Trump administration asks US Supreme Court to end TPS deportation protections for 6,000 Syrians, seeking to lift judge’s block as legal fight continues.
The New Arab Staff & Agencies
27 February, 2026
Trump's Department of Homeland Security has moved to terminate TPS for 12 countries, including Syria
President Donald Trump's administration asked the US Supreme Court on Thursday to intervene in its effort to strip deportation protections from about 6,000 Syrians living in the United States.
The Justice Department in an emergency request asked the Supreme Court to lift a judge's November decision that blocked the administration's move to end Temporary Protected Status, or TPS, for Syrians while litigation challenging the move continues.
It is the third time the administration has turned to the Supreme Court related to its efforts to terminate these protections for migrants. The court sided with the administration on both previous occasions, involving the revocation of TPS for hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans.
TPS is a humanitarian designation under US law for migrants from countries stricken by war, natural disaster or other catastrophes, shielding people given this status from deportation and allowing them to work in the United States.
Trump's Department of Homeland Security has moved to terminate TPS for 12 countries, including Syria. Similar lawsuits have led to court rulings that are currently blocking the end of TPS for people from nations including Ethiopia, South Sudan, Haiti, Syria and Myanmar.
TPS was first extended to Syrians in 2012 during former President Barack Obama's administration, after the country plunged into a civil war that culminated with the toppling of President Bashar al-Assad in December 2024.
Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, an appointee of the Republican president, announced in September that Syria's TPS designation would end, noting that the situation there "no longer meets the criteria for an ongoing armed conflict that poses a serious threat to the personal safety of returning Syrian nationals."
In November, US Judge Katherine Polk Failla in Manhattan blocked the Trump administration from terminating TPS for Syrians. The New York-based 2nd US Circuit Court of Appeals on 17 February declined to halt that order.
The Justice Department said in a filing that lower courts were flouting the Supreme Court's prior orders in the cases involving Venezuela's TPS designation. It suggested that the Supreme Court take up and hear arguments in the dispute,e given the "lower courts' persistent disregard" for the Supreme Court's actions.
The administration has said the TPS program has been overused and that many migrants no longer merit protection. Democrats and advocates for the migrants have said that TPS enrollees could be forced to return to dangerous conditions and that US employers depend on their labour.
The court requested a response to the administration's request by 5 March from a group of Syrians challenging the policy.
As government fails on economy, Syrians must mobilise from below
For weeks, Syrians have protested from Damascus to Deir ez-Zor, denouncing layoffs and austerity, writes Joseph Daher — but will Ahmed al-Sharaa shift course?
Joseph Daher
25 Feb, 2026
The economic policies being imposed have manly reinforced the concentration of economic power among the new ruling elite and its affiliated business networks, all whilst Syrians continue to live in poverty, writes Joseph Daher. [GETTY]
February has been marked by a significant rise in protests and organised action against the Syrian government’s economic policies, as well as the worsening of living and working conditions.
In Damascus and elsewhere in the country, ongoing demonstrations against the astronomical rise of electricity prices (in some cases reaching up to a 6000% hike), occurred at the end of January and first few weeks of February. Whilst rumours are circulating that the ministry of energy could reconsider the new tariffs, no official decisions have been taken so far.
Teachers in Tartus and Latakia have been protesting continuously for several weeks after a decision by the ministry of education to order their return from these cities where they’ve now settled, and back to their original provinces. The educators are angry that the government is ignoring the fact that most have been living in Tatus and Latakia for years. Not to mention, they don’t have the financial means to relocate.
Many believe the move is a precursor to a mass termination of thousands of teaching staff.
Additionally, in the Idlib and Aleppo countryside governorates teachers have engaged in a massive strike to demand permanent employment, the swift reinstatement of those who were sacked, and salary increases that match the soaring cost of living. More than 1700 schools in these areas have closed their doors
This ‘Strike for Dignity’ is in response to the authorities’ broken promises over salary increases and an improvement in working conditions. With the support of the national teachers’ union, the workers declared that the strike would be open-ended, and that they will not go back to classrooms until salary commitments are honoured and basic school supplies are provided.
In Raqqa too, following the withdrawal of the Syrian Democratic Forces, local teachers have been protesting on a nearly daily basis demanding permanent positions in schools in their areas.
