Tuesday, March 15, 2022

As Cairo transforms, Egyptians fight to save their trees

By AMIR-HUSSEIN RADJY
March 11, 2022

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 A bridge under construction is part of mega projects that include building new cities, roads, bridges and tunnels as the government tries to ease traffic on congested roads in one of the world's most crowded cities, in the Giza suburb of Cairo, Egypt, July 19, 2021. The massive road construction projects have erased some of the oldest remaining green spaces in Egypt’s capital.
 (AP Photo/Nariman El-Mofty, File)


CAIRO (AP) — A few months ago, Choucri Asmar decided he wasn’t ready to give up hope. So he led a group of residents in “a peaceful demonstration to protect the trees” of his Cairo neighborhood.

Egyptian authorities were planning to clear out a large avenue of ficus, acacia and palm trees — part of sweeping urban redevelopment projects that are transforming much of historic Cairo.

“It was like a war on green,” Asmar said.

Asmar and other residents of Heliopolis — an old neighborhood that boasts some of the city’s most important early 20th-century buildings — numbered the trees lining Nehru Street, labeling each of them after famous Egyptian figures. Five days later, police took the signs down and Asmar got a warning from security officials. The trees have survived, for now, while many others nearby have not, their wood sawed into pieces and towed away in trucks.

Part of the adjoining park was razed to erect a stone monument commemorating Cairo’s road and highways development, while a nearby public garden dating from the early 20th century was demolished to make way for a new street and state-owned gas station.



Workers load recently cut tree branches on a government vehicle, in Cairo, Egypt, Feb. 17, 2022 Massive road construction projects have erased some of the oldest remaining green spaces in Egypt’s capital. As Egypt prepares to host the global climate conference COP27 this year, activists say they’re in a tough fight to save what trees remain. (AP Photo/Amr Nabil)

Asmar said that between August 2019 and January 2020, Heliopolis lost an estimated 396,000 square meters (about 100 acres) of green space.



The remains of a giant tree is left in a public green space that was replaced by a new highway, in a median on Gesr Al Suez street, in Heliopolis, in Cairo, Egypt, Dec. 26, 2019.


“And then we stopped counting, but lost much more,” he said. He described feeling disoriented on once-familiar streets.

That’s roughly 73 football fields worth of greenery in just one neighborhood of the sprawling metropolis that stretches from the Pyramids at Giza in the west, across the Nile River, to new modern developments in the east. Heliopolis accounts for no more than one fifth of the capital in area. Cairo’s population of roughly 20 million is spread over some 648 square kilometers (250 square miles), making it one of the densest cities in the world.

Egypt’s environmental record is under scrutiny as it hosts the U.N. climate conference COP27 in the Red Sea resort town of Sharm el-Sheikh in November.

An official at Egypt’s Ministry of Environment did not respond to a request for comment on the loss of urban green spaces. Other officials have said that better roads will ease traffic, and promised that the new developments will include large parks and incorporate as much vegetation as possible. One plan, announced in government media, is for a park in the historic center, incorporating a large archeological zone.

Much of Cairo’s redesign and new highways aim to service a new capital under construction on the city’s outskirts. It’s the flagship mega-project of President Abdel Fattah El-Sissi, who says he is rebuilding the economy after years of political turmoil.

In recent years, grassroots groups have sprung up in different areas of Cairo to try to protect the city’s urban identity. Asmar is a member of the Heliopolis Heritage Initiative, founded in 2011.

Sarah Rifaat lives a five-minute walk from Mesaha Square, a rare leafy spot in Giza, a neighborhood of high-rises. A few months ago, she was jolted into action by a video of a forklift leveling the square’s garden. She joined a WhatsApp group where residents expressed concern over the loss of green space. Residents organized a petition, but paving over of the garden continued.

“There’s a sense of collective connection to trees that I haven’t seen before,” she said.

Activists have scored some wins, including halting the commercial redevelopment of the Fish Garden, a park in the city’s central Zamalek area. Rifaat has seen some urban improvements initiated by city officials as well, but says there is no accountability among decision-makers.

Cairenes are struggling to come to terms with a rapidly changing city, where many public spaces have been taken away or commercialized, she said. Rifaat believes that protecting neighborhoods has become a final form of protest, as the space for civil society in Egypt keeps shrinking.

Backed up by residential groups across the city, environmental lawyer Ahmed Elseidi is leading a case before Egypt’s highest administrative court that he hopes will oblige the government to replant trees and protect Cairo’s few remaining green spaces.

The government is required by law to carry out public consultations and environmental impact reports on highway construction that has torn through many old neighborhoods, he said. The law protects green spaces, designating trees as public property, he added.

Elseidi said he has submitted documents showing that no environmental studies were conducted ahead of any road projects, including in Heliopolis.

Rim Hamdy, a botany professor at Cairo University, said some types of trees could vanish from city streets. Thirty-five varieties of Australian eucalyptus once grew along Giza streets but dozens have been felled. Even the nearby Agricultural Ministry’s plant nursery has been bulldozed, she said.

Many tree species and public gardens are a legacy of Egypt’s 19th-century rulers, who planted thousands of trees as they rebuilt Cairo. They imported specimens — including flowering purple jacaranda and red poinciana — that became signatures of Cairo’s streets.

Hamdy plans to petition authorities to allow her to trim and protect a century-old sycamore fig outside her university.

In Maadi, an area known for its leafy squares and villas, the Tree Lovers Association is one of the city’s oldest neighborhood groups.

Association member Samia Zeitoun said the authorities have responded to some of the public complaints about development.

“Cairo was choking, so it’s a big challenge for the government to open up arteries,” she said, raising the issue of overcrowding in the city that grows by the thousands every day.

As Egypt prepares to host COP27, activists say green spaces help reduce Cairo’s heavy pollution and lower scorching summer temperatures in urban areas.

In fighting to preserve green spaces, the more well-to-do areas score more successes, with residents typically enjoying better access to officials than those living in poorer areas.

