity.

Steering consciousness to entrench neoliberal capitalist culture

Alongside AI’s use to maximise profit, entrench economic and political control, and reinforce digital repression, this technology is systematically deployed to shape and steer individual consciousness, with the aim of reinforcing capitalist culture and neoliberal values. By analysing data and user behaviour, ranking and recommendation algorithms control the content displayed across platforms. They are designed to feed individuals whatever serves the capitalist outlook.

This tendency has become entrenched as platforms expand. According to an International Telecommunication Union report, about three quarters of the world’s population are now internet users, with more than 240 million new users just last year. The expansion is due in part to the drive of monopoly corporations and major powers to bring the internet to every corner of the world. This particularly includes Global South countries, even regions that lack clean water, electricity and basic services, as investments prioritise widening the market over people’s needs, and seek to maximise profit, reinforce domination and digitally colonise regions. This does not necessarily mean all users fall under AI’s influence to the same degree, but it does widen the material base on which the apparatus operates.

Capitalist ownership structures and profit models push algorithms to prioritise content that serves the interests of the market and monopoly corporations. They turn algorithms into an instrument for reproducing capitalism’s cultural hegemony. Through this mechanism, collective consciousness is gradually steered toward accepting these values as natural and inevitable through soft, incremental and imperceptible means, to the point where most users, including sections of the left, regard them as neutral tools. The apparatus helps consolidate capitalist hegemony, reinforces the masses’ subordination, and marginalises left and progressive alternatives. This represents a threat to the consciousness of coming generations and their capacity for critical thought and organising to bring about change.

Dismantling human skills, digital addiction and deepening alienation

This threat reaches into the dismantling of the individual’s mental faculties. Here the question moves from the layer of algorithms that steer what we see to the layer of AI tools that stand in for us thinking. Despite AI’s promotion as a way of making life easier and raising productivity, scientific studies indicate that unreflective reliance on it is associated with a deepening of superficial consciousness and a weakening of human skills.

According to a study by researchers at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, reliance on AI writing tools reduces brain activity and weakens memory and the sense of ownership over one’s own ideas. The researchers named this phenomenon “cognitive debt,” meaning that a person borrows mental capacity from the future in return for comfort in the present. A study published in the journal Societies found frequent use of AI tools is associated with weakened critical thinking, through the mechanism of “cognitive offloading”: the delegation of remembering and analysis to devices instead of performing them mentally. This was especially the case among youth, raising the prospect of a new generation less able to analyse independently.Drawing on data from more than 6000 children in a project on adolescent brain development, researchers at the University of California found children who use social media most heavily record a clear decline in reading, vocabulary and memory. That study looked at social media specifically, yet the mechanism it identifies — the transfer of mental effort to the screen — is the same one at work in AI tools, only more deeply as those tools take over the task of thinking itself.

The matter is not confined to laboratories. The Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), published on September 8, looked at the entire education system. In Denmark, school students recorded their worst results ever — a decline in attainment equivalent to a full school year lost. The government describes this as a serious educational crisis exceeding anything anticipated. The decline coincided with a large expansion in the use of digital devices and AI inside classrooms, although the causal relationship is too complex to be reduced to a single factor. The same picture recurs across 43 countries where attainment fell sharply. The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development found a correlation between this downturn and rising screen time, AI use and declining free reading, warning that the gravest element within it is the erosion of those skills that matter most in the age of AI, namely evaluating information, connecting multiple sources, and analytical and critical thinking.

This decline is not an incidental side effect. Behind it stands the second layer: the platform profit model built on digital addiction. AI-powered digital platforms and applications are not free services offered out of affection for users. They are instruments used to deliberately reinforce behavioural and intellectual dependency, in which big data is exploited to understand people’s motivations and manipulate them in ways that serve corporate and major powers’ interests. Capitalism invests in techniques that stimulate addictive behaviour by various means to guarantee engagement with platforms. The process turns into a closed loop that generates profit at the expense of mental health and educational attainment, particularly among younger generations.

This is how human alienation is reproduced in digital form. The individual is severed from their mental and creative faculties, finding themselves hemmed in by a technical apparatus that strips away their capacity for independent action and thought, much as the worker is alienated from their product under capitalism. They gradually become a being subject to algorithms that direct their daily interactions and determine what they read, watch, think, write and communicate, thereby deepening their dependency on systems, corporations and states controlled by capital and the forces of exploitation and despotism.

Voluntary digital servitude and the loss of control

If digital addiction explains how a person is drawn into this apparatus, the harder question remains: why do they accept it while feeling like they are choosing freely? This psychological exploitation is no more than one expression of a class domination that deepens the more AI moves from being a technological tool to a means of reproducing patterns of social, political, economic and intellectual control. 

What makes this domination more dangerous is its voluntary character, in that individuals are pushed, through algorithmic manipulation and the pressure to use AI in daily life, into this “digital servitude” without coercion and under the illusion of control and choice. Decisions are steered toward paths prepared in advance that serve capital, while weakening their mental, intellectual and professional capacities.

