Why dangerous content thrives on
Facebook and TikTok in Kenya
As Facebook and its competitor TikTok grow at breakneck speed in Kenya, and across Africa, researchers say the tech companies are failing to keep pace with a proliferation of terrorist content, hate speech and false information , taking advantage of poor regulatory frameworks to avoid stricter oversight.
“It’s a deliberate choice to maximize labor and profit extraction, because they view the societies in the Global South primarily as markets, not as societies,” said Nanjala Nyabola, a Kenyan technology and social researcher.
About 1 in 5 Kenyans use Facebook, which last year renamed itself Meta, and TikTok has become one of the country’s most downloaded apps. The prevalence of violent and inflammatory content on the platforms poses real risks in this East African nation, as it prepares for a bitterly contested presidential election next month and deals with the threat of terrorism posed by a resurgent al-Shabab.
“Our approach to content moderation in Africa is no different than anywhere else in the world,” Kojo Boakye, Meta’s director of public policy for Africa, the Middle East and Turkey, wrote in an email to The Washington Post. “We prioritize safety on our platforms and have taken aggressive steps to fight misinformation and harmful content.”
TikTok’s head of government relations and public policy in sub-Saharan Africa, Fortune Mgwili-Sibanda, also responded to The Post by email, writing: “We have thousands of people working on safety all around the world — and we’re continuing to expand this function in our African markets in line with the continued growth of our TikTok community on the continent.”
The companies’ content moderation strategy is two-pronged: Artificial intelligence (AI) algorithms provide a first line of defense. But Meta has admitted that it’s challenging to teach AI to recognize hate speech in multiple languages and contexts, and reports show that posts in languages other than English often slip through the cracks.
In June, researchers at the London-based Institute for Strategic Dialogue (ISD) released a report outlining how al-Shabab and the Islamic State use Facebook to spread extremist content, like the execution video.
The ISD’s two-year investigation revealed at least 30 public al-Shabab and Islamic State propaganda pages with nearly 40,000 combined followers. The groups posted videos depicting gruesome assassinations, suicide bombings, attacks on Kenyan military forces and Islamist militant training exercises. Some content had lived on the platform for more than six years.
Reliance on AI was a core problem, said the report’s co-author, Moustafa Ayad, because bad actors have learned how to game the system.
If the terrorists know the AI is looking for the word jihad, Ayad explained, they can “split up J.I.H.A.D with periods in between the letters, so now it’s not being read properly by [the] AI system.”
Ayad said most of the accounts flagged in the report have now been removed, but similar content has since popped up, such as a video posted in July featuring Fuad Mohamed Khalaf, an al-Shabab leader wanted by the U.S. government. It garnered 141,000 views and 1,800 shares before being removed after 10 days.
Terrorist groups can also bypass human moderation, the second line of defense for social media companies, by exploiting language and cultural expertise gaps, the report said. Kenya’s national languages are English and Swahili, but Kenyans speak dozens of other tribal languages, dialects and the local slang, sheng.
Meta said it has a 350-person multidisciplinary team, including native Arabic, Somali and Swahili speakers, who monitor and handle terrorist content. Between January and March, the company claims to have removed 15 million pieces of content that violated its terrorism policies, but did not say how much terrorist content it believes to still be on the platform.
In January 2019, al-Shabab attacked the DusitD2 complex in Nairobi, killing 21 people. A government investigation later revealed they planned the attack using a Facebook account that remained undetected for six months, according to local media.
During Kenya’s last election in 2017, journalists documented how Facebook struggled to rein in the spread of ethnically charged hate speech, an issue researchers say the company is still failing to address. Adding to their worries now is the growing popularity of TikTok, which is also being used to inflame tensions ahead of the presidential vote on August 9.
In June, the Mozilla Foundation released a report outlining how election-related disinformation has taken root on TikTok. The report examined more than 130 videos from 33 accounts that had been viewed more than 4 million times, finding ethnic-based hate speech, as well as manipulated and false content that violated TikTok’s own policies.