Asmar said he’s disappointed he hasn’t been able to do more to protect Al Maza, a working-class area next to the more affluent Heliopolis. Authorities are removing its main tree-lined road and planning to evict residents along it, he said.
Ukraine’s only woman rabbi among the many Jews fleeing war

By VANESSA GERA
March 13, 2022

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Rabbi Julia Gris, who led a Progressive Jewish congregation in Odessa, Ukraine, visits a synagogue in Warsaw, Poland, Saturday, March 12, 2022. Many Jews are among the more than 2.5 million refugees leaving Ukraine. International Jewish organizations have mobilized to help, working with local Jewish communities in Poland, Romania, Moldova and elsewhere to organize food, shelter, medical care and other assistance. Among them is Rabbi Gris, Ukraine's only woman rabbi, who these days leads online Shabbat services for her scattered congregation. (AP Photo/Czarek Sokolowski)


WARSAW, Poland (AP) — On her first Shabbat away from the fighting in Ukraine, Rabbi Julia Gris twice led services to welcome the Jewish holy day.

A week earlier, Ukraine’s only woman rabbi had been fleeing the war that scattered her Odesa congregation from Moldova to Romania and Israel. Some stayed behind, braving the Russian shelling.

She first led an online service for those congregants scattered abroad. Then, she officiated one in person for a small group in Poland, taken in by a Christian couple near Warsaw.

Gris lit sabbath candles that she had carried from Ukraine, while her 19-year-old daughter Izolda played the guitar and sang, just as she had during services back home in the her Reform community, Shirat ha-Yam.

“There were so many stories, so much crying and so much pain,” Gris said. “For those who are here, and even more so for those still in Ukraine.”

Gris and her daughter found safety after a 30 kilometer (20 mile) walk lugging suitcases and their two cats, reaching the border with Poland where they negotiated a 40-hour wait without food, water or toilets.

The mother and daughter are part of the exodus from Ukraine that has become the fastest-growing humanitarian crisis in Europe since World War II

With some 200,000 Jews in Ukraine, one of the world’s largest Jewish communities, it is inevitable that many Jewish people are also among those fleeing.

International Jewish organizations have mobilized to help, working with local Jewish communities in Poland, Romania, Moldova and elsewhere to organize food, shelter, medical care and other assistance.

The reality that so many Jews have joined the mass civilian exit from Ukraine exposes the deceitfulness of Russian claims that it’s there to “denazify” Ukraine. In truth, Ukraine has steadily grown into a pluralistic society, led by a Jewish president, Volodymyr Zelenskyy.

“Why is a Russian regime that claims to be “denazifying” Ukraine brutalizing a country led by a democratically elected and proud Jew?” said David Harris, the CEO of the American Jewish Committee (AJC), who visited Poland this week to assess the needs of refugees. “Why is Moscow adopting Nazi-like tactics of the 1930s — fake history, phony grievances, blitzkrieg, attacks on civilians and civilian institutions, and murder of children?”

Gris said she always felt very much at home in Ukraine, a Russian-born Jew who had never felt discrimination.

Now Russia’s invasion has plunged the country into an acute humanitarian crisis affecting Jews and non-Jews alike. Jewish organizations say they are there to help all refugees irrespective of faith. But for some Jews, the organizations’ involvement is essential to helping them emigrate to Israel or stay true to their faith’s observances, for instance by getting kosher food.

Aside from the AJC there are others helping. The American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee (JDC), a New York-based Jewish humanitarian organization, has so far evacuated thousands of Jews to Moldova and helped several thousand more after they reached Poland and other countries.

Poland’s chief rabbi, Michael Schudrich, said some of the Jewish refugees plan to go to Israel while others intend to join family in countries like Germany or Britain. Others, he said, “have to figure out what to do with their lives — do they want to settle in Poland or elsewhere?”

The dark historical irony isn’t lost on Schudrich. Eight decades ago, Jews desperately tried to flee German-occupied Poland and other eastern European countries under Nazi German rule. Six million of them were exterminated.

“The struggles that people had, the splitting up of families, saying goodbye and never knowing if you would see each other again, and most times you didn’t,” Schudrich said. “And to think now that Jews and others are not fleeing out of Poland but into Poland, and we, the small Jewish community of Poland, can now welcome them.”

Gris is awaiting a sponsorship letter in hopes of going to the U.K. She was ordained a rabbi at the Leo Baeck College in London and has friends and colleagues there who are supporting her.

Wearing a sequined kippa and a ribbon pinned to her chest in the blue and yellow of Ukraine’s flag, Gris said that she never experienced anti-Semitism in her 22 years of living in Ukraine.

It was the fact that she was Russian that made her nervous after Russian troops attacked Ukraine on Feb. 24. Friends advised her that she would be better off leaving. Ukrainian authorities froze her bank account — a step taken against Russian and Belarusian citizens. At the border, she said Ukrainian guards asked, “how do we know you’re not a spy?”

Gris said she could understand that reaction from a nation under attack, but it still hurt because “my heart and soul is with Ukraine.”

Gris, 45, was born in Bryansk, Russia, before the breakup of the Soviet Union. She embarked on her spiritual journey as a teenager at a time of a broader revival of Jewish life in eastern Europe. Judaism, like other religions, had been suppressed by the the officially atheistic ideology of the communist era.

In her youth she was told by a rabbi that she was so wise that she could even aspire to being a rabbi’s wife. But she said to herself: “No, I will be a rabbi myself.”

Gris doesn’t know where the war will lead but fears that Jewish life will never be the same there.

On Saturday, her second Shabbat in safety, she was joined in Warsaw by a member of her Odesa congregation — two thirds of whom have fled now — a reunion that was comforting to them both.

She denounced Russian propaganda, and recounted how her own mother, who is still in Russia, didn’t believe that Russia attacked Ukraine. “I had to tell her yes, I can hear the sirens and the bombs myself!”

Now she feels her life in Odesa may be lost forever. “I don’t know when I can go back,” Gris said fighting back tears. “Or if I will go back.”
As Ukraine war rages, Israel grapples with fate of oligarchs

By JOSEF FEDERMAN and ILAN BEN ZION

A banner in the colors of Russia's national flag depicting Chelsea soccer club owner Roman Abramovich and reading "the Roman Empire" is shown during the English Premier League soccer match between Chelsea and Newcastle United at Stamford Bridge stadium in London, Sunday, March 13, 2022. (AP Photo/Kirsty Wigglesworth)

JERUSALEM (AP) — Israel is grappling with how to deal with dozens of Jewish Russian oligarchs as Western nations step up sanctions on businesspeople with ties to Russian President Vladimir Putin.