This engagement is marketed as individual freedom. Whoever uses these applications does so by choice, whoever dislikes it can switch off their phone. Many neoliberal theorists reject any intervention in the digital market, treating it as paternalism toward individuals and an expropriation of personal choices. Yet freedom whose conditions are not owned by the person exercising it is no freedom at all. The individual did not choose the algorithm that ranks what they see, took no part in designing the application imposed on them by their employer, children’s school, bank or state agencies, and was never consulted on the profit model that converts their attention, time and behaviour into a profitable commodity. This is the freedom to choose among what capital has placed before them, not the freedom to decide what is placed before them in the first place.

Here the left position parts company with the liberal one, since the issue is not protecting the individual from themselves. It is wresting decision-making over digital infrastructure from those who own it, and subjecting the design of algorithms, data sources and the profit models to society’s authority and democratic oversight. Real freedom begins when people own the conditions of their lives collectively, not when they are offered an individual choice among alternatives made without them.

What happens at the level of the individual repeats itself at the level of humanity. As a person surrenders their small decisions to algorithms, believing themselves free and choosing, societies surrender their large decisions to digital systems they neither oversee nor understand. Humanity’s subjection to the machine is therefore no longer a matter of philosophical speculation. It has grown more real amid AI’s advances and the absence of effective international and domestic legal safeguards to govern it. As it exceeds its programmed limits, AI may turn into an apparatus that makes fateful decisions on its own, imposed on humanity without genuine human oversight.

Under capitalism, AI is developed to serve capital accumulation and subject to the logic of competition and domination. This makes losing control of it a real and serious prospect — and, potentially, a devastating one. The cause is the same in both cases. The absence of collective ownership and popular democratic oversight is what makes the individual lose control over their consciousness and decisions. The same absence is what makes humanity lose control over the most dangerous instrument it has ever built. Voluntary digital servitude and the loss of control are two faces of a single absence.

AI as a weapon of mass destruction

This danger is no less grave than any of the earlier forms of service to capital. The frenzied race between capitalist poles and major powers for control of AI, in the absence of strict international and domestic rules and legislation, carries within it the seeds of losing control and turning AI into an instrument of mass destruction, threatening the future not only of human bodies and property but the human mind itself.

At the military level, this race takes shape as an actual arms race, encompassing autonomous weapons, independent drones, combat robots and systems for targeting and killing. Researchers warn these systems may break down when they move from the testing environment into the conditions of real war, which could produce errors, unforeseen decisions and wide-scale disasters. This danger is not hypothetical. There are documented cases of AI systems slipping out of control, among them AI-directed weapons systems (a matter we return to below) leading to the deaths of large numbers of civilians. There may be others that were never disclosed.

The destruction AI could bring, however, does not stop at the limits of war and military operations. It has another level, quieter in sound and longer in reach. Nuclear weapons are tied to direct military use, relatively visible and governed by declared international calculations and agreements. Their danger has stayed confined to the moment of detonation and what follows it. By contrast, at the level of consciousness, AI works in silence and seeps into the details of daily life: education, work, the media, services, and most sectors of society. It weakens human skills, deepens dependence on digital systems, erodes critical thinking and cognitive independence, and expands surveillance and behavioural manipulation. 

Here the destruction is quieter and more widespread. Digital servitude becomes a form of weapon of mass destruction: it does not kill a person at a stroke, but reshapes their consciousness, capacities and relationships day after day. Both levels are two faces of one weapon: one destroys bodies in an instant, the other dismantles minds at leisure. Taking the two levels together, the danger lies not only in producing deadlier weapons, but equally in reshaping human beings and society. AI may threaten the human capacity to understand, choose, analyse and decide, leaving that capacity hostage to systems built to serve geopolitical rivalry and profit rather than people.

It is for this reason that hundreds of leading AI researchers, among them people who helped build the field, signed a brief statement holding that “Mitigating the risk of extinction from AI should be a global priority alongside other societal-scale risks such as pandemics and nuclear war.” When the most dangerous technology in human history becomes a card in the hand of geopolitical and military capitalist rivals, with no genuine legal, social and democratic brakes, the risk of losing control ceases to be a threat to individual consciousness alone and becomes a threat to the future of society and humanity as a whole.

Digital corporations and AI in the service of the far right

AI’s deployment does not only serve capital in an economic and cultural sense. It has also aided the direct and escalating alliance between the largest digital corporations, the far right, and military and repressive projects globally. 

Among the clearest expressions of this alliance is the manifesto published by Palantir Technologies in April 2026, which I wrote about as an expression of “digital fascism”. It openly calls for concentrating power in the hands of a financial and technological oligarchy that regards liberal democracy as an obstacle to its dominance, and for the moral enlistment of Silicon Valley engineers into the service of the war and security machine. Behind this project stands Peter Thiel, Palantir co-founder and prominent Trump and Vance funder. Thiel is an “accelerationist” current theorist, who advocates for releasing technological development from every restraint, whatever its social cost.

This alliance is not confined to rhetoric. Palantir has signed a strategic partnership with the Israeli Ministry of Defence to supply it with AI-powered “combat” tools (alongside Project Nimbus, run by Google and Amazon) and algorithmic targeting systems, such as Lavender and The Gospel, which as journalistic investigations have revealed has turned mass killing in Gaza into a cold computational operation reducing civilian lives to data. According to US human rights organisations, Palantir also supplies US immigration and customs authorities with data that accelerates campaigns of forced deportation and the tracking of activists and protesters through its ImmigrationOS system. This drove Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch to condemn the corporation. Digital repression has moved from being a soft instrument for managing consciousness into an active partner in killing, detention and deportation.

