Thursday, April 17, 2025


Trump’s Tariff Gambit


 April 17, 2025
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In another characteristically brash maneuver, Donald Trump has intensified his economic confrontation with Beijing, announcing an unprecedented 125 percent tariff on Chinese imports while granting a 90-day tariff reprieve to every other major trading nation. Far from being a calculated economic strategy, the move appears tailor-made for campaign optics, an attempt to project toughness against China while mollifying allies and partners he had antagonized on April 2.

But behind the performance lies a dangerous gamble. Trump’s decision to selectively isolate China is more than a tactical jab. It’s a provocation aimed at economically cornering Beijing while reshaping the global trade order around a self-serving American center of gravity. The problem? This approach is shortsighted, economically risky, and geopolitically counterproductive.

Beijing views these tariffs not simply as economic pressure, but as strategic coercion. In response, China has already imposed retaliatory duties on American imports, but this is likely just the beginning. Expect a two-tiered response from China: short-term countermeasures aimed at immediate damage control and long-term systemic shifts designed to reduce vulnerability to American economic power. In the short term, China will target key U.S. exports, especially agricultural goods and high-value manufactured components from politically sensitive states. It will also double down on efforts to court the very countries Trump has temporarily exempted from tariffs, expanding bilateral trade and investment deals to create a buffer zone against Washington’s hostility.

In the longer view, Beijing is likely to accelerate its campaign to “de-Americanize” its economic dependencies. This includes ramping up domestic innovation, strengthening regional trade agreements like the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), and deepening engagement with the BRICS bloc to build an alternative economic ecosystem not beholden to U.S. policies or the dollar. The real prize for Beijing is to position itself not as the adversary, but as the stabilizing force in global trade.

Trump’s likely next step will be to continue escalating until he forces a theatrical “deal” or standoff that he can sell as a political win. In the past, this pattern involved punishing tariffs, bombastic threats, and then a sudden pivot to negotiations where even minor concessions from the other side are hailed as triumphs of “Art of the Deal” diplomacy. If history is a guide, Trump may seek to extract symbolic wins from U.S. companies relocating supply chains or commitments from allies to curb imports from China. His focus will not be on structural reform or meaningful trade rebalancing but on political messaging, painting himself as the only one willing to confront the “China threat.”

This approach, however, will only further destabilize the rules-based trading system that the United States helped build, driving more countries toward hedging strategies and regional blocs. Trump’s selective tariff pause opens up a strategic window for countries like the EU, Mexico, Brazil, and India. These nations are not mere bystanders. They are crucial players who will shape the contours of this brewing trade realignment.

The European Union is likely to tread carefully. Although European leaders are wary of China’s growing technological prowess, they are equally distrustful of Trump’s impulsive leadership. Brussels may use this moment to solidify its strategic autonomy, balancing trade ties with China while reinforcing its commitment to multilateral institutions that Trump has routinely disparaged. The EU could also push for a stronger role at the World Trade Organization, seeking reforms that restrain U.S. unilateralism.

Mexico, one of the biggest beneficiaries of nearshoring trends, will likely capitalize on the U.S.-China spat by expanding its role in American supply chains. But Mexico’s leaders will be cautious, recognizing that dependence on a volatile U.S. trade partner comes with its own risks. The country might seek to deepen trade ties with both China and the EU to hedge against future U.S. protectionism.

Brazil, under President Lula, has signaled an ambition to play a larger role in global trade realignment. With strong agricultural exports to China and a growing relationship with BRICS economies, Brazil could emerge as a pivotal swing state in the global trade order, willing to engage both Washington and Beijing but unwilling to pick sides unless the economic benefits are overwhelming.

India, often projected as the natural counterweight to China in Asia, now finds itself in a delicate position. Although it shares U.S. concerns about China’s rise, it is unlikely to follow Trump into an all-out trade war. India is pursuing its own industrialization and digital economy goals, and may use this moment to expand exports to both China and the United States, while strengthening South-South cooperation through its own bilateral and regional trade deals.

Trump’s new tariff war does not simply revive U.S.-China tensions. It accelerates the fragmentation of the global economic order. As countries maneuver between two increasingly adversarial superpowers, the once-clear lines of economic alignment are blurring. For developing economies, this means more choices—but also more pressure. The world is drifting toward a bifurcated system, one led by the United States and another centered around China, each with its own trade rules, tech standards, and financial systems.

Trump’s approach, grounded in grievance and zero-sum thinking, threatens to collapse the fragile architecture of globalization. Trump’s tariffs are not a clever negotiation tool. They are the opening shots of a broader geopolitical contest where trade, technology, and ideology intersect. China will not blink; it will recalibrate. And the rest of the world—far from falling in line—will chart its own course, seeking flexibility, resilience, and a degree of strategic autonomy. Trump’s aggressive economic nationalism may well hasten the rise of the very multipolar world he seeks to suppress. In doing so, he risks isolating the United States from a global trading system that is increasingly prepared to move forward without it.