An open-ended strike was also called by teachers in the southern Hasaka governorate, who announced the suspension of classes in schools located in Al-Shaddadi, Al-Arisha, Markada, and Tel al-Shaer. They want job security and improved living conditions.
The teachers aren’t alone, however. Freight truck drivers also launched an open-ended strike and announced a halt to the transport of commercial goods after authorities did not react to their demands. They protested the end to nationalised transport fares that left them at the mercy of brokers and traders, which has unsurprisingly negatively impacted their livelihood.
They also demand the activation of unions, and the establishment of a cooperative fund. The state has only partially responded by suspending the entry of foreign trucks.
Other workers’ mobilisations took place at Latakia Port by workers denouncing their dismissal, and by mill workers in Deir ez-Zor against the reduction to their salaries.
Doctors in several hospitals in the Damascus area also staged a protest demanding improved financial and professional conditions, following promises of salary increases and incentive adjustments.
In Aleppo, even street vendors took to the streets in early February against the local authorities' decision to ban their activities and, in some cases, to remove their street stalls.
In Qunaytra, employees of the agricultural research centre organised a rally to protest dozens of dismissals without prior notice, and demanded their reinstatement. Bassam al-Saeed, the head of the local labour union, raised that the research centre “which has a special status because it is located on the frontline with the Zionist enemy” officially requires 600 workers to run it, but there are only 300 people currently operating it. Yet, more government cuts are expected to come.
In the city of Palmyra, citizens held a demonstration to denounce the continued neglect of residents, including their access to basic, quality services.
Activists and residents of Deir ez-Zor province similarly launched a widespread campaign under the hashtag #Enough_Deir_ez-Zor_is_Disaster. This was in response to what they describe as systematic marginalisation, and against policies that have led to the collapse of basic living conditions and public services in a province that has vast oil and agricultural resources.
Locals taking action hold government authorities directly responsible for the unprecedented economic and social deterioration, and issued a statement calling out their continued silence regarding the suffering of the majority of the populations in the city and surrounding countryside.
The situation is so desperate, that protestors are also demanding that Deir ez-Zor be officially declared a "disaster-stricken" province so that and emergency response can actually be imposed.
Protestors have also called on authorities to allocate a percentage of the oil and gas revenues extracted from the province to fund development projects and local services, and immediately rehabilitate bridges and main roads to salvage what remains of the region's lifeline.
They also seek the involvement of the local community in key decision-making, supporting local staff, and launching sustainable development projects to ensure that resources are used to improve people’s lives.
Austerity measures
All the mobilisations reflect the growing popular frustration towards the government’s economic policies which haven’t led to the country’s sustainable economic recovery - as promised following the Assad regime’s fall. Instead, it has embraced a neoliberal economic model based on liberalization of trade, privatisation of state assets, attraction of foreign direct investment, sharp austerity and a shrinking public sector.
Nevertheless, Syrian officials continue to call for the trap of further privatisation of state-owned enterprises and a reduction in the state's role.
Back in January 2025, the government had already announced plans to dismiss up to one-third of the state’s workforce, and since then no legal grounded procedures for layoffs and temporary suspensions have even been put forward by the Syrian authorities. This has continued to raise serious concerns about arbitrary dismissals.
Since the beginning of the year, layoffs have continued at pace across different ministries. Over 300 employees were dismissed in the agricultural directorates of Lattakia, more than 40 employees lost their jobs in Lattakia’s grain institution, 200 in the Tartus province ministry of agriculture, 400 from the Syrian Company for Construction and Development, several hundreds of employees from the electricity directorates in Homs, Lattakia, and Hama, as well as dozens from the ministry of information. And this list goes on…
Additionally, 180 employees of the Aleppo City Council did not have their contracts renewed at the beginning of the year.
Indeed, the economic policies being imposed have manly reinforced the concentration of economic power among the new ruling elite and its affiliated business networks, all whilst Syrians continue to live in poverty.
Joseph Daher is an academic and author of Syria after the Uprisings, The Political Economy of State Resilience; Hezbollah: the Political Economy of Lebanon’s Party of God; Marxism and Palestine.
