AUSTRALIA

Fracking at Beetaloo Basin given green light despite opposition

By Sarah Smit
-August 27, 2021

A crucial disallowance vote to prevent fracking in the Northern Territory has failed after both Labor and Coalition Senators opposed the vote on Wednesday.

The vote, moved by Greens Senator Larissa Waters, attempted to overturn a ministerial intervention to allocate $50 million in Federal Government grants to fund exploratory drilling for shale gas in the Beetaloo Basin, against the wishes of Traditional Owners, as part of the Commonwealth’s Gas-fired Recovery Strategy.

The vote came just one day after a report by a Senate Inquiry recommended a review of possible conflicts of interest around the grants.

The $50 million in grants has reopened the way for resource companies to drill on Aboriginal land in the Northern Territory, with Imperial Oil and Gas already having received $21 million to support three new wells in the Basin’s east.

Speaking to the Senate Inquiry into Oil and Gas Exploration and Production in the Beetaloo Basin, Traditional Owners from across the NT shared their concerns that fracking in the area could poison their traditional waters and lands.

Fracking uses a high-pressure mixture of water, sand and chemicals injected into bedrock to release underground shale gas.

What is contained in the water mixture is usually a trade secret, with resource companies unwilling to disclose what is being injected into the bedrock.

The impact of potentially toxic frack fluid spilling into the aquifer underlying the Beetaloo gas reserves has prompted Traditional Owners to speak out against the project.

Gudanji, Yanyuwa, Garrwa, Jingili, Mudburra and Alawa Traditional Owners spoke to the inquiry on August 2.

Yanyuwa Garawa woman from Borroloola Joni Wilson told the inquiry that Traditional Owners have not consented to fracking on their Country.

“Country is important to me because it’s my life. It’s part of my body, soul and spirit … Without our land and our water we are nothing — we’re nobody,” she said.

“We have not been given any information about fracking, we have not given anyone permission. No one has asked us, and even if our Old People had, no one understood what was being asked. So no, we haven’t given permission.”

Uncle Jack Green, a senior Elder from Borroloola said the underground water is part of his people’s Songlines.

“We’re really worried about fracking. The water that lies under the land is connected to Aboriginal people — our lore and culture fits into the ground as well as the land underneath,” he said.


“It feeds all Aboriginal people and non-Aboriginal people. Water and land is very important to all Aboriginal people. It doesn’t matter where you go, it’s all tied to our Songlines.”

Johnny Wilson, Chair of the Nurrdalinji Native Title Aboriginal Corporation, said he had a cultural obligation to speak out against the project.

“I, as jungkayi, means that, like a policeman, I must protect my Country, my grandfather’s Country. These wells that are going down now are going to ruin our Country,” he said.

“We have grave concerns for our Country, and our water especially.

“It is very disturbing that our government will not listen to us.”

The inquiry tabled their interim report on Tuesday, which made five recommendations, including to review the consultation processes used by resources companies to obtain consent from Traditional Owners for projects on their Country.

The report also recommended a conflict of interest investigation into the links between the Liberal Party and Empire Energy, the sole shareholder of grant recipient Imperial Oil and Gas.

The inquiry heard that Empire Energy Chair Paul Espie and its largest shareholder Tasmanian billionaire Dale Elphinstone have extensive connections to the Liberal Party — including as donors.

In October 2020, Empire chartered a private jet to fly Energy Minister Angus Taylor to the Beetaloo site.

In March 2020, the Energy Minister met with representatives of Empire again at the Minister’s office.

Eight days after that meeting, the $50 million dollar grant program opened to applications.

The report said these meetings enabled Imperial’s successful grant application.

“Given that the structure of the BCD Program was not merit-based, but ‘first-in first-served’, these meetings and the close ministerial relationship appear to have provided Empire Energy with a crucial advantage in early lodgement of its application and as a result, its wholly owned subsidiary has been the only entity to have so far received approval for grant funding,” the report reads.

Greens Senator Larissa Waters called the grant program a rort.

“Let’s be very clear what’s happened here: in the middle of a climate crisis the Morrison Government has gifted $21 million in public money to a major donor’s company to frack the Northern Territory. And Labor today has said, ‘Yes, we think that’s fine.’

“Unlike sports-rorts and Pork and Ride, the Senate could stop this rort from the start. The disallowance would have terminated a $50 million slush fund for Liberal Party mates to cook the planet, put groundwater at risk, and ignore the wishes of First Nations communities. $50 million that could go to health, education, public housing. Labor had the chance to do things differently, and they folded. Again.

“We’re disappointed, but we shouldn’t be surprised. We know that Labor and the Libs dance to the tune of their massive corporate donors. Today is proof that both parties will sell out the environment, the climate and First Nations people to keep their campaign coffers full.”

By Sarah Smit

 

Fracking comes at the expense of water quality

by University of Rochester Medical Center

Well head after all the Fracking equipment has been taken off location. Credit: Joshua Doubek. Wikimedia Commons/CC BY-SA 3.0

In a perspective piece that appears in the journal Science, Elaine Hill, Ph.D., an economist in the University of Rochester Medical Center Department of Public Health Sciences, calls for tighter regulation and monitoring of unconventional oil and gas development, commonly called fracking, as more evidence points to the negative health consequences of the practice.

The rising toll in the form of increased rates of chronic diseases, stress on rural health care providers, and growing need for mental health and addiction services, ultimately diminish the economic returns for communities that host the fracking industry. "Many of the impacts have lifelong consequences on individual well-being, including future health, education, and labor market outcomes," said Hill and co-author Lala Ma, Ph.D., with the Department of Economics at the University of Kentucky.

The debate over fracking is often viewed through either an economic lens that emphasizes jobs and energy independence, or an environmental one that warns of the damage to air and water quality and human health. Because fracking technology has been operating on a significant scale in the U.S. for the past two decades, the scope of the public health impact due to long-term exposure to air, water, and noise pollution is only now becoming clear.

Hill's research focuses on the complex local health, environmental, and economic implications of oil and gas extraction in the U.S. Her previous research was the first to link shale gas development to drinking water quality and has examined the association between shale gas development and reproductive health, and the subsequent impact on later educational attainment, higher risk of childhood asthma exacerbation, higher risk of heart attacks, and opioid deaths.