Internationally, Musk offers the clearest model of a digital corporation placed directly at the service of the far right. Through X, he has given substantial backing to racist far-right forces, most recently in the September elections in the German state of Saxony-Anhalt, and is actively intervening in the Brazilian elections. AlgorithmWatch researchers documented how X, through Musk’s ownership and direct influence, became a principal amplifier of his own voice in support of the global far right.

With this the picture is complete: algorithms and AI in the service of capital and the far right, from the soft steering of consciousness to open alliances with the world’s most brutal militarist, repressive and racist projects.

AI as a terrain of class and cognitive struggle

It would be a mistake to fall into an “inverted technological determinism” that casts algorithms as an independent agent directly manufacturing consciousness, as though capitalism gives birth to technology and technology gives birth to a single consciousness along a straight line. AI is not a homogeneous entity in the hands of capital. It is also an open terrain of class and cognitive struggle. At the same time as certain digital capitalist corporations and states deploy it to boost profits and repression, climate scientists are using it to model environmental change and warn of catastrophes, doctors use it to treat disease, activists draw on it to translate human rights material and carry the voices of victims, and forces of the left, trade unions and labour movements use it to develop their struggle.

This distinction has empirical support, since the very evidence that records harm records benefit once conditions change in higher education, schools and workplaces. Attainment and productivity rise when the AI system is designed to make the user do the work rather than to do it in their place, and when human and social supervision of the process is maintained. Those two conditions are a social decision; whoever owns and decides is the one who sets them. The most important question remains: who benefits from these gains?

Rising productivity means a rise in surplus value extracted from the labour of workers, manual and intellectual, women and men. Rising productivity means the same value can be produced with less labour and in less time, converting the difference into profit. The question, then, is not whether productivity rises, since rise it does. The question is where that surplus goes: into the wages of those who produce, shortening their working hours and improving their conditions; or into the profits of capitalist employers. The answer is in plain sight.

AI does not abolish exploitation; rather, it intensifies and deepens it. This takes its clearest form in the field of work, where AI is presented as an independent entity “taking over” jobs of its own accord. That image is an ideological cover, concealing the fact that every job abolished is a decision taken in a boardroom. The largest owners of this technology now speak of an imminent dispensing of entire occupations that employ tens of millions of workers. Even where AI replaces no one, the mere prospect of it is enough to discipline everyone: workers accept longer hours, lower wages and closer surveillance for fear of dismissal. This is the reserve army of labour in digital form. Capital need only keep it on the horizon to weaken the working class in bargaining, organising and striking. Unemployment is no technological fate, it is a decision taken by capital. The very technology that abolishes a job is capable of shortening the working day while wages hold and rest time expands — were the decision in the hands of those who produce value.

This is class struggle in the fullest sense, and not a neutral technical outcome. Whichever face of this technology we examine — harm, benefit or profit — the answer always returns to the same point: whoever owns decides. This is no incidental repetition. Algorithms are, in essence, mathematical equations with no class of their own. They acquire their social and political function from the relations of production they operate within, and from the entity that owns the data, laboratories and processing centres and therefore decides for what purpose they work and in whose interest.

Here the fundamental contradiction comes into view. AI is a social product in the fullest sense, built on accumulated human knowledge and the labour of millions, yet its fruits are appropriated as private property by a handful of monopolies and states. This is the contradiction between the social character of production and the private appropriation of its results, reproduced in the most advanced productive force in human history. The fundamental problem lies less in the machine than in the ownership and control over the digital means of production. This is what moves the battle from the terrain of complaining about technology to the terrain of class struggle.

Toward an AI in the service of humanity

If this dynamic continues without a collective response grounded in a left, progressive and rights-based consciousness, and without international and domestic laws and legislation guaranteeing digital justice and transparency framed within social and grassroots structures, AI may gradually turn from an instrument in the hands of capitalism into a system that replaces essential functions of the human mind. This has already begun through the excessive use of digital applications and AI across most spheres of daily professional and personal life.

What confronts us today is not a technological fate written in advance. It is the product of political and economic choices that serve the interests of capital. It can be confronted, difficult though that may be. Bringing AI under control, regulating algorithms and subjecting them to democratic oversight is a collective responsibility. It will require left, progressive and rights-based work and organisation on a global scale to make digital applications auxiliary tools serving the human mind rather than a substitute for it. This must be combined with advancing communal and participatory digital alternatives that restore people’s capacity for independent thought and collective action,

To achieve this, work is needed to place data infrastructure under public interest, democratic administration and social accountability. To turn algorithms from closed “black boxes” into open-source software open to collective review and independent audit. To impose transparency in the design of models and in the sources of the data on which they are trained. And to support cooperative digital alternatives owned by their users and creators. This technology should be directed toward serving the needs of society, and contribute to the distribution of wealth, the organisation of production, the treatment of disease, the fight against poverty and the achievement of social justice.