A worried Israeli government has formed a high-level committee to see how the country can maintain its status as a haven for any Jew without running afoul of the biting sanctions targeting Putin’s inner circle.

“Israel will not be a route to bypass sanctions imposed on Russia by the United States and other Western countries,” Foreign Minister Yair Lapid declared Monday during a stop in Slovakia.

Several dozen Jewish tycoons from Russia are believed to have taken on Israeli citizenship or residency in recent years. Many have good working relations with the Kremlin, and at least four -- Chelsea FC owner Roman Abramovich, Mikhail Fridman, Petr Aven and Viktor Vekselberg -- have been sanctioned internationally because of their purported connections to Putin. Some of the sanctions stretch back even to before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine last month.

Israel, which has emerged as an unlikely mediator between Ukraine and Russia, has not joined the sanctions imposed by the U.S., Britain, European Union and others. But as the war in Ukraine drags on, and other names are added to the list, the pressure is increasing.

In an interview with Israel’s Channel 12 TV station over the weekend, the U.S. undersecretary of state for political affairs, Victoria Nuland, called on Israel to join the group of countries that have sanctioned Russia.

“What we are asking among other things is for every democracy around the world to join us in the financial and export control sanctions that we have put on Putin,” she said. “You don’t want to become the last haven for dirty money that’s fueling Putin’s wars.”

Aaron David Miller, a now-retired veteran U.S. diplomat, said on Twitter that Nuland’s comments were the “toughest battering of Israeli policy since crisis began or of any policy in very long while.”

Israel, founded as a haven for Jews in the wake of the Holocaust, grants automatic citizenship to anyone of Jewish descent. Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union 30 years ago, an estimated 1 million Jews from Russia and other former Soviet republics have moved to Israel. In recent years, a growing number of tycoons from the former Soviet Union have joined them.

Some, such as former energy magnate Leonid Nevzlin, came after falling out with Putin. Others appeared to have done so as hedges against trouble abroad.

Abramovich, for instance, took Israeli citizenship in 2018 after his British visa was not renewed, apparently as part of British authorities’ efforts to crack down on Putin associates after a former Russian spy was poisoned in England. Although he appears to spend little time in the country, he has bought some choice real estate, including a home in a trendy Tel Aviv neighborhood reportedly purchased from the husband of Wonder Woman actress Gal Gadot.

Some of the tycoons have kept low public profiles, while others have embraced their Jewish roots, emerging as major philanthropists to Jewish causes or investing in Israel’s high-flying technology sector. With a limited number of places to go, a growing number of Jewish tycoons, especially those with Israeli citizenship, could find themselves spending more time in Israel.

Israeli media have reported private jets belonging to oligarchs coming in and out of the country in recent days. Channel 12 said late Sunday that one of Abramovich’s planes had landed in Israel, though it was unclear if he was onboard. Israeli media reported he was seen at Israel’s Ben Gurion International Airport on Monday, around the same time as his private jet flew to Istanbul.

While Israel weighs its moves, Jewish organizations already are taking a closer look at their relations with Russian oligarchs.

Last week, Yad Vashem, Israel’s national Holocaust memorial, said it was suspending a reported donation of tens millions of dollars from Abramovich “in light of recent developments.” In Ukraine, the Babyn Yar Holocaust Memorial Center, built at the ravine where over 30,000 Jews were massacred in just two days in 1941, said that Fridman, who was born in Ukraine, had resigned from its advisory board due to the sanctions.

Lior Haiat, spokesman for Israel’s Foreign Ministry, said the government has formed a special inter-ministerial committee to study the sanctions issue. The fate of affected oligarchs is a central part of that mission.

On Monday, Lapid said the ministry was working with other government bodies, including Israel’s Central Bank, to make sure tycoons do not use the country to avert sanctions.

Lapid also has advised his colleagues to keep their distance from the oligarchs.

“You have to be very careful because those guys have connections and they can call you on the phone and ask you for things,” Lapid recently told the Cabinet. “Don’t commit to anything because it could cause diplomatic damage. Say you can’t help them and give them the number of the Foreign Ministry.”

His comments, first reported in Israeli media, were confirmed by officials who attended the meeting. They spoke on condition of anonymity because they were discussing closed Cabinet proceedings.

Israel, one of the few countries that has good relations with both Russia and Ukraine, may be able to insulate itself from the international pressure as long as it continues to mediate between the warring sides. Joining the sanctions would risk drawing Russian ire and jeopardize Israel’s unique role.

Ksenia Svetlova, an international-affairs expert and former Israeli lawmaker born in Russia, said Israel would hold out from taking a stance as long as possible.

“It depends on what kind of pressure they will exercise against Israel,” she said. “Not voluntarily, certainly.”
In Russian invasion of Ukraine, Cold War echoes reverberate
By JAKE COYLE
March 13, 2022

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President Joe Biden announces Judge Ketanji Brown Jackson as his nominee to the Supreme Court at the White House in Washington on Feb. 25, 2022, left, and President Vladimir Putin speaks during a visit to the construction site of the National Space Agency at Khrunichev State Research and Production Space Centre, in Moscow, Russia, on Feb. 27, 2022. The invasion of Ukraine has rapidly returned echoes of a Cold War mentality to the United States, with a familiar foe in Russia. (AP Photo)


NEW YORK (AP) — A rivalry with Russia. A proxy battleground. Nuclear brinksmanship. For many generations of Americans, it’s just like old times.

The invasion of Ukraine has rapidly returned echoes of a Cold War mentality to the United States, with a familiar foe in Russia. Bars have poured out their Russian vodka. McDonald’s, a symbol of the end of the Soviet Union when it first opened in Moscow, has shuttered its Russian locations. Once again, a U.S. president sees a pitched ideological battle. “We will save democracy,” President Joe Biden said in his State of the Union address.

For an America where Russia never quite went out of style as an evergreen villain in film and television, revived tensions with the Kremlin have drawn from a well-worn geopolitical script. A familiar, chilly East-West wind is blowing again.

“It’s very much a Cold War echo,” says James Hershberg, professor of history and international affairs at Georgetown University and former director of the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson Center.