The perspective piece accompanies a study in Science that shows increased concentrations of four chemicals associated with fracking in the surface water near well sites, suggesting that wells could be a source of pollution in drinking water. These findings highlight one of the barriers to understanding, and mitigating, the health impacts of fracking as these operations are often shrouded by "trade secrets" and lax oversight. The new study contributes to the need to rethink regulations and monitoring systems, and require regulatory agencies to collect and release reports of additional chemicals in order to better assess the long-term health impacts, according to Hill and Ma.

"Understanding the exposure pathways at play is necessary for policy to effectively control the environmental damages from these operations tightening the stringency of currently regulated chemicals should be considered," said the authors.Study links hydraulic fracking with increased risk of heart attack hospitalization, death

More information: Elaine Hill et al, The fracking concern with water quality, Science (2021). DOI: 10.1126/science.abk3433

Journal information: Science 

Provided by University of Rochester Medical Center 

Fracking and poorer surface water quality link established – new research

During fracking, water is mixed with fluids and injected into the ground.

Wikimedia Commons

August 27, 2021 

Fracking – hailed by some as the greatest recent advance in energy production, criticised by others for the threat it poses to local life – continues to divide opinion.

The term fracking refers to the high-pressure injection of water mixed with fluid chemical additives – including friction reducers, gels and acids – and “propping agents” such as sand to create fractures in deep rock formations such as shale, allowing oil or gas to flow out.

Tens of thousands of hydraulic fracturing wells have been drilled across the US, generating huge benefits for its energy industry and economy: yet the practice remains globally controversial. It is not permitted in numerous other countries, such as France, Germany, Ireland and, since 2019, the UK.

While some see fracking as the most important change in the energy sector since the introduction of nuclear energy more than 50 years ago, others raise health and environmental concerns: in particular, the threat fracking could pose to our water.

Fracking works by injecting fluid into cracks in the earth to extract oil or gas. Wikimedia

Starting in 2010, many US states began to regulate fracking, obliging operators to disclose the substances used in their fluid mix. As economists, we were curious to see whether mandatory disclosures of what’s in fracturing fluids made the practice cleaner, or reduced potential water contamination.

To do that, we needed to compare the environmental impact from fracking before and after the new disclosure rules. We assembled a database that put together existing measurements of surface water quality with the location of fracking wells, and analysed changes in surface water quality around new wells over an 11-year period.

We noticed some strong associations, but also discovered that these associations had not been previously documented. Deciding to study the link between new hydraulic fracturing wells and surface water quality, we were able to provide evidence for a relationship between the two

.

A fracking platform designed to extract oil.

Jwigley/Pixabay, CC BY

The link

Our study, published in Science, uses a statistical approach to identify changes in the concentration of certain salts associated with new wells. We discovered a very small but consistent increase in barium, chloride and strontium – for bromide, our results were more mixed and not as robust.

Salt concentrations were most increased at monitoring stations that were located within 15 km and downstream from a well, and in measurements taken within a year of fracking activity.

This figure plots the associations between salt concentrations and a new fracking well located within 15km and likely upstream of the water monitor.

The increases in salt we discovered were small and within the bounds of what the US Environmental Protection Agency considers safe for drinking water. However, since our water measurements were mostly taken from rivers, not all of the public surface water monitors we used are close to wells, or are in locations where they can detect the effects of fracking: for example, they may be located upstream of new wells. That means the salt concentrations in water flowing downstream from new wells could be even higher.

Our study was also limited by the public data available. We were not able to investigate potentially more toxic substances found in the fracturing fluids or in the produced water, such as radium or arsenic. Public databases do not widely include measurements of these other substances, making it hard for researchers to carry out the statistical analysis needed to detect anomalous concentrations related to new wells.

That said, the salts we analysed are not exactly innocuous. High concentrations of barium in drinking water may lead to increases in blood pressure, while chloride can potentially threaten aquatic life. Elevated strontium levels can even have adverse impacts on human bone development, especially in the young.
Next steps

It is undeniable that fracking has played a big role in replacing the fossil fuel coal as a source of energy. Some studies show that, relative to periods of massive coal-burning, the overall quality of surface water has improved. Fracking has also brought an economic boost to underdeveloped areas. Still, the question remains as to whether it is safe for local communities

.

Where fracking is heavy, roads and pipelines make a web across the landscape.

Simon Fraser University/Flickr

While our study is an important step towards understanding the environmental impact of fracking, more data are needed to truly answer these safety concerns. The good news is, with new disclosure rules, we have a better awareness of exactly which chemicals are being used.

The next step is for policymakers to make sure that government agencies systematically track these chemical in fracking fluids and produced waters, place monitoring stations in locations where they can better track surface water impacts, and increase the frequency of water quality measurement around the time new wells are drilled.

A more targeted approach could go a long way in enabling research and helping to protect the public health of communities for whom fracking could yet be a blessing or a curse.

Authors

Giovanna Michelon
Professor of Accounting, University of Bristol

Christian Leuz
Professor of International Economics, Finance and Accounting, University of Chicago

Pietro Bonetti
Assistant Professor of Accounting and Control, IESE Business School (Universidad de Navarra)

 

Canada's oil and gas sector filled up on federal COVID emergency cash

Critics say profitable oil and gas companies continue to give out big dividends to their shareholders while laying off workers.

Aug 13, 2021 

By: John Woodside, Local Journalism Initiative Reporter / Canada's National Observer

At a time when climate science demands a rapid transition off fossil fuels, Ottawa approved more 

than $1.3 billion for oil and gas companies through the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy. 

Kartikay Sharma / Unsplash

At a time when climate science demands a rapid transition off fossil fuels, Ottawa approved more than $1.3 billion for oil and gas companies through the Canada Emergency Wage Subsidy (CEWS).

According to a January 2021 meeting note Canada’s National Observer received through a federal access-to-information request, “over $1.3B has been approved for the petroleum sector companies” as of Oct. 29, 2020 through CEWS.

“Alberta has by far the greatest number of CEWS applications from the energy sector, accounting for ~80 per cent of the applications, most of which were for companies within the petroleum sector,” the meeting note reads.

Quebec, Saskatchewan, Ontario, British Columbia, and Newfoundland and Labrador also had “a big uptick” within the energy sector, according to the document.