Without such mechanisms, calls for laws, oversight and regulation remain general and inadequate, and technology stays hostage to a handful of capitalist monopoly corporations and major powers. Through social ownership, accountability and cooperative alternatives, it becomes possible to wrest AI from the logic of monopoly and profit and turn it into a common good where AI serves humanity’s liberation, rather than being an instrument for humanity’s enslavement.

Sweden

Setback for the racist populist right, success for the left

Friday 18 September 2026, by HÃ¥kan Blomqvist




A setback for the racist populist right and a success for the left - by a margin of 50 359 votes. Social Democracy will return to government in spite of its worst election results since the introduction of universal suffrage.

The racist far right nationalist Sverigemokraterna, SD - the Sweden Democrats - suffered a severe setback in last Sunday’s Swedish general election. It was the first time since 2010 the party declined in an election and is no longer the second largest party in the parliament. At the same time the Left Party obtained its biggest score for a quarter of a century.

The failure of the SD also means that the right-wing Swedish government - the most extreme one since the late 1920s - has had to resign. But simultaneously the Swedish Social Democracy had their weakest election result since 1908, that is before general suffrage. As all the conservative and liberal parties except the SD gained, the labour movement together with the Greens is not in a majority or able to constitute a government without the Centre party with its neoliberal economic agenda.

The Centre party has promised to never let the Left Party enter a government and the Left has promised to vote against any government which does not include it. So a period of complicated bargaining is going to follow. The Social Democrats leader Magdalena Andersson will form the government but with whom? On the left and the union movement, worries are strong that it will be a government leaning rightwards in economical politics. And both the Greens and the Left are in opposition to the anti-immigration politics of the Social Democrats, copied from the Danish social democracy.

The Left Party’s success relied largely on turnout in so-called neglected suburbs, where it won more than 40–50 per cent of the vote in some districts after an energetic door-knocking campaign inspired by Mamdani’s example in New York. The racist right wing dismissed the result as stemming from the “import of Muslims as voting fodder for the left”.

In reality it is above all the result of the anti-migration politics of the right-wing government with attacks on asylum rights, residence permits and citizenship for immigrants, together with expulsions of children and teenagers, and obligations for authorities and institutions to report undocumented immigrants. The Left and the Greens oppose these policies.

But another explanation is also the strong agitation from the Left Party on affordability, that is to say: lower rents and food prices, tax the rich and introduce a billionaire tax and de-privatize the health care and school system. This agitation on the redistribution of wealth, a pure economic policy of class interest has met with growing support from “the new” mixed working class of the suburbs.

The Left Party’s solidarity with Palestine is also an important factor here. While the party has been constantly attacked by the media for housing terror-romantic and antisemitic candidates from the Palestine solidarity movement, such attacks have little effect in the suburbs.

As almost a paradox, some leading members of the Left Party, including three MPs, left the party in protest against expulsions of some Palestine activists, accused in the media of posting on Facebook support for Hamas and antisemite tropes. Their new party ran candidates in only a few local elections and gained only marginal support of less than half per cent of the voters there - while their former party gained 30-40 per cent in the same areas.

Another criticism from left wing activists was that the campaign of the Left Party almost omitted climate change, ecological issues and opposition to nuclear power - questions that were raised only by the Greens who gained their best election result in many years.

Now the discussion within the left, both in the Left Party and broader circles will develop around which compromises will be acceptable for entering a government (for the first time ever since the foundation in 1917) or voting for it with demands without participating. The congress of the Left Party last spring decided on an ultimatum, either the party enters a new government or will vote against it, no matter what. If that would be possible will be decided in the coming weeks.

But to many activists the main issue is another: how to gather and form the many thousands of new voters and members of the left into a growing political force that can keep pushing back both the most racist right-wing populists and the whole right-wing bloc - and force a more open door to social reform and rebirth of a stronger labour- and left movement in Sweden.


Election results in % to Swedish parliament (a few votes still being counted Thursday). In brackets the results of the last election of 2022.

Left Party 8,4 (6,7)

Social Democracy 28 (30,5)

Greens 6,1 (5)

Center Party 7 (6,7)

Liberals 5,3 (4,6)

Christian Democrats 6,2 (5,4)

Conservatives 20 (19,1)

Sweden Democrats 17,5 (20,6)

Sitting on a time bomb

Paradise wildfire

Knowledge and concern about the climate crisis has grown exponentially in the past 25 years. But not among ultra-conservative and fascist political forces such as Donald Trump’s MAGA (Make America Great Again) movement in the United States, Alternative for Germany (AfD) and Reform UK in Britain.

In his infamous United Nations speech a year ago, Trump denounced global heating as the “biggest scam in world history.” Since his re-election, Trump has withdrawn the US from the Paris Accords, closed offices and programs dealing with climate change, terminated dozens of experts working on global heating and, crucially, withdrawn billions of dollars aimed at mitigating the effects of climate change. 

But here is the irony: the US has been the site of hundreds of climate disasters. Among the best-known are Hurricanes Katrina and Sandy and the wildfires that hit Malibu and Paradise in California.