Hershberg sees much that’s different about today’s inflamed tensions with Russia. Vladimir Putin’s aggressions, he says, don’t seem driven by ideology the way communism was for the Soviet Union. A transformed media landscape, too, has helped turn Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy into a global protagonist.

But in a crisis that pits two nuclear superpowers on opposing sides, history is repeating in other ways. A Russian strategic overreach, Hershberg says, is again sparking a potentially perilous moment in international order.

“We are in a second Cuban Missile Crisis in many ways in terms of the danger of escalation,” says Hershberg, whose books include “Marigold: The Lost Chance for Peace in Vietnam.” “Putin is acting so irrationally he makes Nikita Khrushchev appear like a rational actor in comparison.”

The largest land conflict in Europe since World War II, Russia’s two-plus weeks of war in Ukraine has rallied Western alliances like few events before it. In repudiating Putin’s invasion, the U.S. and its European allies have enacted crippling economic sanctions on Russia -- which Biden on Tuesday extended to Russian crude oil -- while still drawing the line on military engagement with Russia.

“If we’re talking about a capitalized Cold War, I don’t think I could call this Cold War II,” says Fredrik Logevall, professor of history and international affairs at Harvard and Pulitzer-Prize winning author most recently of “JFK: Coming of Age in the American Century, 1917-1956.”

“But,” Logevall says, “if we’re talking more generally about a cold war, if we mean a titanic struggle that involves all aspects of national power waged between two incompatible systems but short of outright military conflict — then yeah, I guess this is a cold war.”

The Cold War is innately connected to the crisis in Ukraine partly because it so much informs Putin’s world view. A former KGB agent, he once called the collapse of the Soviet Union “the greatest geopolitical catastrophe” of the 20th century. The invasion of Ukraine is intended to deter Western influence and NATO infringement from Russia’s sphere of influence, and potentially to restore a Texas-sized part of the former Soviet Union.

Barely two weeks in, the Cold War has often been invoked. The U.N. Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has said “the threat to global security now is more complex and probably higher” than during the Cold War, partly because there aren’t the same back channels of communication. A Russian Foreign Ministry official, Alexander Darchiyev, according to an Interfax report, recently suggested that “perhaps it would be worth recalling the well-forgotten principle that worked during the Cold War — peaceful coexistence.”

Even before war began in Ukraine, Americans had a historically dim view of Russia. According to Gallup poll conducted in February, 85% of Americans viewed Russia unfavorably, easily the country’s worst rating in more than three decades — a slide accelerated by Russia’s meddling in U.S. elections, its annexation of Crimea and the nerve agent attack on Putin’s leading opposition leader, Alexei Navalny, who’s currently imprisoned.

And while former president Donald Trump has maintained his esteem for Putin, anti-Russian opinion has uncommon bipartisan support. Gallup found that 88% of both Republicans and Democrats have an unfavorable view of Russia. Nothing unites like a common enemy.

Nina Khrushcheva, a Moscow-born professor of international affairs at the New School in New York and the great-granddaughter of Nikita Khrushchev, maintains that the Cold War never really went away — that the West’s view of Russia remained stuck in the broad portrayals of villains Boris and Natasha in “Rocky and Bullwinkle” cartoons. To her, Putin’s invasion was devastating because it confirmed the worst about her native country. Now, she begins her classes by apologizing.

“Putin is the global villain he deserves to be, and Russia is finished for decades to come,” says Khrushcheva, whose great-grandfather was premier of the Soviet Union during the Cuban Missile Crisis in 1962, when John F. Kennedy was president of the United States. “My country just killed itself,” she says, and the U.S. “got their enemy back.”

“They got their enemy that has always been, always deserves to be and is always at the forefront of the American mind,” says Khrushcheva. “Russia has no excuse. But for America, it’s a field day. America is back and it’s on a white horse saving a white country in the middle of Europe against the horrible Russian Bear.”

Logevall, who co-authored the book “America’s Cold War: The Politics of Insecurity,” doesn’t expect a Cold War rerun. The world isn’t as bipolar as it was decades ago. China, which signed a pact with Russia shortly before the invasion of Ukraine, looms much larger. And the interconnectedness of the global economy -- where waves of corporations have severed ties with Russia -- makes isolated coexistence harder to tolerate.

The conflict in Ukraine seems sure to be at least a coda to the Cold War, if not a new beginning.

“Putin feels great resentment about how the Cold War ended. The West declaring victory. Russia losing power and influence. I think he resents a certain Western triumphalism,” Logevall says. “In a way, I think history is what drives him.”

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Follow Associated Press Film Writer Jake Coyle on Twitter at http://twitter.com/JakeCoyleAP
Russia’s war idles some European mills as energy costs soar

By COLLEEN BARRY
March 13, 2022

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A fisherman mends a net in front of his fishing boat with a banner reading "stop for gasoline increase", in the Roman port of Fiumicino, Friday, March 11, 2022. Fishermen, facing huge spikes in oil prices, stayed in port, mending nets instead of casting them. Nowhere more than in Italy, the European Union’s third-largest economy, is dependence on Russian energy taking a higher toll on industry. (AP Photo/Andrew Medichini)


MILAN (AP) — Italian paper mills that make everything from pizza boxes to furniture packaging ground to a halt as Russia’s war in Ukraine has sent natural gas prices skyrocketing.

And it’s not just paper. Italian steel mills, likewise, turned off electric furnaces last week. And fishermen, facing huge spikes in oil prices, stayed in port, mending nets instead of casting them.

Nowhere more than in Italy, the European Union’s third-largest economy, is dependence on Russian energy taking a higher toll on industry. Some 40% of electricity is generated from natural gas that largely comes from Russia, compared with roughly one-quarter in Germany, another major importer and the continent’s largest economy.

Over the past decade, Italy’s dependence on Russian natural gas has surged from 27% to 43% — a fact lamented by Premier Mario Draghi. It will take at least two years to replace, his energy transition minister says.

Even before the war, Europe was facing a serious energy crunch that drove up costs for electricity, food, supplies and everything in between for people and businesses. Ever higher prices tied to fears that the conflict will lead to an energy cutoff are hitting the continent much harder than the U.S. because it imports so much of its oil and gas from Russia.

European leaders meeting Friday in Versailles outside Paris discussed ways of easing the pain. Draghi pushed to diversify gas sources, develop renewables and introduce a cap on natural gas prices. He said his foreign minister, who recently visited Algeria and Qatar, was working on new gas markets.