The total CEWS figures specifically for the petroleum industry are not known, but as of May 23, more than $2.3 billion has been dispersed to companies in the mining, quarrying, and oil and gas extraction industries. That does not include pipeline companies or refineries, whose amounts are buried within the broader industrial categories of “transportation” and “manufacturing,” respectively.

NDP environment critic Laurel Collins pointed to Imperial Oil taking $120 million in wage subsidies, then paying out $324 million worth of dividends to shareholders as one example of how the program was badly managed.

“Clearly, they did not need this wage subsidy, and I would argue similarly for the billions of dollars that are going to support oil and gas exploration, production, transportation, refining, etc.,” Collins said. “These profitable oil and gas companies continue to give out big dividends to their shareholders while laying off workers. This is not protecting jobs in the oil and gas sector.”

The meeting note also includes a summary of a September meeting between Natural Resources Canada and a dozen oil and gas industry groups. The meeting was an opportunity for incoming deputy minister Jean-François Tremblay to introduce himself, where he confirmed his desire to “continue serving as the sector’s champion in government, and to continue to tell the sector’s story within government,” the note reads.

At that meeting, industry groups also aired their concerns and made requests.

The Canadian Gas Association was concerned that adhering to a clean fuel standard, or the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, would be “challenging to comply with.” According to the meeting note, it generally felt the industry was “under siege,” and the group warned, “there is a need to consider what environmental goals are doing to the cost of living for the average Canadian.”

According to the document, the Explorers and Producers Association of Canada said there “is a need for government programs to support the transition of Canadian companies to net-zero.”

Julia Levin, senior program manager for climate and energy at advocacy group Environmental Defence, says it shouldn’t be the federal government’s responsibility to transform companies.

“When Blockbuster was going out of business, it wasn't the government who had to spend billions of dollars updating Blockbuster to make it compatible with where consumer demand was,” she said. “These are companies who have seen the writing on the wall for 40 years … they had all of that time to figure out how to transition and how to fit into a clean energy future.

“If they failed to do so, that failure is completely theirs to own.”

With the IPCC report out this week detailing the environmental catastrophe that is ahead without rapid and large-scale global emissions reductions, Levin says every decision Ottawa makes, including whom it gives money to, should align with a plan to cut emissions in half by 2030.

“The UN secretary general was right when he called this report a ‘death knell for fossil fuels,’ and that has to be the message our political leaders take from it,” she said. “We'll have to start putting in place plans to stop all new oil and gas projects, and then rapidly wind down the oil and gas sector; cutting it in half in the next decade, and winding it down completely over the next two decades.”

Natural Resources Seamus O’Regan has made clear that is not in his plans. In a recent interview with the Financial Post, O’Regan said “the end goal is not to shut down the fossil fuel industry, the end goal is singularly to lower emissions.”

“People have to really absorb the fact that we’re the fourth-biggest producer of oil and natural gas in the world, whether you like it or not, whether you’re proud of it or not, I do not care … you have no alternative than to be practical,” he added.

Similarly, Environment Minister Jonathan Wilkinson told the CBC this week that the plan was to maximize revenue from the Trans Mountain pipeline to help pay for a clean transition.

“You have people like Minister O'Regan maybe being a little more upfront about the fact they’re going to continue publicly financing fossil fuel companies to the tune of billions, and our being what he termed 'practical' about ignoring the climate crisis,” said Collins.

The meeting note outlines a number of other financial lifelines available to the sector. In Ottawa’s $10-billion Corporate Bond Purchase Program (CBPP), the energy sector accounted for 21.3 per cent of the CBPP’s reference portfolio, behind only the financial sector at 24.7 per cent.

As of Dec. 15, mining, quarrying, and oil and gas extraction accounted for roughly $71 million from the Canada Emergency Business Account, which provided interest-free loans to small businesses and non-profits. There is also a “Large Employer Emergency Financing Facility” that is described as a “lender of last resort” for companies with revenues above $300 million.

The meeting note says uptake through that program is “low, so far,” but it was expected some of the 60 eligible oil and gas companies would tap into the fund in 2021.

Natural Resources Canada did not return requests for information about these funding programs by deadline.

Venezuela Details Suffering Caused by US Sanctions in Report to ICC


Caracas asked the ICC to open an investigation into alleged crimes against humanity committed by the US through unilateral coercive measures.

By José Luis Granados Ceja
Aug 25th 2021 

Venezuelan Vice President Delcy Rodríguez shares content from a report submitted to the ICC during a press conference at the Miraflores Presidential Palace in Caracas. (Alba Ciudad)

Mexico City, Mexico, August 25, 2021 (venezuelanalysis.com) – The Venezuelan government submitted a second report to the International Criminal Court (ICC) on Monday detailing the negative impacts of the United States’ unilateral coercive measures.

The report is part of Caracas' efforts to hold the US accountable at The Hague.

"With this report we are showing the damage caused to the population as a result of the crimes that have been committed by the US Government and those who have joined this criminal blockade against Venezuela," said Vice President Delcy Rodríguez in a press conference on Tuesday.

The government of Nicolás Maduro asked the ICC to open an investigation into alleged crimes against humanity committed by the government of the United States of America against Venezuela through the use of unilateral coercive measures, commonly referred to as sanctions, on February 13, 2020. The investigation is presently in “phase 2” where the ICC prosecutor will determine if there is a legal basis for a full enquiry.

As part of her presentation, Rodríguez demonstrated statements by US institutions and officials that she deemed “confessions” that served as proof that officials knew that the measures would have a negative impact on the civilian population.

“They do not care about the suffering they have caused the Venezuelan people,” said Rodríguez. “They have a political objective: to oust a government that is not aligned with their interests, that is not subservient to its mandates, its orders.”

Washington’s sanctions against Venezuela formally began under President Barack Obama in 2015, and were greatly intensified by his successor, Donald Trump, who first imposed economic sanctions in 2017 and strengthened them over time.

President Joe Biden has maintained Trump’s hardline policies toward Caracas, including the ban on oil-for-diesel swap deals, in which Venezuela exchanged imported diesel for crude. The closing of this lifeline has exacerbated severe fuel shortages in the Caribbean country.

Nineteen US House Democrats recently demanded the Biden administration lift sanctions against Venezuela and support ongoing dialogue efforts between the government and the opposition being held in Mexico.