Follow him on Twitter: @JosephDaher19
Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff.\
For weeks, Syrians have protested from Damascus to Deir ez-Zor, denouncing layoffs and austerity, writes Joseph Daher — but will Ahmed al-Sharaa shift course?
Joseph Daher
25 Feb, 2026
February has been marked by a significant rise in protests and organised action against the Syrian government’s economic policies, as well as the worsening of living and working conditions.
In Damascus and elsewhere in the country, ongoing demonstrations against the astronomical rise of electricity prices (in some cases reaching up to a 6000% hike), occurred at the end of January and first few weeks of February. Whilst rumours are circulating that the ministry of energy could reconsider the new tariffs, no official decisions have been taken so far.
Teachers in Tartus and Latakia have been protesting continuously for several weeks after a decision by the ministry of education to order their return from these cities where they’ve now settled, and back to their original provinces. The educators are angry that the government is ignoring the fact that most have been living in Tatus and Latakia for years. Not to mention, they don’t have the financial means to relocate.
Many believe the move is a precursor to a mass termination of thousands of teaching staff.
Additionally, in the Idlib and Aleppo countryside governorates teachers have engaged in a massive strike to demand permanent employment, the swift reinstatement of those who were sacked, and salary increases that match the soaring cost of living. More than 1700 schools in these areas have closed their doors
Joseph Daher
This ‘Strike for Dignity’ is in response to the authorities’ broken promises over salary increases and an improvement in working conditions. With the support of the national teachers’ union, the workers declared that the strike would be open-ended, and that they will not go back to classrooms until salary commitments are honoured and basic school supplies are provided.
In Raqqa too, following the withdrawal of the Syrian Democratic Forces, local teachers have been protesting on a nearly daily basis demanding permanent positions in schools in their areas.
An open-ended strike was also called by teachers in the southern Hasaka governorate, who announced the suspension of classes in schools located in Al-Shaddadi, Al-Arisha, Markada, and Tel al-Shaer. They want job security and improved living conditions.
The teachers aren’t alone, however. Freight truck drivers also launched an open-ended strike and announced a halt to the transport of commercial goods after authorities did not react to their demands. They protested the end to nationalised transport fares that left them at the mercy of brokers and traders, which has unsurprisingly negatively impacted their livelihood.
They also demand the activation of unions, and the establishment of a cooperative fund. The state has only partially responded by suspending the entry of foreign trucks.
Other workers’ mobilisations took place at Latakia Port by workers denouncing their dismissal, and by mill workers in Deir ez-Zor against the reduction to their salaries.
Doctors in several hospitals in the Damascus area also staged a protest demanding improved financial and professional conditions, following promises of salary increases and incentive adjustments.
In Aleppo, even street vendors took to the streets in early February against the local authorities' decision to ban their activities and, in some cases, to remove their street stalls.
In Qunaytra, employees of the agricultural research centre organised a rally to protest dozens of dismissals without prior notice, and demanded their reinstatement. Bassam al-Saeed, the head of the local labour union, raised that the research centre “which has a special status because it is located on the frontline with the Zionist enemy” officially requires 600 workers to run it, but there are only 300 people currently operating it. Yet, more government cuts are expected to come.
In the city of Palmyra, citizens held a demonstration to denounce the continued neglect of residents, including their access to basic, quality services.
Activists and residents of Deir ez-Zor province similarly launched a widespread campaign under the hashtag #Enough_Deir_ez-Zor_is_Disaster. This was in response to what they describe as systematic marginalisation, and against policies that have led to the collapse of basic living conditions and public services in a province that has vast oil and agricultural resources.
Locals taking action hold government authorities directly responsible for the unprecedented economic and social deterioration, and issued a statement calling out their continued silence regarding the suffering of the majority of the populations in the city and surrounding countryside.
The situation is so desperate, that protestors are also demanding that Deir ez-Zor be officially declared a "disaster-stricken" province so that and emergency response can actually be imposed.
Protestors have also called on authorities to allocate a percentage of the oil and gas revenues extracted from the province to fund development projects and local services, and immediately rehabilitate bridges and main roads to salvage what remains of the region's lifeline.
They also seek the involvement of the local community in key decision-making, supporting local staff, and launching sustainable development projects to ensure that resources are used to improve people’s lives.