Hurricane Katrina and Sandy

Hurricane Katrina, in August 2005, was one of the most destructive natural disasters in US history. In New Orleans, the disaster significantly worsened when levees and floodwalls failed, allowing water to flood about 80% of the city. The human consequences were enormous.

More than 1800 people died, while hundreds of thousands were displaced from their homes. Many people could not evacuate before the storm and the disaster exposed major inequalities in income, housing, transport and emergency assistance access. Katrina caused about $108 billion in damages and made hundreds of thousands of homes uninhabitable.

Hurricane Sandy affected the Caribbean and eastern US in October 2012. As it approached the northeast, the storm became extremely large and interacted with other weather systems. New Jersey and New York experienced the most serious impacts.

One of Sandy’s greatest dangers was its enormous storm surge. Seawater flooded coastal communities and large parts of New York City, including streets, road tunnels and subway tunnels. Airports were flooded, transport networks were disrupted and about 8.5 million people lost electricity. At least 650,000 homes were damaged or destroyed. Sandy caused 147 direct deaths across the Atlantic basin, including 72 in the mid-Atlantic and northeast.

The storm demonstrated the vulnerability of densely populated coastal areas. Damage was particularly serious as Sandy affected some of the country’s most economically important urban areas.

Paradise wildfire

The Paradise wildfire, officially called the Camp Fire, began in northern California on November 8, 2018. Extremely dry vegetation, low humidity and powerful winds allowed the fire to spread at extraordinary speed through Butte County. 

The town of Paradise, which had a population of about 26,000, was directly in its path. Residents were ordered to evacuate, but the fire’s speed caused severe congestion on the limited roads leading out of town. Paradise was devastated. 

The Camp Fire ultimately destroyed more than 18,000 structures and killed at least 85 people, making it California’s deadliest and most destructive wildfire. Entire neighbourhoods were reduced to ashes and thousands of residents lost their homes and possessions

The disaster highlighted the vulnerability of communities located near forests and other fire-prone vegetation. California’s dry climate creates wildfire risks, but hotter conditions and prolonged drought can dry vegetation further, contributing to severe fires spreading rapidly.

The Camp Fire also raised questions about electricity infrastructure, evacuation planning and building in high-risk areas. Paradise has since become an important example of the challenges involved in rebuilding communities after wildfire disasters.

Malibu wildfire

Southern California experienced a major disaster at the same time as the Camp Fire: the Woolsey Fire. Beginning on November 8, 2018, the fire spread through Los Angeles and Ventura counties before reaching Malibu and the Pacific coast.

The Malibu fire received huge publicity because it affected the property of celebrities such as Miley Cyrus, Gerard Butler, Kim Kardashian and Robin Thicke. Kardashian and partner Kanye West employed a private firefighting company to hold off flames while they fled to another property in LA.

Strong winds and extremely dry vegetation helped drive flames rapidly through the Santa Monica Mountains. About 295,000 people were ordered to evacuate as communities came under threat.

The Woolsey Fire burned about 96,949 acres and destroyed more than 1600 structures. Three people were killed, and many homes in and around Malibu were destroyed or damaged. The fire burned large areas of natural habitat and parkland.

The disasters demonstrated that wildfires are not only an environmental problem but a major social and economic threat. Expanding development in fire-prone landscapes means more people and properties are exposed when fires occur.

Root cause

The increasingly destructive heatwaves, droughts, floods, hurricanes and wildfires in the US are not just “natural phenomena” nor simply the result of global heating. They are the result of an interaction of both, combined with the reckless actions of US capitalism.

Hurricanes are natural phenomena, as are drought, fire and extreme rainfall. But the social catastrophe that follows them is neither wholly natural nor politically neutral. It arises from the interaction between a warming climate and a society organised around private accumulation, fossil-fuel consumption, speculative property development and profound inequalities of wealth and power.

Global heating is changing the physical conditions under which US society operates. At the same time, capitalists continue to construct houses, infrastructure and entire communities in places increasingly exposed to fire, flooding, extreme heat and rising seas.

Profits from development are appropriated privately, while substantial portions of the risks are eventually transferred to the public through firefighting costs, disaster relief, infrastructure reconstruction, subsidised insurance and emergency intervention. What appears after as an unforeseeable natural catastrophe can therefore be understood as the predictable outcome of particular relations between capital, land and the state.

Global heating and extreme weather

Across North America, record high temperatures are increasingly common relative to record lows. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) concluded that climate change is already contributing to more frequent and intense extreme events across the continent and projects further intensification of heatwaves, extreme storms and wildfire activity.

The relationship with rainfall is somewhat more complicated but equally important. A warmer atmosphere can contain more water vapour, creating the possibility of heavier rain. This does not mean everywhere becomes wetter. Indeed, parts of western and southwestern US are experiencing increased aridity. Climate change can intensify apparently opposite extremes: heavier downpours in some circumstances, more severe drying in others.

Nor does climate change “cause” every hurricane in the simplistic sense sometimes implied in popular discussion. Tropical cyclones existed before industrial capitalism. But warmer oceans, increased atmospheric moisture and rising sea levels alter the environment in which hurricanes occur. Consequently, a storm striking a coastline whose sea level has already risen can produce greater flooding than an otherwise equivalent storm would have in an earlier climatic period.