This first appeared on FPIF.

Imran Khalid is a geostrategic analyst and columnist on international affairs. His work has been widely published by prestigious international news organizations and publications.


No Winners in Trump’s Anti-China Posture


 April 17, 2025Facebook

Photograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

During his first term in office, President Donald Trump’s anti-China policies seemed as aggressive and assertive as they are now. Paradoxically, though those centered around a totally different issue, they certainly had a negative impact on US, Trump himself and of course greater part of the world. Yes, this was Trump’s claim that the disease Covid-19 was a “Chinese virus.” It was alleged that the pandemic leaked from a Chinese laboratory and Trump promoted the same. A speculation of it having been engineered as a possible biological weapon was also entertained. A team of scientists appointed by WHO conducted a 12-day investigation at Wuhan, which included a visit to the laboratory, concluded that the “lab-leak” theory was “extremely unlikely.” Irrespective of whatever was the source of Covid-virus, there is no doubt, it’s impact affected the whole world at large. There is a view, had US not made so such noise about it, most people – particularly from the developing world – would have not been affected so severely. Some ailment or other has them grappling with each year, especially during rainy season. But this is other side of the story. It may be recalled, Trump himself, as reported, was affected by the virus. Clearly, the Covid-phase strongly displayed the apparent animosity Trump entertained towards China. Banning entry from China, though with gaps, hardly succeeded in checking the spread of Covid in US and other countries. However, travel restrictions along with Covid lockdown were subsequently followed by other countries which led to a major economic downfall at several levels for all across the world, from which they haven’t yet totally recovered.

Now, it is feared, Trump’s ongoing trade war with China may spell catastrophic economic problems for the whole world with far more severe consequences with impact on US itself as it is being seen. Most countries, including strong European allies of US, seem to have been compelled to consider stronger regional unity as well as better ties with China. Clearly, China is trying to make the best of the situation by asking European countries not to be “bullied” by US. China is in favor of “teaming” with Europe against US, that is Trump’s “tariff-war.” Certainly, it is too early to expect any ally of US and one that has not entertained smooth ties with China to suddenly give importance to this offer of Beijing. Nevertheless, there is no denying Trump’s trade-war has cautioned them all of the risk of being too dependent on US. Prospects of their gradually giving greater importance to moving beyond the US-camp cannot be side-lined. The 90-day pause initiated by Trump on tariff for most countries except China has certainly given his allies sometime to consider their options and hold talks with US. During this pause until July 9, the baseline tariff remains in place. China has chosen to raise additional tariff on US goods from 84% to 125% in respond to Trump’s decision to impose 145% tariff on some Chinese goods. This is not just a tit-for-tat diplomatic feud taking place between US and China. It’s multi-lateral impact on most countries is too strong to be ignored. The manner in which their economy has been hit, with US itself not being spared, has spelt shocks for their market, loss for investors, consumers and so forth.

Ironically, from one angle, there is nothing surprising or new about economic aggression being engaged in by Trump. Iran, Syria, Libya, Iraq, Russia are among the countries against whom economic sanctions have been imposed by US and its western allies. The difference is that now even US allies face the economic aggression because of Trump’s tariff-war. Where does this place the Arab countries, which seem comfortably placed with their oil wealth? Besides, US is not a key importer of their oil. In addition, the key Gulf countries have alongside their warm times with US, maintained good ties with Russia as well as China. Economically as well as diplomatically, they don’t appear to be caught in as frustrating situation as are other countries.

Paradoxically, on one hand, while Trump has gone overboard against China in the trade-war, on the other hand, as comments from White House suggest, he is “optimistic” about a “deal” with China (April 11, 2025). “The president,” according to White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt, “would be gracious if China intends to make a deal. If China continues to retaliate, it’s not good for China.” It is possible, Trump did not expect China to retaliate as it has by raising duties on US goods. Now, he is considering options of a “deal” with China. But as apparent, China is not taking him seriously nor does it give the impression of it being keen for any deal with US. Rather, China is exploring opportunities of attracting US allies to its side. In addition, Trump probably expects China to pay instant heed to his comments, prospects of which may be viewed as limited. In other words, chances of Chinese President Xi Jinping taking the initiative to hold talks with Trump regarding the “deal,” the latter has suggested, may be viewed as fairly remote. This is also marked by Chinese comments on it not backtracking in tariff-war with US but if these “infringe” on China’s interests in a “substantial way,” China will take “countermeasures” and “fight to the end.”