Austerity measures
All the mobilisations reflect the growing popular frustration towards the government’s economic policies which haven’t led to the country’s sustainable economic recovery - as promised following the Assad regime’s fall. Instead, it has embraced a neoliberal economic model based on liberalization of trade, privatisation of state assets, attraction of foreign direct investment, sharp austerity and a shrinking public sector.
Nevertheless, Syrian officials continue to call for the trap of further privatisation of state-owned enterprises and a reduction in the state's role.
Back in January 2025, the government had already announced plans to dismiss up to one-third of the state’s workforce, and since then no legal grounded procedures for layoffs and temporary suspensions have even been put forward by the Syrian authorities. This has continued to raise serious concerns about arbitrary dismissals.
Since the beginning of the year, layoffs have continued at pace across different ministries. Over 300 employees were dismissed in the agricultural directorates of Lattakia, more than 40 employees lost their jobs in Lattakia’s grain institution, 200 in the Tartus province ministry of agriculture, 400 from the Syrian Company for Construction and Development, several hundreds of employees from the electricity directorates in Homs, Lattakia, and Hama, as well as dozens from the ministry of information. And this list goes on…
Additionally, 180 employees of the Aleppo City Council did not have their contracts renewed at the beginning of the year.
Indeed, the economic policies being imposed have manly reinforced the concentration of economic power among the new ruling elite and its affiliated business networks, all whilst Syrians continue to live in poverty.
Potential from below?
Concerningly, the vast majority of the trade union leaderships are actually aligned with the authorities. This is because the ruling authorities have placed loyalists at the head of the unions and professional associations, without holding elections for new representation. The only exception to this was the election of the General Federation of Trade Unions’ Executive Office by its General Council in early December 2025.
This was clear to see when the teachers’ union publicly stated that the support they were extending to their striking colleagues in the north did not in any way imply a negative stance towards the Syrian state.
There are, however, some attempts by professional associations to gain more autonomy. The Syrian Journalists Association, for instance, recently condemned the ministry of information's intention to launch a ‘professional code of conduct’ for those in the field. They argued that this would not only undermine the role of the union and association, but it would also weaken "the possibility of building a free investigative media", thus reproducing a system of censorship.
More of this is urgently needed in the face of current economic woes. It is, after all, through independent, democratic, and autonomous mass trade union organisations that aren’t state controlled, that living and working conditions of the population will improve. This is also key for strengthening broader democratic rights and establishing an economic system based on social justice and equality.
With al-Sharaa’s government showing no indication that it is about to radically change its policies, and more and more people losing faith, change will need to come from below. Using this period of mass action to connect struggles against exploitation and oppression, to join forces in the mobilisations organised across the country, is certainly the best way to build a political alternative rooted in the interests of the country’s popular classes.
Concerningly, the vast majority of the trade union leaderships are actually aligned with the authorities. This is because the ruling authorities have placed loyalists at the head of the unions and professional associations, without holding elections for new representation. The only exception to this was the election of the General Federation of Trade Unions’ Executive Office by its General Council in early December 2025.
This was clear to see when the teachers’ union publicly stated that the support they were extending to their striking colleagues in the north did not in any way imply a negative stance towards the Syrian state.
There are, however, some attempts by professional associations to gain more autonomy. The Syrian Journalists Association, for instance, recently condemned the ministry of information's intention to launch a ‘professional code of conduct’ for those in the field. They argued that this would not only undermine the role of the union and association, but it would also weaken "the possibility of building a free investigative media", thus reproducing a system of censorship.
More of this is urgently needed in the face of current economic woes. It is, after all, through independent, democratic, and autonomous mass trade union organisations that aren’t state controlled, that living and working conditions of the population will improve. This is also key for strengthening broader democratic rights and establishing an economic system based on social justice and equality.
With al-Sharaa’s government showing no indication that it is about to radically change its policies, and more and more people losing faith, change will need to come from below. Using this period of mass action to connect struggles against exploitation and oppression, to join forces in the mobilisations organised across the country, is certainly the best way to build a political alternative rooted in the interests of the country’s popular classes.
Joseph Daher is an academic and author of Syria after the Uprisings, The Political Economy of State Resilience; Hezbollah: the Political Economy of Lebanon’s Party of God; Marxism and Palestine.
Follow him on Twitter: @JosephDaher19
Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff.
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