Wednesday, March 04, 2026

ICYMI

South Park writer launches ‘DraftBarron’ campaign to send Donald Trump’s son Barron to Iran war

‘South Park’ writer launches ‘DraftBarron’ campaign to send Trump’s son to Iran War
Copyright AP Photo - Canva

By David Mouriquand
Published on 

A satirical website calling for Donald Trump’s youngest son, Barron Trump, 19, to be drafted into the US military has been created, as the US and Israel launched strikes on Iran. The hashtag #SendBarron has been trending on social media.

Operation Epic Fury, which has seen the US and Israel launch extensive airstrikes against Iran, has claimed the lives of six American service members

Donald Trump has been criticised for a perceived lack of concern over the loss of life. During his brief remarks at a Medal of Honor ceremony yesterday, in the wake of the attacks, commentators noted that Trump appeared indifferent towards deaths, preferring to speak about his plans for the new ballroom at the White House.

This has prompted speculation over whether the self-styled “Peace President” would react differently if his own son was deployed.

With this in mind, former South Park writer Toby Morton has launched the satirical – and now viral – website: DraftBarronTrump.com

The site mocks Donald Trump by encouraging him to send his youngest son, Barron, to war. It cites Trump’s “courage” and “proven genes” as arguments for sending his 19-year-old to war - while showing pictures of him napping.

“America is strong because its leaders are strong,” reads the subheading of the website. “President Trump proves that every day. Naturally, his son Barron is more than ready to defend the country his father so boldly commands.”

It concludes: “Service is honor. Strength is inherited. Dog Bless Barron.”

The site, described as “dedicated to honoring the strongest and bravest voices in war”, also features absurdist testimonials, including one by Barron’s brother Donald Trump Jr: “This moment is really about Barron, okay? Always has been. He represents strength, courage, and service. I’ll be honoring that sacrifice in my own way, mainly by talking about it from a safe distance.”

Another is signed Eric Trump: “People always say I’m stupid, which is totally unfair, because I understand a lot about pancakes. Pancakes are complex. You’ve got batter, heat, timing. If you rush it, you ruin everything. I think about pancakes a lot. Mostly pancakes.”

Barron Trump AP Photo

Morton, who has achieved notoriety for buying up website names and creating satirical sites, has promoted the website on social media, along with another site: ResignChuck.com, which calls for the resignation of Democratic party leader Chuck Schumer for his alleged lack of opposition to Trump’s actions.

The launch of DraftBarronTrump.com has led to the trending hashtag #SendBarron, with thousands of social media users demanding that Barron be called up to serve alongside the soldiers his father has sent into battle.

Check out some of the reactions below:

Many are also leaning into the sore spot that is military service for the Trump family.

Donald Trump famously used a bone spur diagnosis to avoid the Vietnam draft.

Dr. Elysa Braunstein and Sharon Kessel, the daughters of Queens podiatrist Dr. Larry Braunstein who signed the original bone spur diagnosis, told The New York Times that it was a “favour” from their father to Trump’s father, Fred Trump - who was Braunstein's landlord.

Battlefield for Barron?

Probably not. However, Barron’s reason for avoiding basic training may be more legitimate than his father’s.

Barron is 6’9’’ (2m05), which is above the maximum height limit for most branches of the military, which cap enlistment height at 6’8’’ (2m03).

South Africa Deputy President Launches R100m Wits Hydrogen Facility

















South Africa's Deputy President Paul Mashatile

Photo Credit: SA News

February 28, 2026 
By SA News

Deputy President Paul Mashatile says South Africa’s green hydrogen ambitions must anchor a new era of reindustrialisation, urging the country to “build what we use and innovate what we export”

This as he launched the R100 million Wits Strategic Hydrogen Localisation Investment Facility (Wits-SAHLI) on Friday.

Speaking at the University of the Witwatersrand’s West Campus, Deputy President Mashatile positioned the hydrogen initiative as more than a research milestone – but a national turning point in rebuilding domestic manufacturing capacity and reclaiming lost industrial ground.

“This moment marks not only the beginning of a ground-breaking project, but also the start of a shared national endeavour: to build a new industrial capability that drives innovation, creates quality jobs, and contributes to a just, inclusive, and sustainable economy,” he said.

The Wits-SAHLI initiative is a partnership between Air Liquide South Africa, Wits University and the Localisation Support Fund, and forms part of South Africa’s broader Hydrogen Society Roadmap.

From improvised classrooms to world-class laboratories

In a personal reflection, the Deputy President contrasted the modern hydrogen facility with his own school days, when science lessons were conducted in under-resourced classrooms with improvised equipment.

“Our ‘science laboratory’ was nothing more than an ordinary classroom with a cracked chalkboard and wobbly desks…What we had was imagination,” he recalled.

He said facilities such as Wits-SAHLI symbolise how far the country has come and how far it must still go to ensure young South Africans inherit not limitations, but opportunity.