The impact of Chinese retaliation on US stocks is reported to be “worst” since the “Covid-crash.” Incidentally, China was Trump’s primary target during the Covid-phase and so it is in his tariff-war. China prefers facing Trump’s “war” without yielding to what has been described by China as his “bullying.” Given that this is Trump’s second term in office, he has limited time. But the same cannot be said about Xi, who has time on his side. One thing is clear, just as Covid-phase only had negative impact, this “tariff-war” has no winners, at least, at present!

Nilofar Suhrawardy is a senior journalist and writer with specialization in communication studies and nuclear diplomacy. Her latest book is Modi’s Victory, A Lesson for the Congress…? (2019). Others include:– Arab Spring, Not Just a Mirage! (2019), Image and Substance, Modi’s First Year in Office (2015) and Ayodhya Without the Communal Stamp, In the Name of Indian Secularism (2006).


Is Trump a Neanderthal?

April 17, 2025

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Image by Crawford Jolly.

It may be a politically incorrect to say it, but desperate times require words commensurate with the existential threat of Donald Trump in his 80th day in office.

English is the only language that turned Neanderthals, the long extinct Paleolithic hominin, into an insult and epithet. Since the naming of “Neanderthal Man” after the discovery of a skull cap with protruding brow ridges in Prussia in 1856, the species (or subspecies) has had a bad rap as a foil and lesser doppelganger of Homo sapiens. But it was only in the 1920s that their name became synonymous with archaic, regressive ideas and behaviors. Although the Neanderthal metaphor was widely used to described sports figures (especially boxers), outdated technology, and forms of masculinity threatened by waves of feminist progress, it was especially relevant to politics. Hitler was a Neanderthal, and so was Stalin (recall Arthur Koestler’s denunciation of the “Neanderthal mind.”) Closer to home, after World War II, a string of reactionary, often racists Republican politicians, from Theodore Bilbo to Barry Goldwater to Richard Nixon, earned the epithet that appeared widely and unselfconsciously in newspaper reporting and commentary. It bothered no one to make use of one kind of human to slander another, so long as they were extinct; the progressive Left widely adopted the other N-word to criticize their foes and their ideas, obstacles to equality, liberty, and justice.

Already in 1940, the indefatigable ant-racist anthropologist Ashley Montague denounced the metaphoric use of Neanderthals, and since then, a campaign to rehabilitate them has waxed and waned. By the 1980s, the political insult was in decline when two causes, feminism and environmentalism, gave it new life. By the early twenty-first century, archaeological findings filled the newspapers with claims that “Neanderthals weren’t so dumb” and “Neanderthals were humans, too.” The mapping of the Neanderthal genome in 2010, coupled with the growth of personal DNA ancestry tests, restored Neanderthals to a certain humanity, revealing that we have all have inherited, even African populations, modest amounts of their DNA through millennia of interbreeding. By 2016, in an extension of politically correct politics to the Stone Age, the metaphor had virtually disappeared, at least in print.

Then came Trump, who single handedly restored the use of the insult, and even assured its expansion into languages where “Neanderthal” had hitherto only named an extinct human species. Trump’s sexual politics, revealed in the October 2016 Access Hollywood tape, justified the epithet, but it was not his Neanderthalic remarks about women alone. In his first term, Trump showed his cards as a paleoconservative, or at least a fellow traveler, with his atavistic MAGA nationalism and global isolationism, his faux-Christian ethics, his anti-abortion and LGBTQ proclivities, and his racism. It was these, coupled with his evident stupidity and cluelessness, that earned him the epithet of “Neanderthal” in newspapers from South Africa to Armenia. In the United States, the insult was again receding when, during Covid, Joe Biden (who came of political age when the Neanderthal epithet was common usage) accused Governor Greg Abbot in March 2021 of “Neanderthal thinking” in dropping the mask mandate in Texas. Republicans rose to the defense of the extinct hominin as part of the culture wars. It was Neanderthal’s swan song, at least in print, since major news outlets then distanced themselves from the term, worried about not offending anyone, dead or alive – although the insult continues to resonate on social media platforms.

Here’s a modest proposal: that those among us who oppose Trump, and I suspect we will become a larger and larger group, make use of a word rich in historical and symbolic resonance for the Left. There are few words so evocative of Trump’s stupidity and incompetence, of his war on knowledge institutions from public libraries to museums and research universities, of his racist and sexist attack on DEI, and now of his ignorant engendering of a global economic catastrophe. Trump is truly a Neanderthal, looking backward to a long extinct world of mercantilist protectionism, of white supremacy, and male dominance, while we have all evolved. I know it’s not fair to Neanderthals, but by calling Trump one, we only insult ourselves, since we’re all a little bit Neanderthal – especially those who voted to put him back in office.

Peter Sahlins is Professor of History Emeritus at the University of California, Berkeley, and author of the forthcoming Neanderthals Among Us: A Cultural History (Oneworld, 2026).