A Marxist analysis need not exaggerate or simplify the science. Indeed, it benefits from doing precisely the opposite. The point is not that every US disaster can be individually blamed upon global heating. It is that capital accumulation has altered the background climatic system upon which human civilisation depends, changing the probabilities and potential severity of numerous hazards.

Fossil capitalism and climate change

The common terminology of “human-induced climate change” is scientifically correct but socially incomplete. Humanity in the abstract did not industrialise the world through collective democratic decision-making. Fossil-fuel dependence developed within particular systems of production and relations of power.

The industrial capitalism of the 19th century was coal-powered. Oil became central to the automobile, aviation, petrochemical and military economies of the 20th century. Natural gas became another pillar of industrial production, electricity generation and domestic consumption.

Enormous corporations accumulated capital through extracting, processing, transporting and selling these fuels. States constructed roads, airports, suburban infrastructure and military systems around abundant fossil energy.

The climate crisis is therefore inseparable from fossil capitalism: an economic system in which capital accumulation became historically intertwined with fossil energy.

This does not mean ordinary consumers have no environmental impact. US citizens drive cars, heat houses and purchase carbon-intensive commodities. But consumer behaviour occurs within infrastructures inherited from previous rounds of investment.

A worker who must commute 30 miles because affordable housing is distant from employment does not exercise the same power over the climate system as a corporation deciding whether to invest billions in new fossil-fuel production. To treat both as individual “carbon footprints” dissolves radically unequal economic power into an imaginary community of equally responsible consumers.

Capitalism also creates a structural obstacle to adequate climate action. Individual firms must compete, generate returns and protect accumulated investment. Fossil-fuel reserves, refineries, pipelines, power stations and associated infrastructure represent enormous quantities of capital. Rapid decarbonisation threatens to strand some of those assets.

The transition required by climate science consequently confronts powerful owners for whom continued fossil-fuel exploitation is not an ideological abstraction but the basis of profit. The climate crisis reveals a contradiction between the requirements of indefinite capital accumulation and the ecological conditions required for stable human societies.

Wildfires: Where climate and property meet

Wildfire demonstrates this contradiction with unusual clarity. Fire is an ancient ecological process. Many North American ecosystems evolved with periodic burning. Indigenous peoples deliberately used fire to manage landscapes long before European colonisation. It would therefore be absurd to claim that global heating invented wildfire.

What climate change alters is fire weather. Rising temperatures increase evaporative demand, dry vegetation and soils, and can extend periods during which landscapes are combustible. But climate is only one side of the equation. The other is development.

US metropolitan growth has increasingly pushed housing into the wildland-urban interface: landscapes where houses and infrastructure encounter forests, grasslands, chaparral and other combustible vegetation.

This expansion is driven partly by population growth, but also by the political economy of land. Developers purchase peripheral land, obtain planning permission, subdivide it and transform it into a commodity whose value may increase enormously once houses can be constructed upon it. Ecological risk is converted into a property market.

This process generates a remarkable contradiction. The qualities that make such locations commercially attractive — the forest, hillside, canyon, mountain view, privacy or apparently untouched landscape — may be precisely those that increase exposure to wildfire. Nature is simultaneously marketed as an amenity and encountered as a hazard.

Climate change intensifies the contradiction. A development model constructed around historical expectations of fire frequency now operates in a climatic regime in which extreme fire weather is becoming more dangerous in many US western regions. The physical landscape changes, but the imperative to realise value from land continues.

Mike Davis and the political economy of Malibu

Few US intellectuals understood this relationship more than the late historian and urban theorist Mike Davis. In Ecology of Fear, Davis deals with the interlinked issues of wildfires and urban expansion. 

Long before the present succession of climate, Davis argued Southern California’s spectacular disasters revealed the political economy concealed beneath the language of natural calamity. His work provides an exceptionally useful starting point for understanding the US today. Climate change has made Davis’s analysis not obsolete but more urgent.1

In his celebrated and deliberately provocative chapter, “The Case for Letting Malibu Burn,” in Ecology of Fear Davis attacked the conventional representation of Southern Californian wildfire as an unpredictable natural tragedy. He documented the long history of fire in the Santa Monica Mountains and emphasised that Malibu’s susceptibility to burning was hardly a secret. 

Yet expensive residential development repeatedly expanded into this hazardous landscape. Fire destroyed property; public resources were mobilised; houses were rebuilt; development continued.

Davis interpreted this not primarily as individual foolishness but as political economy. Wealthy communities possessed the economic and political capacity to demand extraordinary protection for private property. Firefighting resources, infrastructure, insurance arrangements and disaster assistance helped make settlement possible in places where the underlying ecological risks remained severe.

Davis saw affluent settlements in the hills partly as landscapes of social separation — places whose exclusivity offered distance from the working-class and racially diverse metropolis below. He argued that development in hazardous areas was sustained through various forms of public subsidy and protection.

His argument is sometimes caricatured as saying that wealthy people’s houses should simply be allowed to burn. That misses its political purpose. “Letting Malibu burn” was a provocation intended to expose the irrationality of a system that repeatedly socialised the costs of protecting highly valuable private property built within a known fire ecology.

Who benefits? Who carries the risk?