The report submitted to the ICC also detailed how US Treasury sanctions were responsible for the grave economic situation that Venezuela is facing, particularly through the measures against the oil industry since 2017. The vice president likewise shared a number of instances where public companies in Venezuela were unable to import critical equipment and supplies as a result of the US blockade. She stressed that the obstacles have affected utilities such as electricity and water supply.

Rodríguez placed special emphasis on the impact of US sanctions on the country’s ability to address the Covid-19 emergency.

At its outset in early 2020, experts called on Washington to lift its unilateral measures on various countries, including Venezuela, so they could count on the resources necessary to confront the pandemic.

Rodríguez shared an anecdote where she detailed how the president of the country’s central bank—seeking funds to buy medical supplies—was rebuffed by Citibank, where Venezuela had a 342 million dollar deposit frozen, attributing the decision to consequences of Treasury sanctions. These funds were subsequently transferred to the US government’s Federal Reserve and used to finance the activities of self-proclaimed “Interim President” Juan Guaidó.

US sanctions notoriously interfered with Venezuela’s ability to pay for vaccines through the United Nations' COVAX program after funds were frozen or blocked. As a result, Venezuela has lagged in its vaccination campaign compared to its neighbors, with an article in The Lancet calling on the international community to act.

This case at the ICC is unrelated to a separate preliminary investigation by the court that was initiated by the Venezuelan opposition and a handful of US-aligned governments who filed a suit accusing the Maduro government of carrying out crimes against humanity in its response to violent “guarimba” protests. A decision by ICC Prosecutor Karim Khan on that case is expected soon.

Edited by Ricardo Vaz from Mérida.

US Democrats Call for Venezuela Sanctions Relief and ‘Direct Dialogue’ with Maduro

The representatives urged the White House to allow crude-for-diesel swaps and “constructively engage” with actors on the ground.

chuy_garcia.jpg

Jesús “Chuy” García (D-IL) and other representatives asked for a new US policy towards Venezuela stepping away from the “maximum pressure” campaign and violent destabilization efforts. (Jim Young/Reuters)

By Andreína Chávez Alava and Ricardo Vaz
Aug 14th 2021

Mérida, August 14, 2021 (venezuelanalysis.com) – Nineteen US House Democrats demanded the Joe Biden administration lift “broad and indiscriminate sanctions” against Venezuela and support ongoing dialogue efforts.

“Our government should act urgently to alleviate the suffering of the Venezuelan people by taking immediate steps to lift the broad and indiscriminate sanctions while supporting internationally mediated dialogue efforts,” read the letter sent to Secretary of State Antony Blinken on Friday.

The signatories include Raúl M. Grijalva (D-AZ), Jesús “Chuy” García (D-IL), Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-NY), Ilhan Omar of Minnesota (D-MN), Pramila Jayapal (D-WA), Maxine Waters (D-CA) and the chair of the House Rules Committee, Jim McGovern (D-MA).

Arguing that the former Trump administration’s "maximum pressure" campaign against Venezuela “has been a total failure,” the lawmakers recalled that the economic sanctions imposed since 2017 “have inflicted greater hardship and suffering in ordinary Venezuelans.”

The letter went on to recommend a new path in US policy towards the South American country, which includes removing “all US financial and sectoral sanctions." The first measure proposed would reverse “the (October 2020) Trump ban that prohibits Venezuela from exchanging crude oil for diesel, thereby hindering food production and distribution."

The members of Congress also asked the White House to "engage in direct dialogue" with the Nicolás Maduro government and “with a broader array of political actors.” They suggested approaching “moderate opposition sectors that are not aligned with (self-proclaimed ‘Interim President’) Juan Guaidó and moderate Chavista sectors that are critical of the Maduro government."

The signatories cited a number of studies that document the consequences of US policies against Venezuela, including a recent US Government Accountability Office (GAO) report which noted that “US sanctions have likely contributed to the country’s steep economic decline." They additionally quoted a preliminary report issued by UN independent expert Alena Douhan after a 12-day visit to the Caribbean country in February. The document detailed the “devastating” effects of US sanctions.

Likewise, the representatives pointed out the impact of Washington’s coercive measures in blocking Covid-19 relief. “Sanctions continue to deprive the country of the necessary resources with which to effectively combat the pandemic,” they wrote, adding that exemptions for medical goods “do not resolve issues with banking and supply chains.”

The lawmakers concluded that Washington's continuous support for coup attempts and violent destabilization efforts against Caracas have further strengthened the image of the US as a "bellicose and threatening power." Instead they argued for “constructive engagement” with actors on the ground.

For its part, the Maduro government has repeatedly called for improved relations with Washington. The administration has also made the removal of sanctions a key demand in the Norway-mediated dialogue with the opposition that kicked off in Mexico on Friday.


The Friday letter adds to the growing calls for sanctions relief coming from the Democratic Party.

In March, a group of representatives and senators headlined by Omar requested that the Biden administration “review” its overall sanctions policy amidst the Covid-19 pandemic. In June, McGovern likewise urged the White House to end “misguided and immoral” sanctions against Venezuela.

Washington has increasingly turned to unilateral coercive measures in recent years in its attempts to overthrow the Maduro government. In 2015, former President Barack Obama signed Executive Order 13692 declaring Venezuela “an unusual and extraordinary threat to US national security.”

The Trump administration considerably ramped up the US Treasury Department’s sanctions policy, freezing assets and targeting sectors such as banking, mining, food imports and especially the oil industry. The US imposed financial sanctions, an oil embargo, secondary sanctions, as well as a host of other measures meant to cripple Caracas’ main source of foreign income.

The blockade has decimated Venezuela’s oil output, which plummeted from an average of 1.9 million barrels per day (bpd) in 2017 to just over 500,000 bpd presently. Economist Francisco Rodríguez estimated US $17 billion of lost revenue between 2017 and 2019.

US economic aggression has severely compounded an economic crisis that has seen Venezuela’s GDP contract by almost 70 percent since 2013.

Washington’s sanctions have been classed as “collective punishment” and widely condemned by a range of multilateral organizations. United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur Alfred de Zayas has estimated that sanctions caused at least 100,000 deaths until March 2020.

Most recently, a group of UN experts urged the US and allies to withdraw or minimize unilateral sanctions, arguing that they “hold countries back from development.”

“The punishment of innocent civilians must end,” the special rapporteurs stressed in a press release.