One video clip mimicked a detergent commercial in which the narrator told viewers that the “detergent” could eliminate “madoadoa,” including members of the Kikuyu, Luhya, Luo and Kamba tribes. Interpreted literally, “madoadoa” is an innocuous word meaning blemish or spot, but it can also be a coded ethnic slur and a call to violence. The video contained graphic images of post-election clashes from previous years.
After the report, TikTok removed the video and flagged the term “madoadoa,” but the episode showed how the nuances of language can elude human moderators. A TikTok whistleblower told report author Odanga Madung that she was asked to watch videos in languages she didn’t speak and determine, from images alone, whether they violated its guidelines.
TikTok did not directly respond to that allegation when asked by The Washington Post, but the company issued a statement recently about efforts to address problematic election-related content.
TikTok said it moderates content in more than 60 languages, including Swahili, but declined to give additional details about its moderators in Kenya or the number of languages it monitors. It has also launched a Kenya-specific operations center with experts who detect and remove posts that violate its policies. And on July 14, it rolled out an in-app user guide containing election and media literacy information.
“[We] have a dedicated team working to safeguard TikTok during the Kenyan elections,” Mgwili-Sibanda wrote. “We prohibit and remove election misinformation, promotions of violence and other violations of our policies.”
But researchers still worry that violent rhetoric online could lead to real violence.
“One will see these lies really turn into very tragic consequences for people attending rallies,” said Irungu Houghton, director of Amnesty International Kenya.
Researchers say TikTok and Meta can get away with lower content moderation standards in Kenya, in part because Kenyan law does not directly hold social media companies responsible for harmful content on their platforms. By contrast, Germany’s “Facebook Act” fines companies up to U.S. $50 million if they do not remove “clearly illegal” content within 24 hours after a user files a complaint.
“This is quite a gray area,” said Mugambi Laibuta, a Kenyan lawyer. “[W]hen you’re talking about hate speech, there’s no law in Kenya that states that these sites should enforce content moderation.”
If Meta and TikTok do not police themselves, experts warn, African governments will do it for them, possibly in anti-democratic and dangerous ways.
“If the platforms don’t get their act together, they become convenient excuses for authoritarians to clamp down on them across the continent … a convenient excuse for them to disappear,” Madung said. “And we all need these platforms to survive. We need them to thrive.”
Jack Goodman - BBC World Service Disinformation team
Sat, July 30, 2022
Illustration showing hand holding strings acting as puppeteer over three mobile phones, which contain a person using a speaker phone to symbolise influencers. Surrounded by thumbs up emoji icons
Social media influencing is a growing and potentially lucrative business for young people in Kenya and increasingly, politicians come calling.
"People will know that you are pushing a hashtag, everyone on Twitter knows you are being paid to do it for a politician," says Nick, a freelance writer and aspiring social media influencer from Nairobi.
"But politicians wouldn't acknowledge publicly that they have paid an influencer to spread campaign messages. They try to make it look like they have nothing to do with it."
With the fiercely contested presidential election on 9 August, many fear the system of paid-for influence can lead to manipulation and the spread of harmful narratives.
Videos questioning the integrity of the Kenya election have spread on TikTok
Nick, in his mid-20s, started marketing brands online to earn some extra cash while studying or looking for a job.
As he gained followers, betting companies, TV stations, people looking to launch a product approached him to promote them on Twitter. He was also offered some political work, where he can earn 1000ksh (about £7) for a few hours' work - a better daily wage than most casual jobs.
Nick says he prefers promoting brands he likes, rather than politicians, but would tweet support for a candidate for whom he wouldn't vote.
"Personally as long as they are not promoting anything negative or violent or tribal I don't mind. Who says no to extra money?"
However, for the parties and candidates it is a serious business.
"It's a huge activity. During the political season billions exchange hands," says Gordon Opiyo, a long-time political consultant, who is working with clients supporting deputy president and candidate William Ruto.