Developers receive profits when land is converted into housing. Landowners receive increased property values. Financial institutions receive mortgage interest. Affluent purchasers obtain desirable homes.

Yet when catastrophe arrives, firefighters, municipal authorities, state agencies and federal disaster programs intervene. Roads must be maintained for evacuation, utilities repaired, emergency shelters opened and ruined infrastructure reconstructed. Private accumulation thereby generates public obligations.

Davis contrasted this lavish protection of valuable hillside property with the hazards experienced by working-class inhabitants of Central LA. Poorer residents might inhabit overcrowded or inadequately maintained buildings where mundane structural fires posed persistent dangers. Their disasters lacked the spectacular imagery of flames sweeping across Malibu hillsides and frequently attracted fewer resources and less political attention.

This is the class geography of disaster.

From wildfires to urban conflagration

Davis’s warning has acquired still greater significance as settlements penetrate combustible landscapes. He anticipated the possibility of a “post-suburban fire regime”: a situation in which development and changing environmental conditions produced catastrophes exceeding the familiar category of wildland fire.

This concept helps explain why the wildland-urban interface matters so greatly. Once flames or embers enter dense settlements, houses themselves become fuel. Wooden structures, fences, garages, cars, vegetation and other combustible materials can transmit fire through neighbourhoods. What begins as wildfire can become urban conflagration.

Climate change and suburbanisation therefore interact rather than operating as separate causes. Climate change can produce hotter and drier conditions favourable to extreme fire. Property development places more structures within reach of those fires. Infrastructure introduces additional ignition sources. Once communities ignite, the built environment can amplify destruction.

The result is a chain of causation connecting the global atmosphere to the mortgage market.

The class politics of adaptation

Disaster is also profoundly unequal after it occurs.

A wealthy household may possess comprehensive insurance, savings, several vehicles and alternative accommodation. Its members may have flexible employment allowing them to evacuate early.

A poor household may have none of these advantages. Renters may lose possessions without possessing adequate insurance. Low-paid workers may lose wages when businesses close. Homeless people and outdoor workers are exceptionally exposed to extreme heat and smoke.

Even evacuation assumes resources. Instructions to “leave immediately” mean something different to a household with two cars, credit cards and relatives elsewhere than to somebody without a vehicle or enough money for a hotel.

Climate inequality therefore cannot be measured solely by those whose house physically encounters the hazard. Class determines the capacity to anticipate, escape, absorb and recover from catastrophe.

The same principle operates with heat. Air conditioning can transform lethal outside temperatures into an inconvenience, but only for those who can afford it. A construction worker, farm labourer or delivery worker encounters heat as an occupational hazard precisely because their labour must continue under conditions from which wealthier people can retreat.

Capitalist society distributes environmental vulnerability through the labour market and housing market long before the hurricane arrives or the temperature record is broken.

Trumpism and climate denial

Trump’s politics represents an unusually aggressive defence of the fossil-fuel economy. Trump has repeatedly attacked climate policies, promoted increased oil and gas exploitation and portrayed environmental regulation as an obstacle to prosperity. In September, for example, he attacked Britain’s net-zero policies while urging greater exploitation of North Sea oil and gas.

This is not merely rhetorical climate scepticism. It has been translated into state policy. In February, Trump’s Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) rescinded the 2009 Greenhouse Gas Endangerment Finding and eliminated the federal greenhouse gas emissions standards for highway vehicles that depended upon it. The administration described this as the largest deregulatory action in US history.

The administration’s argument should be represented accurately. It maintains that the Clean Air Act does not provide the EPA with the statutory authority claimed for these regulations and argues the regulations impose enormous economic costs without materially affecting global climate change.

A Marxist interpretation, however, asks whose conception of “cost” dominates such calculations.

Environmental regulation imposes visible costs upon particular corporations and consumers today. Climate damage produces costs distributed across society and across decades: destroyed homes, higher insurance premiums, failed crops, damaged infrastructure, firefighting expenditures, heat mortality and disaster reconstruction. 

Deregulation therefore appears to “save” money by shifting costs from capital onto society, workers, governments and future generations.

The Trump administration’s relaxation of vehicle-efficiency requirements illustrates this conflict. Government estimates associated with the weaker standards indicate lower initial vehicle costs but substantially greater fuel consumption and carbon emissions between now and 2050.

Trumpism consequently does more than deny or minimise climate science. It translates the immediate interests of fossil-fuel production and carbon-intensive accumulation into a populist political language: cheap petrol, consumer freedom, energy dominance and opposition to supposedly elitist environmental regulation.

Its success among sections of the working class cannot simply be dismissed as stupidity. Decades of neoliberal restructuring have made many workers suspicious of policies whose costs they are expected to bear. A badly designed transition can close a refinery, raise household energy costs or eliminate industrial employment while leaving corporate wealth untouched.

The left cannot answer right-wing climate politics simply by demanding sacrifice from ordinary people.

Climate politics and green capitalism

A Marxist climate program must instead confront ownership and class power.

Market mechanisms alone are inadequate when investment decisions controlling energy, transport and housing remain dominated by private profit. Carbon pricing may alter incentives, but a sufficiently rapid transformation requires huge planning and investment: renewable electricity, transmission networks, public transport, building insulation, resilient infrastructure and the managed retreat of development from locations that cannot reasonably be defended.