“We are talking about errors made over many years,” said Francesco Zago, CEO of the Veneto-based paper and packaging manufacturer Pro-Gest. “We get too much gas from Russia. In school, they tell us we need to diversify the sources, otherwise there is a danger.”

Natural gas prices were on the rise last year as reserves dwindled in Europe, but Zago said his company was able to stabilize prices and continue operating. That changed with the Russian invasion, when already high prices soared from 90 euros a megawatt hour to over 300 euros a megawatt hour.

“We found ourselves facing huge losses,” Zago said.

To remain profitable, he said they would have had to nearly double prices from 680 euros a ton to 1,200 euros — not doable on the marketplace.

He suspended operations at six mills that recycle paper to supply one-third of all of Italy’s packaging needs, and he is keeping a close eye on the energy market to see when production can relaunch. For now, there is still enough stock to keep open the company’s sites that make cardboard boxes and other packaging, supplying industries from food to pharmaceuticals to furniture. But that could run out soon.

Likewise, Acciaierie Venete shut three of its steel mills for a few days last week as prices spiked to 10 times above normal. The makers of high-quality steel for automotive and agricultural machinery had enough stock to work on finished product, waiting for prices to dip so they could reopen.

“Never, ever has this happened that we had to shut down ovens,” said Francesco Semino, an executive at the steel-making company based in the northeastern region of Veneto.

The urgency of Italy’s energy situation is trickling down to consumers in the form of higher heating bills, and more recently, rising prices at the pump, with gasoline topping 2 euros a liter this week, or nearly $6 a gallon.

Radio call-in shows are soliciting ideas about how to save energy, reviving memories of long-abandoned tricks like ember-fueled bedwarmers. Italy’s state broadcaster has launched a campaign with lists of how to save energy, including turning off lights, lowering thermostats and regularly defrosting refrigerators, under the motto “M’illumino di meno,” or “I light up less.”

Truckers who say they can’t afford higher gasoline prices are set to strike this coming week. Fishermen took the hit last week, deciding not to trawl the waters off Italy, with fishing boats along the entire peninsula moored in port.

At current prices, it costs 1,250 euros a day to run boats out of Fiumicino, leaving little room for profits after plying the sea for cod, sea bass, sea bream, octopus, squid and shrimp, said Pasquale Di Bartolomeo, who runs one of 22 boats out of the port near Rome.

Restaurants, he said, will make do with frozen seafood or farm-raised fish. He hopes the prices ease so he can return to work.

“The family needs to eat, there are expenses,” Di Bartolomeo said.

Italy decreased its gas consumption from 2010 to 2014, thanks to the addition of subsidized wind and solar power, but reliance on natural gas pushed back up again in recent years as it took polluting coal power plants offline.

They have been substituted mostly by natural gas as renewables stalled, partly because of Italy’s infamous bureaucracy that has kept many investors away, said Matteo Di Castelnuovo, an energy economist at Milan’s Bocconi University.

“Italy clearly underestimated the problem of increasing its gas consumption the last few years, and with that, its dependence on Russian gas,” he said.

The government has pledged to simplify red tape, and this week approved six new wind parks that will produce more than 400 megawatts of energy. Energy transition minister Roberto Cingolani has floated the idea of next-generation nuclear to a reluctant population.

“Nuclear fusion will not save us from Russian gas,″ Di Castelnuovo said, referring to a technology that is still decades away.

Italy’s dependence on Russian gas can most quickly and effectively be reduced by simple conservation methods, he said, given the time and investments it takes to transition to other energy sources.

That can include such measures as improving home insulation, using appliances that consume less energy and lowering the thermostat.

“My heat, my thermostat, is actually paying for Putin’s missiles and bombs,” Di Castelnuovo said. “It is good enough for me to lower it by 2 degrees and wear a jumper instead.”
Toxic Putin is going for bust. The west must stop him before this contagion spreads

Analysis: if we do not refuse to be blackmailed and step in to stop Russia, Ukraine will only be the start

Last week’s shelling of a maternity hospital in Mariupol could be a harbinger of much worse to come.
 Photograph: Evgeniy Maloletka/AP


THE GUARDIAN/OBSERVER
Sun 13 Mar 2022 

Politically speaking, Vladimir Putin is a dead man walking. As dictators always do, he has fatally over-reached. Bunker-bound and bonkers, there’s no way back into the world for him. At home, too, he looks increasingly isolated.

But, militarily speaking, he’s not giving up. In Ukraine, the toxic president is going for bust. The worrying question: what will he do next?

Insofar as Putin still has a plan, it is to bomb and batter the Ukrainian people into submission, by whatever means necessary, as quickly as possible. If that requires using chemical weapons, such as chlorine gas, as in Syria, who can doubt he will do so. Last week’s Mariupol maternity hospital war crime was a harbinger of worse, perhaps far worse, to come.

Diplomats and analysts believe that, despite Ukraine’s unexpectedly effective resistance, Russia’s grip on the country is inexorably tightening. Vitali Klitschko, mayor of Kyiv, says the capital only has sufficient supplies for one or two weeks if attacked. Half the population has fled. If the allied powers sincerely want Ukraine to survive, time is running out.

The west must now maximise pressure on Putin – military as well as economic – as a matter of utmost urgency. Ukraine’s citizens and soldiers cannot be expected to hold out for very much longer without increased, all-round support. Ukraine’s future as an independent democratic state may be decided in the coming fortnight. So, too, may be the future of Putinism in Russia itself.

President Putin is going for bust in Ukraine, trying to bomb the country into submission. 
Photograph: Alexei Nikolsky/TASS

The oppressive, corrupt regime in Moscow that has blighted Russian lives for over 20 years, and spread fear and discord around the world, has never been weaker. This is a huge moment. Europe’s future security architecture could indeed be remodelled, as Russia has often urged, but on a post-Putin basis of cooperative, lawful, democratic co-existence, not a balance of terror.

This tantalising prospect is offset by the risk of all-out conflict with a nuclear-armed tyrant who, hemmed in by his own miscalculations, may lash out wildly. Nato’s ill-judged refusal to provide any form of no-fly zone, as requested by Ukraine’s president, Volodymyr Zelenskiy, or for example to create a UN-mandated safe zone on the ground in western Ukraine, stems from such fears.