Andreína Chávez Alava reporting from Guayaquil, Ecuador, and Ricardo Vaz from Mérida, Venezuela.

Can Portland, Oregon, Stand Up to the Oil Industry?

The city positions itself as a climate champion but faces a crucial test


Oil storage tanks in Portland along the Willamette River. | Photo by Nick Cunningham



By Nick Cunningham | Aug 23 2021


In 2016, the city of Portland, Oregon, adopted a zoning ordinance that banned new fossil fuel storage facilities and terminals, a move that was viewed as groundbreaking climate policy at the time, aimed at halting the expansion of fossil fuels.

In July 2020, Portland issued a “climate emergency declaration,” another step that seemed to position the city at the forefront of the strengthening climate movement.

This summer, Portland finally has the chance to put words into concrete action. A crucial land-use permit for an oil-by-rail facility within city limits needs the approval of the city government. A rejection would deal a devastating setback to what has become a substantial fossil fuel operation, potentially leading to its eventual shutdown.

Community activists have been pressuring the city council to reject the permit, showing up to town halls, leafleting Portland neighborhoods, holding webinars, and demonstrating downtown. A barrage of letters, emails, and phone calls have swamped city offices. Some protesters have even kayaked up to the oil terminal itself on the Willamette River. Dozens of neighborhood associations have come out against the permit. County officials and some representatives in the Oregon state legislature have joined the cause.

A decision is expected before the end of August. Activists fear that the city, when given the chance to take on the fossil fuel industry with more than just words on paper, is on the verge of backing down over fears of a legal battle. While wildfires rip through parched forests in other parts of the state and global scientists warn about climate catastrophe, Portland’s government may acquiesce to the industry and issue a permit for the oil-by-rail operation.

If the city does approve the land-use permit, “it would say that the city is placing the risk of a legal fight above climate concerns,” Erin Saylor, an attorney with Columbia Riverkeeper, told Sierra. “This is a pretty unique opportunity that the city has been given here. We want to see the city take the chance. We want to see them come forward as a climate leader.”

Portland becomes a fossil fuel hub

In 2017, a private-equity-backed oil storage company called Zenith Energy purchased an old asphalt terminal in a heavily industrialized zone of Portland along the Willamette River. Zenith used old permits held by the previous owner to quietly build a major oil operation, shipping in oil by rail from the tar sands of Canada and the Bakken shale fields of North Dakota, and then loading it onto ships in the Willamette River for export.

Without much fanfare, Portland has quickly grown into something of a waystation and jumping-off point for a small slice of the continent’s oil going to other parts of the West Coast and abroad.

Portland’s mayor, the city council, the general public, and a strong contingent of environmental and community activists have long opposed Zenith’s oil-by-rail operations. Despite opposition, the city has insisted that its hands are tied, citing Zenith Energy’s grandfathered-in permits from years ago.

As a result, oil shipments have surged, rising from 14 million gallons in 2018 to 167 million gallons in 2019 and to 234 million gallons in 2020. Roughly every three days or so, a mile-long, 100-car train filled with volatile crude oil rolls through urban neighborhoods in Portland.

Oil trains present enormous safety risks, which Oregon has already seen firsthand. On June 3, 2016, an oil train derailed in the town of Mosier, in the Columbia River Gorge, exploding into a fireball. The winds were calm that particular day, unusual for that location and that time of year, which helped prevent the derailment from turning into a much more catastrophic event.

The risk of train derailments is not shared equally. In Multnomah County (where Portland is located), low-income communities and communities of color make up a larger portion of the populations living near rail lines than in the county as a whole.

In the Columbia River Gorge, the trains also interfere with Native American tribes that have treaty rights to fish along the Columbia River. The trains loom as a disaster-in-waiting for tribal members and for the salmon on which they depend.

“The tribes have endured over a century of just constant impacts from industry. And the salmon have as well. It's like 'death by a thousand cuts.' Well, we're already at a thousand cuts,” Julie Carter, a policy analyst with the Columbia River Inter-Tribal Fish Commission (CRITFC), told Sierra. CRITFC manages the fisheries for the four treaty tribes of the main stem of the Columbia River—the Yakama, Umatilla, Warm Springs, and Nez Perce.

Before the oil trains, coal trains moved through the gorge, blowing coal dust on tribal members as they fished. Carter said the tribes fear a train derailment will result in a fish kill if toxic Bakken crude oil spills into the river.

“I think the tribes are pretty much fed up with the status quo. We need to think outside the box and move away from fossil fuels,” she said.
“Dozens or even hundreds of World War II–era tanks containing hundreds of millions of gallons of gasoline and jet fuel would rupture, collapse, or explode, leaking 50 to 100 percent of their fuel.”

A Fukushima or Deepwater Horizon

In July, Multnomah County published a report warning about the massive seismic risk to the region. The report looked at the Critical Energy Infrastructure (CEI) hub, a vast six-mile industrial zone in Portland that holds more than 400 oil storage tanks, pipelines, and railroads. Zenith Energy’s facility sits right in the middle of the CEI hub, but it is only one part of a much larger fossil fuel complex that holds 90 percent of Oregon’s fuel supplies.

The report examined the dangers and expected fallout from a magnitude 9 earthquake. The Cascadia Subduction Zone, a fault line stretching from British Columbia down to Northern California, is thought to produce a major earthquake every 350 years or so. The last one occurred in 1700, which means the Pacific Northwest is just about due for a catastrophic seismic event. Research by Oregon State University estimates there is a 37 percent chance of a greater than magnitude 8 earthquake in the next 50 years.

If that were to occur, the Multnomah County report concluded, it would result in a colossal environmental disaster in Portland. Of the more than 400 oil tanks in the industrial zone in Portland, 90 percent of them were built decades ago, before the seismic risk was known. Worse, they are located on “liquefiable soils,” loose soil adjacent to the river that would essentially turn to mush in the event of an earthquake.

As a result, dozens or even hundreds of World War II–era tanks containing hundreds of millions of gallons of gasoline and jet fuel would rupture, collapse, or explode, leaking 50 to 100 percent of their fuel, the report said. The disaster would put thousands of lives at risk and result in unimaginable damage to the river and wildlife.

The report surveyed other significant oil spill disasters from around the world and came to an alarming conclusion. “[T]he potential releases at the CEI hub following a [Cascadia Subduction Zone] event will be similar to the large events, Deepwater Horizon and the Great East Japan earthquake, in terms of level of releases and resulting damages to the environment, health, and safety.”