Gordon says for people hired by clients to plan the campaign, the first task is to recruit a group of so-called microinfluencers - anyone with between 10,000 and 500,000 followers. They then create a group chat and outline the strategy, where instructions for the hashtags, photos and talking points to be used are distributed.
Gordon Opiyo has worked in political consulting for years
The aim is to control the narrative around a particular candidate or topic, and bypass the mainstream media by going straight to social media.
Users working in groups of up to 200 often acquire dummy accounts to promote a particular hashtag, which tend to be used to generate traction around more divisive topics.
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Experts say that almost every attempt to get a political hashtag trending is probably paid for.
"If you see content with a hashtag you know the end game is to make the hashtag trend," says Brian Obilo, who has researched these networks for the Mozilla Foundation in Kenya.
"They may claim the tags are used to mobilise supporters, but if you look at accounts driving the tags, you'll see the accounts are complicit with spreading disinformation online. You'll know someone is bankrolling it."
Politicians tend to keep their distance throughout, Gordon says.
"The main sponsors are usually detached. You'll never get them having any formal contract... because they know that it is a very grey area."
According to Code for Africa's iLAB, a team conducting early warning detection of hate speech and co-ordinated disinformation campaigns, the hashtag #RutoMalizaUfungwe (in English: "[Deputy President] Ruto finish your term and go to jail") was the number one trend on Twitter after being promoted by a core of new seemingly fake accounts.
Many of them referenced the post-election violence of 2007, which led to Mr Ruto's trial at The Hague, and some posts contained hate speech.
Social media posts have accused the national elections body of supporting William Ruto
As in previous years, there have been concerted efforts to question the integrity of the main elections' governing body.
Isaac wants a career in politics. He has been promoting Mr Ruto's campaign and says he has been paid to post 30 tweets a day.
Last month he pushed a tag alleging the head of the national electoral body could not be trusted.
In June, Twitter suspended 41 accounts involved in promoting a similar hashtag suggesting Mr Wafula Chebukati, the head of the Independent Electoral and Boundaries Commission (IEBC), was supporting Mr Ruto, for violations of its manipulation and spam policy.
Twitter told the BBC it prohibits "attempts to use our services to manipulate or disrupt civic processes, including through the distribution of false or misleading information about the procedures or circumstances around participation in a civic process".
This is part of a wider campaign to discredit institutions, which has been on the rise, and has led to election violence in the past, says Code for Africa's Allan Cheboi. The organisation has observed efforts to discredit the IEBC on TikTok and in anonymous articles that have spread on WhatsApp.
The merging of the influencer economy and politics seems to be growing in Kenya. Influencer marketing agency Twiva, which appears to be using its platform to work with political campaigns, did not want to provide a comment about why it has not listed this service on its website.
Flooding social media with hashtags is just one of the strategies used.
Abraham Mutai, a digital strategist who has advised politicians on influencing projects, believes a more effective approach involves paying top political influencers to talk about certain topics over a week. Rather than a rapidly shared hashtag and pre-scripted talking points, it looks real.
"For politicians, they see that organic conversations are powerful because they look not paid for…but in fact they are. It's all about perception," says Abraham, who is on the campaign trail with the Raila Odinga camp.
A lot of money funds these social media operations. From three typical jobs every month, a macroinfluencer (followers nearing the one million mark) or strategist could receive five million ksh (£35,000), which is also shared between the smaller influencers.
Claims about the current president Uhuru Kenyatta and the head of the IEBC have also spread
But although there is money to be made, some influencers are not particularly happy about their employers.
"We can spread false information about a certain politician, and other days praise their opponents. Depends on who is paying for the task," says Alex, not his real name, via WhatsApp. After having his main account suspended on Twitter he is feeling frustrated at not being able to work.
"It's like a tree. We're just the leaves. Why do I say this? Because influencers can be replaced any time."
Like Alex, Nick is not enthusiastic about this line of work. He says political jobs are notoriously bad for one crucial reason.