Such policies immediately raise distributive questions. Who pays? Who owns the new energy infrastructure? What happens to fossil fuel workers? Who decides where housing is constructed? Should developers profit from hazardous land and subsequently transfer disaster costs to the public?

A socialist response insists that decarbonisation cannot be achieved by making poorer households absorb the costs while leaving concentrated wealth intact. Workers leaving fossil industries require guaranteed employment, retraining, pensions and regional investment.

Public transport and energy-efficient housing need to provide material improvements rather than moral instruction. Adaptation needs to prioritise vulnerable communities rather than simply defending the most expensive property.

This is the substance behind the idea of a just transition. Without redistribution, climate policy can become another form of austerity. With redistribution and democratic planning, decarbonisation can become part of a wider transformation of everyday life.

Disaster capitalism and nature

Karl Marx described capital as possessing an extraordinary drive towards expansion. Competition forces firms to accumulate, innovate and enlarge production. Historically, this produced enormous rises in productive capacity.

But capital treats nature as a free input or waste repository. The atmosphere became, in effect, a free dumping ground for carbon generated by industry. The bill for that historical externalisation is now arriving.

The irony is that capitalism creates new commodities from the crisis it helped produce: private firefighting, air filtration, climate-controlled buildings, insurance products, carbon markets, disaster reconstruction and new adaptation technologies.

Those with sufficient money can purchase more protection while those without experience climate change directly. A society may become simultaneously richer in commodities and less secure ecologically.

Davis’s importance lies in understanding this process spatially. Capital does not merely exploit nature; it reorganises landscapes. It determines where factories, roads and suburbs appear, which neighbourhoods receive investment and which populations inhabit hazardous environments. Environmental catastrophe has a geography produced through previous rounds of accumulation.

Paying for the climate crisis

The rising incidence and intensity of extreme weather in the US cannot be understood through meteorology alone. Anthropogenic global heating is altering the climatic background, increasing extreme heat and heavy rainfall and contributing to more dangerous fire weather in substantial parts of North America.

But climate hazards become social disasters through decisions about land, housing, infrastructure and investment. This is where Marxist analysis adds something essential.

The central question is not whether climate change exists. It is who produced the emissions, who profits from the economic system that generated them, who is exposed to the consequences and who will be required to pay for adaptation and reconstruction.

Wildfires make these contradictions dramatically visible. Fossil-fuel combustion contributes to a hotter and, in many western US regions, more fire-prone climate. Property capital simultaneously extends development into combustible landscapes.

Private actors realise profits from development while public institutions assume substantial responsibility for protecting and rebuilding endangered communities. The wealthy generally possess greater resources to escape and recover, while workers and poorer communities absorb disproportionate social consequences.

Trumpism offers one response to this crisis: defend fossil capital, weaken environmental regulation, expand extraction and present continuing carbon-intensive capitalism as economic freedom. It has political power partly because liberal climate politics has too often failed to demonstrate how decarbonisation can improve rather than diminish working-class living standards.

Davis offered a radically different way of seeing the problem. His genius was to look at a burning hillside and see not merely flames and vegetation but class relations, property values, state power and urban history. The landscape itself contained a history of political choices.

His analysis has become more relevant as the climate warms. What he described in Malibu can increasingly be recognised elsewhere: private development advancing into hazardous territory, enormous resources mobilised after predictable catastrophe, and reconstruction preparing the conditions for another cycle.

The phrase “natural disaster” consequently conceals the most important question. Nature supplies the hurricane, drought, heat or fire, but society determines what stands in its path.

What society for a warming planet?

The climate crisis is therefore ultimately a struggle over what kind of society will inhabit a warming planet.

One possibility is an increasingly fortified capitalism in which wealthy communities purchase protection, insurance retreats from unprofitable territories, public money repeatedly rescues private property and the poor are left increasingly exposed to heat, flood and fire.

Another would treat energy, housing, transport and adaptation as matters of democratic planning rather than opportunities for accumulation.

Global heating has transformed that choice from an abstract ideological dispute into a material necessity. Fires, floods and heatwaves are warnings not merely about atmospheric chemistry but about a social order whose pursuit of endless accumulation is colliding with ecological limits.

Davis’s radical insight was that catastrophe exposes the normally hidden organisation of society. In the age of global heating, the US is receiving that lesson with increasing frequency: the climate may produce the hazard, but capitalism determines much of the vulnerability — and class determines who will most likely pay the price.

Phil Hearse is a veteran revolutionary socialist, a member of Britain’s National Education Union and a supporter of Anti*Capitalist Resistance

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    Much of this article is based on Mike Davis’s writing, including “ Who Will Build the Ark?” (published at New Left Review), “ El Diablo in the Wine Country” (published in London Review of Books) and Ecology of Fear (an excerpt of which can be read here).

    His writing on other topics includes The Monster at Our Door (2003), which predicted a mass epidemic that eventually occurred as COVID (this has been updated as The Monster Enters); Planet of Slums (2006); and Prisoners of the American Dream (1998). 

    See a complete list of his book at Verso’s Mike Davis page.