In other words, Portland has a potential Deepwater Horizon or Fukushima sitting in its backyard.

Jay Wilson agreed with that assessment, saying that it would amount to a “multigenerational environmental catastrophe that comes from an industrial complex failure. And it’s one that is foreseen.” Wilson is the resilience coordinator with Clackamas County, Oregon, one county to the south of Multnomah.

Wilson previously worked for Oregon Emergency Management and traveled to Japan following Fukushima to take home lessons for Oregon. He has repeatedly sounded the alarm to local, state, and federal officials. “We know much more about our magnitude 9 earthquake than Japan did. How much longer can we do nothing?” he said.

For people living near the oil tanks, the dangers do not feel far away. Sarah Taylor lives in Linnton, a neighborhood sandwiched between the CEI hub and Forest Park, one of the nation’s largest urban forests. The neighborhood is surrounded by oil tanks and other heavy industry.


An oil train in the Linnton neighborhood. | Photo by Nick Cunningham

“We're all supposed to have rolls of plastic in our bathrooms so if there are toxic fumes, we can seal ourselves in,” she said, referring to the industrial disaster that would occur when the earthquake hit. “People would have to run up over the mountain to get away. And we have elderly people.... They have no plan for us.”

When asked about the report, John Wasiutynski, the Multnomah County director of the Office of Sustainability, said he hoped it would spark some change.

“We wanted to sort of break that cycle of inaction by taking on this project. This is step one,” he said.

He suggested that the county is looking into requiring some sort of risk bonding for which fossil fuel operators would need to pay in order to shoulder some financial burden. “We think we have the authority,” he said, to require companies to insure against damages that “we know are going to happen.” In the long run, the city and state aim to phase out fossil fuels, but it will take time.

Portland’s chance to take a stand

In early 2021, a window of opportunity opened for Portland when Zenith Energy’s oil-by-rail operation had to renew its expired air permit from state environmental regulators. To obtain that, Zenith first needed the city to sign off on a land-use permit. After years of watching ever-increasing volumes of oil flow through Portland, the city finally had the chance to weigh in on the unwanted fossil fuel operations. The city also arguably had its first real opportunity to put the 2016 pledge to block fossil fuel infrastructure into concrete terms.

For months, a coalition of environmental groups, community activists, and neighborhood associations have been publicly pressuring the Portland City Council to deny the land-use permit, a move they believe could interrupt or even halt the shipments.

“The city faces many difficult problems. I extend my thanks and sympathies to you that have to solve them,” Melanie Plaut, a retired physician and volunteer with 350PDX, told the city council at a public hearing in April.

“But this is an easy one,” she said, arguing that “with one action [the city council can] align itself with Portland residents and stop Zenith from bringing crude oil trains through our neighborhoods.”

Over the course of multiple city council meetings throughout the spring and summer, citizen testimonies related to Zenith have been unified in their opposition to the company. On July 19, a coalition of 45 neighborhood associations, churches, and other local community groups signed a letter calling on the city to reject the land-use permit.

Mayor Ted Wheeler has been quick to ally himself with the community in opposing Zenith. “I agree completely with those who say ‘we should not have volatile oil trains coming through our community,’” he said at a city council meeting in April in response to multiple testimonies from residents opposing Zenith. “It is particularly galling to me that the city of Portland is being set up as a crude oil export colony for Canada. That should be unacceptable to any of us.”

A particular focus of the community’s ire is city commissioner Dan Ryan, who oversees the Bureau of Development Services, the agency that is considering the land-use permit. He has said little about the process or his thinking on the matter during the months of public campaigning by activists and the testimonies at public forums.

But based on feedback from city officials in the spring and summer, activists told Sierra that they fear that Portland is leaning toward approving the land-use permit for Zenith’s operations while exacting some modest concessions from the company and spinning the decision as a “win,” all in an effort to avoid getting sued.

In an interview with Sierra, Erin Saylor, the attorney with Columbia Riverkeeper, said that the city has multiple legal tools at its disposal to reject the permit, including the fact that oil-by-rail operations pose safety and environmental risks and disproportionately impact communities of color. There’s also the fact that the oil moving through Portland offers little benefit since it's simply reexported. According to Saylor, this legal authority is spelled out in Portland’s 2035 Comprehensive Plan, a master plan of sorts for future development, which gives the city a sound legal foundation to reject the crucial permit that Zenith is seeking.

“We think that there are enough goals and policies in the [Comprehensive] Plan for them to rely on to deny it,” she said.

Sierra reached out with a detailed list of questions to all five city council members, including Mayor Wheeler, as well as the Bureau of Development Services, but none provided answers.

Zenith Energy did not return a request for comment.

A test case for Portland

Portland cannot dismantle its fossil fuel storage hub overnight, but it has an immediate decision to make on oil-by-rail that could make a small but meaningful difference. The catastrophic seismic threat lurking in the background should only bolster the city’s resolve in its fight against Zenith Energy, whose oil trains magnify the threat.

“I think it's actionable and defensible data that the city could rely on in a [permit] denial. Absolutely,” said Nick Caleb, an attorney with Breach Collective, a climate justice organization, regarding the seismic report. “There's legal risk, and then there's actual harm to the community. The cost to the community in one of those events [a catastrophic earthquake or oil train derailment] would be well above what the city would be out in legal fees.”
“When does the city have the right to say no?”

The case of Zenith Energy is not only a test case for Portland’s climate commitments. It also represents the fights that other cities and counties must have as the climate crisis unfolds.

Some seem to be succeeding. The other Portland—Portland, Maine—won a landmark legal case in July, ending a six-year battle over its effort to outlaw the bulk loading of crude oil onto tankers on the city’s waterfront.

And Whatcom County, Washington, recently became the first county in the US to ban new fossil fuel infrastructure.

“I think there are a lot of cities that are trying to take similar approaches to this because it's clear that the fossil fuel industry just isn't going to change on its own,” Erin Saylor of Columbia Riverkeeper said.

In many ways, Portland’s decision should indeed be “an easy one,” as Plaut of 350PDX put it. Zenith Energy has almost no political constituency in Portland. It is a Texas-based oil company with global operations. Its profits are siphoned off to its private equity owners, and its oil operations in Portland employ only a handful of people. The oil it handles comes from far away and is not even consumed in Portland.