"There's a huge chance you won't get paid. It's not the same as another marketing job," he says. "First of all you don't really believe in what you're doing. You just do it for the money and that money may not come. Personally I'm not a fan of it."
Additional reporting by Peter Mwai, graphics from Jacqueline Galvin and Olaniyi Adebimpe, and social media analysis by Shayan Sardarizadeh.
Thu, July 28, 2022
William Ruto at a campaign rally in June 2022
A great farmer - that is how people hanging around outside a small shopping centre in Kosachei town in western Kenya describe Deputy President William Ruto, who is running for the presidency in the 9 August election.
Mr Ruto is one of Kenya's biggest maize farmers. His expansive farm, which is next to the shopping centre, is evidence of his fortune.
Women buy vegetables, bananas and eggs from the farm and sell them in markets in nearby towns, while the men work as casual labourers on the farm.
Tucked away behind a black metal gate, it is heavily guarded by police.
Mr Ruto owns vast pieces of land across the country and concerns have been raised about how he acquired some of them.
In June 2013, the High Court ordered him to surrender a 100-acre (40-hectare) farm, and compensate a farmer who had accused him of grabbing the land during the 2007 post-election violence. He denied any wrongdoing.
In that election he had backed the presidential bid of Raila Odinga, who is now his main challenger - reflecting the constantly shifting political alliances in Kenya as leaders calculate how best to secure power.
Kenya's Daily Nation newspaper says Mr Ruto enjoys a cult-like following among his supporters. But the most recent nationwide opinion poll - which Mr Ruto has dismissed as "manufactured" - show he is trailing Mr Odinga by 37% to 43%.
Kosachei residents are hopeful that he will win, and help farmers increase their yields and make Kenya self-sufficient in food.
"He is a good neighbour who teaches us how to farm. Back when he was the minister for agriculture he subsidised fertiliser. The price of fertiliser at the moment is at its highest ever. He is the only one who understands the issues of farmers," says vegetable seller Mama Sasha.
Mama Sasha (L) and her friends showcase cabbages outside her stall in Kosachei
Mr Ruto's farm is in Uasin Gishu county, which - along with neighbouring counties - produce most of Kenya's maize.
Its supply to the national cereal board has had controversies over payments.
In 2018, a company registered under the names of Mr Ruto's wife and son was investigated over the supply of maize worth millions of Kenyan shillings, but the anti-corruption agency cleared it.
Mr Ruto's neighbours in Kosachei defend him, saying he was unfairly targeted.
They refuse to offer any criticism of him, blaming outgoing President Uhuru Kenyatta - who is backing Mr Odinga after he fell out with his deputy early in their second term - for government failures.
For them, Mr Ruto is the source of their livelihood and "a win for him will be a win for everyone".
"If a 'mama mboga' [vegetable vendor] doesn't have starting capital, they go and get produce from his farm to start their business," Mama Sasha tells us while showing off some cabbages and traditional vegetables from Mr Ruto's farm.
Her mud-walled stall is located metres away from Mr Ruto's farm.
He has promised cheaper loans to farmers to help them meet the costs of production and provide ready markets for their produce.
Farmer Edward Barngetuny wants all taxes on farm implements to be scrapped
A maize, dairy and sheep farmer, Edward Barngetuny, whose 40-acre farm is in the Salient area of neighbouring Nandi County, says the increased cost of fertiliser has made farmers reduce the acreage they farm.
"The biggest issue we are facing is the lack of guaranteed minimum returns. If the market is regulated then one is able to do the math and plan accordingly," the 33-year-old father of two says.
The price of maize is regulated by demand and supply forces making it unpredictable.
Currently, a bag of maize is selling at the highest price ever but some farmers in Mr Ruto's home area had already abandoned the crop for sugarcane whose price is regulated by the government.
"We'd like him [Ruto] to remove all taxes on farm implements. Implements have become very expensive yet we want to mechanise to increase yield," Mr Barngetuny says.