So what will Putin do? Three main scenarios are in view: a compromise peace deal; a stalemate; or a wider, escalating war. After two weeks of fighting, there is much talk of talks but no actual peace process. Dashing hopes it might intervene, China has kept its distance. Last week’s foreign ministers’ meeting in Turkey was a deliberate stalling exercise by Moscow. The two sides remain miles apart.

Ukraine’s leaders will not agree to anything permanent while cities are besieged, vast swaths of their country are occupied, and heinous war crimes proliferate – and why should they? Nor is it likely that Putin will abandon his insistence that Ukraine remain separate from Nato and the EU, or give up his claims to Crimea and recently captured territory along the southern seaboard.

Under a second scenario, the war drags on, degenerating into a Donbas-like stalemate or frozen conflict. This would suit no one. It would be disastrous for Ukraine’s citizens, both the displaced and those who remain; for Ukraine’s integrity as a nation state; for bogged-down, demoralised Russian forces facing determined insurgents; and for international relations and stability, endlessly polarised and poisoned by Ukraine-related tensions.

Knowing this, and spurning peace, Putin is actively pursuing the third scenario: “doubling down” on military force, as CIA director William Burns put it last week, encircling cities, using hungry, freezing civilians as hostages, seizing more territory, and threatening a wider war, potentially involving chemical or even battlefield nuclear weapons.

Here is the crux of the west’s dilemma. The US and UK are pumping increasingly advanced weaponry into Ukraine on a vast scale. British anti-tank missiles, for example, are reportedly proving grimly lethal. Now Starstreak anti-aircraft weapons are also being deployed, ostensibly for “defensive”, not “offensive”, purposes.

Such sophistry aside, there can be no doubting where this massive Berlin airlift-type build-up is leading. Nato’s rejection of a no-fly zone and the US veto on supplying Polish MiG fighters to Ukraine’s air force cannot disguise the reality that the allies, de facto, are already party to this conflict or, in legal parlance, are “co-combatants”.


Russian bombing of maternity hospital ‘genocide’, says Zelenskiy


Putin characterises sanctions as western economic warfare. How much longer before he declares that Russia is also under western military attack, and escalates accordingly? That’s the firm expectation in the Baltic republics – Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania – frontline former Soviet republics that Putin regards, like Ukraine, as not “real” countries. The Russian enclave of Kaliningrad is another looming flashpoint.

Valdis Dombrovskis, a former Latvian prime minister, warned last week the Baltic states may be next in the firing line. “If we do not support Ukraine, it’s not going to stop in Ukraine… Unfortunately, it is likely this aggression will continue in other countries,” he said.

Discussing Putin’s veiled nuclear threat, Dombrovskis, an EU commission vice-president, said the west must not be intimidated.

“The question is, to what extent we are giving in to this blackmail because it can be used all the time against everything. Putin will continue his aggressive wars, he will always use this blackmail.”

Plainly, there is no risk-free path through this horror. But any outcome that destroys a European democracy, or rewards Russian aggression, is unsustainable in the long term. That will only guarantee more grief down the road. Logically, practically, morally, the west really has no choice.

Its leaders must now employ all possible levers – including the threat of direct military action – to stop Russia in its tracks in Ukraine, stop the mass murder of civilians, and stop the spread of the deadly Putin contagion.
ETHIC CLEANSING
'Cultural cleansing': Ukraine's heritage is in danger, UNESCO warns

By Daniel Bellamy with AP • Updated: 12/03/2022 - 14:36

Snow covers the city centre with a Christmas tree, St. Sophia Cathedral in Kyiv, December 2021 - Copyright AP Photo/Efrem Lukatsky

The UN's cultural agency has warned that major historical sites in Ukraine are in danger of being damaged and even destroyed as Russia continues its offensive.

"City centres are seriously damaged, some of which have sites and monuments that date back to the 11th century," Lazare Eloundou, UNESCO's World Heritage Director said, speaking from Paris.

"Today, museums are damaged, some with collections inside. There are also cultural venues that are damaged. It is a whole cultural life that risks disappearing."

The deliberate destruction of a country's or culture's heritage is a war crime.


UNESCO says the targeting of cultural sites has evolved into a tactic of war to damage and attempt to destroy societies over a prolonged period.

And in an address to the UN Security Council in 2015, UNESCO's former Director-General Irina Bokova described it as "cultural cleansing".

UNESCO urges Russia to refrain from targeting cultural sites

Ukraine and Russia have close cultural and religious ties, but since Russia first invaded Ukraine in 2014, a partial schism has developed between the Orthodox Churches of both countries.

In 2019, the Orthodox Church of Ukraine was granted independence by the Ecumenical Patriarch in Istanbul.

It marked a historic split from Russia, which Ukrainian leaders saw then and still see today as vital to the country's security.

The decree, known as Tomos, has pressured Ukrainian clerics to choose between the Russian-supported Ukrainian churches and the new church.

The Ukrainian church had been under Moscow's patriarchate for centuries, but since Ukraine became independent in 1991, tensions accumulated and then intensified in 2014 with the Russian annexation of Crimea.

Putin's objection not NATO but 'a more European Ukraine' — ex-EU chief Barroso

With these political and religious tensions in mind, UNESCO's World Heritage Director Lazare Eloundou is particularly worried as fighting nears Kyiv.

"A site which for us is of great concern in the city of Kyiv, which is a World Heritage Site. This site has two very important ensembles: the St. Sophia Cathedral and also the Lavra monastic complex. These two places are testimony to the birth of the Russian Orthodox Church."

Eloundou has urged all UNESCO member states -- including Russia -- not to target any cultural sites.

"It is important that, when hostilities are launched, countries mark with this sign, this emblem, their most important historical sites so that they are well identified, clearly visible and are not targeted. This is what we have recommended to the Ukrainian authorities to do for their sites."



Meanwhile, Russian cultural officials have asked for major works of art that are currently on loan to galleries in Milan to be returned.

They include Renaissance artist Titian's "Young Woman with the Feathered Hat," which belongs to the Hermitage Museum in St. Petersburg.

Italy's Culture Minister Dario Franceschini said earlier this week that "it seems evident that when the owner asks for their works to be returned, they must be returned."