In other words, Portland shoulders tons of environmental and safety risk and enjoys almost no benefit. It is precisely the type of fossil fuel project that, in theory, should be easy for city leadership to find the courage to confront. With the climate crisis accelerating in real-time, governments no longer have the luxury of dodging battles with the oil industry.

“I think this is a profoundly hopeful moment because we are being called to ask, When does the city have the right to say no? When do we have a right to say what we want?” Elijah Cetas, an organizer with the Portland Harbor Community Coalition, an umbrella group of over 30 organizations affected by the toxic Superfund site in the Willamette River, said at a June hearing. “The moment to stop Zenith is right now.”


Nick Cunningham is an independent journalist covering the oil and gas industry, climate change, and international politics. He has been featured in Oilprice.com, The Fuse, DeSmog, The Real News Network, and NACLA.

MY FEDERAL ELECTION CANDIDATE

Young Métis candidate carries NDP hopes for a second federal seat in Edmonton

Author of the article: Keith Gerein
Publishing date :Aug 27, 2021 • 

Blake Desjarlais, NDP candidate in Edmonton-Griesbach 

in Edmonton, August 27, 2021. 

Ed Kaiser/Postmedia PHOTO BY ED KAISER /20094004A

From a map, the federal constituency of Edmonton-Griesbach sort of resembles a small dog, like a miniature pinscher or maybe a dachshund.

The dog’s head lies entirely north of Yellowhead Trail, with its snout extending as far west as St. Albert Trail. This section has tended to be prety safe Conservative territory.

As for the dog’s body and paws, they have more left-leaning voters. This portion is entirely south of the Yellowhead, and extends as far east as the city’s boundary with Strathcona County. It overlaps with a provincial riding that has long been in NDP hands, first under Brian Mason and now Janis Irwin.

Such demographics suggest a federal constituency that should be more competitive than most others in the province. Indeed, the federal NDP has certainly thought so, which is why for the last few elections they have insisted Edmonton-Griesbach offers a real chance for their party to add a second Alberta seat to the orange enclave of Edmonton-Strathcona.

Voting results have of course proven them wrong so far.

The closest the NDP came to victory was in 2015 when Irwin, then a federal candidate, lost by less than 3,000 votes to former city councillor Kerry Diotte.

In 2019, the NDP recruited well known social justice advocate Mark Cherrington, but he ended up losing by more than 12,000 votes in an election coloured by pipeline anger and the UCP’s provincial victory earlier that year.

This time, the party is taking a risk with a younger, more unfamiliar candidate, but one the party feels can better get out the youth vote and speak to issues such as Indigenous reconciliation, concern over climate change and economic anxiety.

Blake Desjarlais’s life story, though just 27 years long, is an interesting one.

He grew up in the Fishing Lake Métis Settlement, about 275 kilometres northeast of Edmonton, where most of his childhood was spent in poverty. Things got especially bad at age 12, when his father died in a work-related accident, an event that Desjarlais believes forced him to grow up faster than usual.

That maturity extended to academics, and he did well enough to enrol in MacEwan University, but soon found himself marginalized and even targeted by racially motivated death threats, to the point that he transferred to the University of Victoria.

Studies and connections there led him to work for the Métis Settlements General Council, where he is now the director of public and national affairs with offices in both Edmonton and Ottawa. Part of his duties have been to negotiate on issues like harvesting rights for Métis, which put him in direct contact with Rachel Notley’s government, and eventually into the world of NDP politics.

In a 40-minute minute interview with Desjarlais, I found him to be a fast talker, though articulate, confident and well-read on the issues. Proudly wearing a “North Side, Still Alive” sweatshirt from local shop Majesty and Friends, he comes across as genuine in his desire to be an advocate for marginalized people and those seeking a more just economy

.

Kerry Diotte in a file photo from Oct. 21, 2013. 

PHOTO BY CODIE MCLACHLAN /Codie McLachlan/Edmonton Sun (DIOTTE'S OLD EMPLOYER)

Still, personal attributes aside, can Desjarlais actually succeed where his predecessors did not, especially against a well known incumbent in Diotte?

Until proven otherwise, skepticism is likely the right view on that question, though there are a few things lining up in the party’s favour. Most notable is that recent polls have put the NDP at around 20 per cent support in Alberta, which suggests more people are paying attention to the party’s message.

Desjarlais attributes much of that to resentment of Premier Jason Kenney, plus a greater acceptance among Albertans to diversify the economy and do more on climate change.

“This election is not about a pipeline anymore. It’s about what we do next,” he said.

NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh has also put some of his weight toward Edmonton-Griesbach given that he recently hosted an event in town where Desjarlais was given plenty of spotlight. At that time, the polling website 338canada.com had the riding as a toss up. (It is now listed as leaning Conservative).

Not surprisingly, Diotte has a different take on voting intentions. Though he acknowledged the polls are close, he said the messages he’s receiving at doors are aimed at Justin Trudeau far more than Kenney.

“People also tell me they’re not happy that Jagmeet Singh and his federal NDP propped up Trudeau for the last two years with an agenda that was clearly anti-Alberta, especially when it comes to our energy industry,” read an emailed statement from Diotte, who was not made available for an interview.

Unknown in this equation is what sort of factor the Liberals will be in the riding. Candidate Habiba Mohamud is a longshot to win but could take votes from the NDP. (Mohamud also ran in 2019, finishing third).

Regardless, in my view, Desjarlais’s hopes rest on a couple of factors. He and his party must be careful to avoid being seen as only interested in representing certain marginalized communities, while at the same time making good on ambitions to get out more votes from those communities — especially young people and people of colour.

That’s a tall order and a tricky balancing act, especially for a political rookie, but it could very well be the difference in transforming NDP fortunes in Edmonton-Griesbach from underdog to best in show.

kgerein@postmedia.com
twitter.com/keithgerein

Edmonton Griesbach NDP candidate Blake Desjarlais and Federal NDP leader Jagmeet Singh chat after making a campaign stop at an Edmonton ice cream shop, Thursday Aug. 19, 2021. Photo by David Bloom PHOTO BY DAVID BLOOM DAVID BLOOM /David Bloom/Postmedia

Meet the spotted lanternfly, the bug health officials are begging you to kill on sight

Jordan Mendoza, 

USA TODAY 

Whether you choose to kill insects or not, there is one bug across the northeastern United States health officials want you to take care of immediately: the spotted lanternfly.