He dismisses the recently announced subsidy on maize flour - which is to last for the next month - as an election gimmick, saying it will not affect most growers as the next harvest is not until December.
"It's just to entice Kenyans to vote in the upcoming elections," he says.
Dairy farming is also huge in western Kenya and the Kalenjin community from which Mr Ruto hails has a traditional delicacy called "mursik".
It is milk fermented in a traditional gourd lined with soot from branches of specific trees for preservation and flavour.
Nelly Kulei has been in the mursik business for more than 20 years and says this year has been tough.
Mursik seller Nelly Kulei says she has been hit by milk shortages
"We were affected by milk shortages and the rising cost of living. We are hopeful that things will change after this election," says the mother of five as she demonstrates how mursik is made.
The Kalenjin community produced Kenya's longest-serving president, the late Daniel arap Moi, who ruled for 24 years.
In Eldoret town, a group of residents regularly meet to discuss politics in what is called "Bunge la Mwananchi", Swahili for People's Parliament.
A former aspiring MP Dan Langat speaks to them about the need for the Kalenjin community to give its full backing to Mr Ruto, who has replaced the late Mr Moi as the community's kingpin.
"We are hopeful that Mr Ruto will take the presidency and reinstate our position in the country," he tells the crowd.
Dan Langat has been ralling people to support William Ruto's presidential bid
Eldoret has grown to become Kenya's fourth largest town. It boasts a new skyscraper, built on its hilly terrain.
The town buzzes with traders mostly selling agricultural produce.
But it is also home to major textile firms that provide employment to thousands.
One of them, Zaritex, is owned by Daniel Odhiambo, who comes from the Luo community, like Mr Odinga.
He says while Eldoret is a violence hotspot during elections, he has no plans to travel back home to Kisumu as he does not fear being targeted because of his ethnic background.
He says about 50% of his employees are locals from the Kalenjin community and they have coexisted well.
"The security agencies here have really tried to preach peace and we are hopeful that it will be peaceful," Mr Odhiambo says as he shows an employee how to measure a fabric.
Eldoret also has a thriving second-hand clothes sector at West Market.
Known as "mtumba", second-hand clothes have featured in the manifestos of both leading candidates, each wanting to support the local textile industry and reduce reliance on imported clothes.
Mr Odinga caused controversy by stating that second-hand clothes were previously owned by dead people in Europe, but he later clarified that he would support traders who sold them even as he sought to grow the local textile industry.
"We've become a dumping ground. Some of the clothes we receive are of a poor quality"", Source: Violet Nyambokho, Source description: Second-hand clothes vendor, Image: Violet Nyambokho
Tabitha Mumbi, 40, says the sector offers a livelihood to millions of Kenyans.
"I'm a product of mtumba, my parents educated me until diploma level with this business and now I'm paying my children's school fees with this money," she says.
She and other the traders did not want to talk election politics, but agreed the market needed to be regulated to ensure that only second-hand clothes of a good quality were imported.
"We've become a dumping ground. Some of the clothes we receive are of a poor quality and it has now become difficult to make any profits," explains 50-year-old Violet Nyambokho, who has sold skirts for 15 years.
Miles away in the rolling hills of Iten, known as the home of champions for accommodating most of the country's celebrated athletes, runners are hopeful that a Ruto victory would benefit the sport.
Iten is famous for producing athletics stars
Kamariny stadium - which Mr Ruto promised in 2017 would be completed in six months - is still under renovation.
"There is lack of support for athletes who want to compete in track events. That is why we are seeing a preference for road races. There are no facilities for athletes to train in track events," coach Peter Bii says, blaming contractors for the delay in completing work on the stadium.
He says most athletes who come to Iten to train because of the terrain end up getting frustrated because of lack of support - and they want better organisation.
"Mr Ruto will need to disband Athletics Kenya as its current composition is full of retirees who lack creativity," he says.
The coach's comments underline the high expectations that Mr Ruto's supporters have - but he will first need to show them he is a winner by racing to victory.
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