The ministry said it is currently surveying what Italian works of art are on loan to Russian museums.
India’s Silence on Russian Invasion: Why ‘Morals’ Matter in Foreign Policy

The current state of international politics paints a grim picture of a dissolution of a universal value-based moral compass.


UN Ambassadors vote during a United Nations Security Council meeting, on a resolution regarding Russia's actions toward Ukraine, at the United Nations Headquarters in New York City, February 25, 2022. Photo: Reuters/Carlo Allegri

Deepanshu Mohan

A lot is being said on India’s position in the UN on the Ukraine-Russia crisis. The position, thus far, has been broadly of ‘abstention’ and ‘silence’. The Indian government has also failed to explain the causal reasons for its repeated vote and its inability to call a spade-a-spade given how Russia’s military aggression in Ukraine is both unprovoked and in clear violation of basic tenets and principles of international law.

I argued recently that a prolonged ‘silence’ of India – and/or the inability of the Modi government to condone or condemn Russia’s actions in Ukraine – with each passing week may indirectly affect us (and our interests) in the longer term, despite the bonhomie we might share with Russia. If A’s friend commits murder and A maintains a position of ‘silence’ or gives the friend a free pass, what does it say about A and her/his moral character?

Yes, this isn’t India’s war. And, yes, maybe the Indian government, being late in evacuating its own citizens (given how late the advisories for evacuation were issued) didn’t have a choice but to be ‘silent’ for the first couple of weeks, given the administration had to work with both Russian and Ukrainian authorities to get its citizens out. That’s understandable.

But, once the evacuation of Indians is complete (as it is about to be), India’s geopolitical position of ‘silence’ will increasingly be questioned (in a way it already is). More importantly, India (like many other democratic nations) has a moral responsibility to say more – and do more – to counter Putin’s Russia.

Also read: India’s Tightrope Walk on Russian Invasion of Ukraine May Have Long-Term Consequences

To many ultra-realists/supporters of the pro-government position (there are many shouting in TV studios now), the very mention of the word ‘moral’ or ‘moral responsibility’ seems problematic. Whataboutery has been common in the discourse too. Ultra-realists may argue what’s so special about condemning a great power for this crisis – or ask why India should support the West’s attack on Russian actions when Americans too have been guilty of intervening in other nations and having its own wars (from Vietnam to Iraq to Afghanistan).

Still, it would be morally obtuse to ‘compare’ one great power’s military aggression to another.

It is true how ‘American exceptionalism’ has been entrenched in 20th century international politics discourse and was part of shaping a US-led international order; an order which is on the verge of collapse now. But, as Theodore Roosevelt put it a century ago,

“Our chief usefulness to humanity rests on combining power with high purpose”.

Based as much as on ideas of ethnicity, America has long seen itself ‘as a cause as well as a country’.

Dominant powers surely promote their political values. Imagine how the world would look today if Adolf Hitler had emerged victorious in World War II or if Joseph Stalin’s Soviet Union had prevailed in the Cold War. Of the three great ideological narratives of 20th century – fascism, communism and liberalism – only the latter was left standing at its end.

US President Woodrow Wilson, recognised as a ‘thought leader’ in the American and post-World War II international order, offered a liberal internationalist project with two main aims: to tame international anarchy through the erection of binding international law and organisation, and to change other states in the system and inch them toward constitutional democracy.

Wilsonian liberalism – anchored by the US – sought a world made safe for democracy. Jawaharlal Nehru and Mahatma Gandhi’s views too from India were in broader convergence with this thought. Alas, the current state of international politics paints a grim picture of a dissolution of a universal value-based moral compass.

As Joseph Nye argues in his recent book Do Morals Matter?,

“The American order after 1945 (too) was neither global nor always very liberal. So-called American hegemony left out more than half the world (the Soviet bloc and China) and included a number of illiberal authoritarian states. (At the same) Defenders argue the liberal international order, albeit imperfect, made the world a better place because it produced an era of unprecedented growth in the world economy, which raised hundreds of millions of people out of poverty and allowed the spread of liberty and democracy. Future presidents will have to make moral choices about foreign policy in a world where the post-1945 Pax Americana and Wilsonian vision have changed.”

Realists who trace their (western) intellectual ancestry to classic thinkers like Hobbes, Machiavelli, Thucydides argue that in an anarchic world, foreign policy is largely ‘amoral’. Thucydides famously said,

“The powerful do what they will, and the weak suffer what they must.”

Nevertheless, humans exercising ‘selfishness’ and ‘aggression’ didn’t make us the most dominant species on the planet. It was because of our ability to exercise restraint, to cooperate, to reason, with both intuition and prudence, that made us dominant and standout.

It is important for leaders, especially in the current context, to realise and understand how both intuition and reason are core parts of moral reasoning, and how they must be put into thought for principle, policy and practice.

Practicing an ultra-realist view that ethics or moral reasoning has nothing to contribute because there are no real choices in foreign policy and only one’s own country counts, is a misconception. Another misconception may confuse a leader’s moral character with his moral consequences, and still another makes judgments based on moral rhetoric than results. Vladimir Putin may give a ‘moral’ reason for invading Ukraine, but that can’t be accepted.

Also read: Citing Need To Keep Door Open for Diplomacy, India Abstains From UNSC Vote on Russia

Nye’s contribution is critical in this regard. Nye argues,

“As a practical matter, in our daily lives most people make moral judgments along three dimensions: intentions, means, and consequences. Intentions are more than just goals.”

Lyndon Johnson may have had ‘good’ intentions when he sent American troops to Vietnam, but a leader’s good intentions, according to Nye, are not proof of what is misleadingly called “moral clarity”. The second important dimension of moral judgment is means. How do we treat others? Does a leader consider the ‘soft power of attraction’ and ‘the importance of developing the trust’ of other countries?

According to Nye, when it comes to ‘means’, leaders must decide how to combine the hard power of inducements and threats, and the soft power of values, culture and policies that attract people to their goal.

A leader who pursues moral but unrealistic goals or uses ineffective means can produce terrible moral consequences at home and abroad. Putin’s actions in Russia resembles to that of a war criminal so far. His military commands have bombed civilian areas inside Ukraine, killed innocent people and attacked maternity hospitals. His actions, at the very least, must invoke a collective sense of moral conscience amongst nations – including India – to put their faith in peace and mutual-cooperation.