Though it may seem like a colorful moth worthy of an Instagram post, it's actually an invasive species that can wreak havoc on trees, plants and other landscapes, resulting in millions of dollars in damages.

The spotted lanternfly originates from China, and George Hamilton, department chair of entomology at Rutgers University, believes they landed in the U.S. via a crate coming from the Asian country. The invasive insects – which actually don't fly but rather are leafhoppers – were first spotted in Pennsylvania less than 10 years ago. Now, they can be seen throughout the northeast and mid-Atlantic, from the five boroughs in New York City to parts of Indiana.

© Matt Rourke, AP This Sept. 19, 2019, file photo shows a spotted lanternfly at a vineyard in Kutztown, Pa. According to Rhode Island state environmental officials, Friday, Aug. 6, 2021, the insect that can cause damage to native trees and agricultural crops has been found recently in the state.

They may have spread so easily because they are hard to notice. From hiding on cars and packages, they've become such a problem that New Jersey and nearby areas have issued quarantine orders, asking people to inspect their vehicles before traveling. In Pennsylvania, there are 34 counties currently under quarantine.

"They're very good hitchhikers," Hamilton told USA TODAY. "Most people don't even know they've got them until the adult form comes out."

The good news about the insects is that they can't harm humans or pets. However, they cause massive damage to plants and are known to feed on over 70 different types of trees and plants.

But the damage doesn't end there. As Amy Korman, a horticulture educator for Penn State Extension, says, "What goes in must come out."

The spotted lanternflies secrete a sticky material known as honeydew, which is very high in sugar. It is a substrate for mold, and when it gets on plants, it prevents them from photosynthesizing which then leads to the plants dying. The mold these lanternflies leave can end up in backyards and decks and can attract numerous other bugs.

"It seems like it's such a fragile insect. And yet it's been so successful in taking over our landscapes," Korman said. "It's sort of like the Pandora's box of problems."

They've destroyed vineyards throughout Pennsylvania, according to the Philadelphia Inquirer. A January 2020 study done by the Penn State's College of Agricultural Sciences found that if the species isn't contained, it could result in at least a $324 million hit to the state's economy and the loss of around 2,800 jobs. A worst-case scenario estimates a $554 million economic loss and almost 5,000 jobs lost.

The study also found current spotted lanternfly-related damage is estimated to be $50.1 million per year with a loss of 484 jobs.

"This insect has the potential to be such a significant economic burden," Korman said. "We're still working on ways to manage this insect. We haven't cracked the nut and how to really manage populations of this insect very well."

Hearing cicadas again?: It's not Brood X. What to know about the bigger, annual cicadas

The states impacted by the spotted lanternfly have a variety of ways to handle the population, but they all have the same goal.

"First thing you should do is kill it," Hamilton said.

If you don't feel up to killing a spotted lanternfly, Hamilton added the next best thing to do is to take a picture of it and report it to your state's department of agriculture. The state of Ohio has a form residents can fill out.

Scrapping and destroying the eggs also helps control the population.

"The only good ones are dead ones," Korman said.

There are numerous ways to kill them, including the use of pesticides or simply crushing them. Extreme heat or cold also does the trick as well.

Korman added that she's heard of many different ways people have handled the insects, which has ranged from detergents, alcohol and even kerosene.

"Sometimes you have to laugh. I''s like you really came up with that concoction and you thought it was gonna work?" she said. "'I'm always scratching my head over with the next great home remedy will be."

Follow Jordan Mendoza on Twitter: @jord_mendoza.

Coal mining in North Saskatchewan River watershed poses a risk to water quality, aquatic life in Edmonton, city study finds

Dustin Cook

Coal mining near the North Saskatchewan River could negatively affect water quality and the health of aquatic life in Edmonton, city officials say, calling on the province to address these concerns.

© Provided by Edmonton Journal A risk assessment of coal mining in the North Saskatchewan River watershed found a medium-low risk to water quality for aquatic life in Edmonton.

A risk assessment of upstream coal mining in the river watershed, conducted by Epcor and presented to council’s utility committee Friday morning, found the risk to aquatic life would be medium-low and impact to drinking water would be low as a result of minerals entering into the headwaters during surface mining.

But in the case of a rare event, such as a dam failure, there would be an extreme impact in the downstream water quality, the risk assessment found.

This type of event is of grave concern if coal mining would be permitted, Ward 4 Coun. Aaron Paquette said, as the river is Edmonton’s sole source of drinking water. Currently, five per cent of the area feeding the river upstream of Edmonton, covering 1,500 square kilometres, have coal leases in place but any work has been suspended during the provincial government’s review of the 1976 coal policy. The policy was rescinded last year but reinstated in February following a slew of concerns.

To address the risks associated with coal mining, utility committee members asked Mayor Don Iveson to write a letter to the province on behalf of council in an effort to protect the river.

“There are vast numbers of our public who are deeply concerned about maintaining literally this river of life that runs through our province and beautiful city,” Paquette said during Friday’s meeting. “This is a responsibility that I don’t think any of us take lightly, and we understand and are concerned along with our public.”

A committee formed by the province is working to develop a modern policy to determine the future of coal mining, with that report due in November. Before the pause on mining projects in parts of the southern Rocky Mountains and foothills was put into effect in April, there were six permits in place allowing coal exploration and drilling. The city met with the committee in July to discuss its concerns and will also be submitting the risk assessment findings.

Christopher Smith, parks co-ordinator for the Canadian Parks and Wilderness Society Northern Alberta Chapter, called on the City of Edmonton to join other Alberta municipalities in fighting for a coal restriction policy to prohibit any additional coal exploration along the eastern coast of the mountains. As one of the largest municipalities in the province, Smith said Edmonton should take a stand against coal mining in line with the city’s climate change goals.

“We want our water to be clean now and well into the future,” Smith said. “Edmonton, as a major city centre downstream of multiple coal interests, has a responsibility to weigh in on this conversation.”

The utility committee also directed city staff to undertake a review of existing water management initiatives and provide recommendations for a formal watershed plan to protect water quality and biodiversity within Edmonton boundaries.

There is about 28,000 square kilometres of land upstream of Edmonton that drains into the river watershed.