This isn’t required for a ‘West-enabled narrative’ or for enforcing ‘American moralism’, but is critical for securing international peace and a stable world order.



Deepanshu Mohan is associate professor of Economics and director, Centre for New Economics Studies (CNES), Jindal School of Liberal Arts and Humanities, O.P. Jindal Global University.
PUTIN'S NEO-NAZI'S
Bosnian Serb branch of Russian 'Night Wolves' biker group stage pro-Putin protests

By Aleksandar Brezar with AP • Updated: 13/03/2022 - 11:28

A boy wears Russian insignia on his hat as he rallies in Banjaluka, Bosnia, Saturday, 12 March 2022 - Copyright AP Photo/Armin Durgut

About one hundred Bosnian Serb nationalists demonstrated Saturday in the country's second-largest city Banjaluka in support of Russian President Vladimir Putin's invasion of Ukraine.

Participants waved Russian flags and described Russia's decision to invade its much smaller neighbour as a legitimate "battle to liberate [Ukraine's] subjugated people".

"Russia is not at war with Ukraine, it is at war with the dark Euro-Atlantic forces that want to dominate the world and destroy it," said Zdravko Močević, one of over 100 people -- mostly men -- who joined the rally.


The pro-Russia protests are one of the few in Europe since Moscow invaded Ukraine on 24 February.

The largest demonstrations in support of the Kremlin saw thousands take to the streets of Serbia's capital Belgrade on 4 March, carrying placards with the letter Z -- now synonymous with the invasion -- and Russian and Serb nationalist flags.



Dozens of Serb nationalists hold pro-Russia rally in Montenegro

The gathering in Banjaluka was organised by Bosnian Serb members of the Night Wolves, a local branch of the Russian motorcycle club that staunchly supports President Vladimir Putin.

Putin has repeatedly referred to the group as "friends", and has appeared at their rallies, riding a Harley-Davidson motorcycle. The Night Wolves took part in the 2014 occupation of Crimea and the fighting in Donbas.


Speakers at the Banjaluka event included representatives of several local organisations, including the Serb-Russian Bridge and Serb People's Movement "It's Our Choice".



Bosnian Serb secessionist leader Milorad Dodik who was recently slapped with US sanctions for alleged corruption is widely understood to be the Kremlin's favourite in the region.

Dodik has also maintained close ties with the local branch of the Night Wolves.

Political power in multiethnic Bosnia and Herzegovina is shared between Bosniak, Croat and Serb ethnic communities, enabling the country’s three main ethnic groups to dominate domestic politics.

This arrangement came out of the 1995 Dayton Peace Accords, effectively ending the 1992-1995 war between the three sides that killed over 100,000 people and displaced millions.


A sticker with a letter Z is seen on a car during a rally in support of Russia in Belgrade, Serbia, Sunday, March 13, 2022. Despite formally seeking EU membership, Serbia has refused to introduce international sanctions against its ally Russia. EU officials have repeatedly warned Serbia that it will have to align itself with the bloc's foreign policies if it wants to join. 


Dodik, whose SNSD party is struggling to retain popularity in the run-up to the general elections in the autumn, currently serves as the Serb member of the country's tripartite presidency.

Bosnia’s biggest political crisis for 26 years fuels anguish and discontent

Despite Dodik's vocal opposition, Bosnia joined a historic vote earlier this month in the UN General Assembly denouncing Russia for invading Ukraine.

At the same time on Saturday, at least 5,000 Bosnians gathered in the northeastern city of Tuzla at a peace rally, expressing their support for Ukraine and demanding the end of the war.
Russian State TV protest 'sent shockwaves through all of Russian society' says American on the ground
Sarah K. Burris
March 14, 2022


Yakov Kronrod went back to Russia to care for his mother months before the invasion of Ukraine, so he was on the ground watching as a Channel One editor took the bold move to stage a protest on live television.

Marina Ovsyannikova, the editor of Channel One, held up a sign saying that Russians were being lied to and not to believe the propaganda. She was detained and taken to the Ostankino police department. Russia's Vladimir Putin passed a law that any person who says something that conflicts with the government can be thrown in jail for 15 years.



According to Kronrod, even pro-Putin outlets have reported on the story, he said, delivering her message even farther to more people.

"It sends shock waves through all of Russian society. Yandex News had a story about it, and they rarely have anything that's against the main narrative," said Kronrod. "Her Facebook page was getting thousands of people commenting every minute. Literally, it exploded. Everyone was texting each other, calling each other saying, did you see? Did you see what happened? And many of the human rights activists that I'm talking to feel this may very well be the start of the wave to see someone like that Channel 1 has 250 million viewers, it's the number one watched station by most common Russians. For a lot of Russians, this was the first time they saw any dissenting voice."

See the interview below:

  
Russian State TV protest 'sent shockwaves through all of Russian society'www.youtube.com

'They're lying to you': Russian TV employee interrupts news broadcast with anti-war sign

The anchor can be seen trying to talk over Marina unsuccessfully before the broadcast cut away to a recorded segment.



Nyi Nyi Thet |  March 15, 2022

A Russian state tv news programme was interrupted when an employee rushed into the shot holding an anti-war sign.

Here is the clip:

Her sign read: "Don’t believe the propaganda. They’re lying to you here".

And then in English: "Russians against the war".

Marina Ovsyannikova, an editor at the station, also shouted "Stop the war. No to war." according to The Guardian.

The anchor can be seen trying to talk over Marina unsuccessfully before the broadcast cut away to a recorded segment.

Marina had also recorded a message before her broadcast protest.

In the video, she says her father is Ukrainian and that she was ashamed of how she had worked at the station for a "number of years" and how she had contributed to the "zombification of the Russian people".

According to Buzzfeed News' translation of the video, she ended her video with this:

"Now the whole world has turned away from us," she said, "and the next 10 generations of our descendants won't wash off the shame of this fratricidal war."

"We are Russian people who think, who are smart. It's only in our power to stop all this madness," she concluded. "Go to protests. Don't be afraid of anything. They can't imprison us all."


Ukrainian President Zelensky later thanked Marina for her actions.
According to The Guardian, Marina was arrested shortly after her protest.

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