“They close the gap between potential and possibility,” the Deputy President said, adding that the hydrogen plant would serve as both a technical asset and a training ground for the next generation of engineers, scientists and entrepreneurs.

Hydrogen as a reindustrialisation lever

Equipped with a 110 kilowatt electrolyser, 200 kilogram hydrogen storage capacity and a 200 kilowatt clean power output system, the modular pilot plant is designed to bridge the gap between laboratory-scale research and industrial implementation.

Deputy President Mashatile framed localisation as the central pillar of the project, arguing that South Africa cannot afford to remain dependent on imported technologies, particularly in emerging sectors such as green hydrogen.

“Localisation generates jobs, enhances skill sets and supports small businesses. By reducing dependency on external supply chains, it empowers local researchers and industries to innovate,” he said.

He pointed to the steady decline in manufacturing from more than 22% of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in the early 1990s to about 12–13% today and falling employment in the sector as evidence of the urgency to act.

“Behind every percentage point lost are thousands of vanished opportunities,” he warned.

Initiatives such as Wits-SAHLI, he said, are central to reversing that decline by deepening local value chains, developing supplier ecosystems for SMMEs and ensuring that intellectual property and technical expertise remain within South Africa’s borders.

Anchoring the energy transition

The Deputy President acknowledged the role of Electricity and Energy Minister Kgosientsho Ramokgopa in strengthening policy certainty and positioning green hydrogen within the country’s broader energy transition strategy.

He emphasised that hydrogen development must not occur in isolation, but as part of an integrated national energy plan that includes grid expansion, renewable energy integration and industrial reform.

Academia the backbone of the hydrogen economy

Higher Education and Training Minister Buti Manamela joined the launch, with the Deputy President underscoring the importance of universities in building the skills pipeline required to scale the hydrogen economy from pilot phase to commercial viability.

“Universities and research facilities are the backbone of this initiative. The hydrogen economy will require new thinkers, new problem solvers, new technicians, new researchers and new entrepreneurs,” he said.

By 2028, when the facility is expected to be fully operational, the partnership aims to have cultivated a vibrant ecosystem of locally manufactured hydrogen components, strengthened enterprise development pathways and enhanced South Africa’s competitiveness in global green markets.

In closing, Mashatile described the launch as the foundation of a new chapter in South Africa’s industrial and energy landscape.


SA News
Government Communication and Information System (GCIS) established the SA Government News Agency to enable all media locally and abroad to have easy and fast access to fresh government information, news and current affairs at no cost.
Stress-Testing The Cascadia Subduction Zone Reveals Variability That Could Impact How Earthquakes Spread


This map models locking at the Cascadia Subduction Zone, with red showing where the plates are tightly locked and orange/yellow indicating less locking. The study sites are marked with small red squares and the small blue lines along the edge depict other faults, the proposed fluid conduits in this study. The cross section shows fluid migration in more detail. 
CREDIT: Science Advances/Kidiwela et al.

By Eurasia Review


The Cascadia Subduction Zone is unusually quiet for a megathrust fault. Spanning more than 600 miles from Canada to California, the fault marks the convergence of the Juan de Fuca and North American plates. While other subduction zones produce sporadic rumblings as the plates scrape past each other, Cascadia shows very little seismic activity, fueling assumptions that the plates are locked together by friction.

The subduction zone — miles offshore and deep underwater — is difficult to observe. Most data collection is based onshore, which limits the breadth and quality of results. The lack of earthquakes further complicates efforts to understand its behavior and structure.

In a new study, the first to monitor strain offshore over an extended period of time, University of Washington researchers report that the plates may not be fully locked. Based on 13 years of ground motion data from sensors in different regions, the study shows the northern portion of the fault is locked and quiet, but the central region appears to be more active. There, researchers observed signs of a shallow, slow-motion earthquake and detected pulses of fluid flowing through subterranean channels, which may relieve pressure from the fault.

The findings, published in Science Advances, may alter expectations of how this area will respond to a large earthquake. Similar features in other places have stopped a rupture that might have otherwise continued along the entire fault line.

“It’s preliminary, but we think that variable fluid pathways in Cascadia will change the behavior of large earthquakes on the fault,” said co-author Marine Denolle, a UW associate professor of Earth and space science.


The Juan de Fuca plate is advancing toward the North American plate at a rate of approximately 4 centimeters a year. But because the plates are stuck together, that motion generates pressure. Eventually, the tension building at the boundary will exceed what the plates can tolerate. When they eventually slip free, an earthquake will spread along the boundary.

Megathrust earthquakes, which occur at boundaries where one plate slides beneath another, rock the Pacific Northwest every 500 or so years. Researchers dated the last one to 1700, and estimates suggest a 10 to 15% chance that the entire fault will rupture, producing an earthquake that could exceed magnitude 9, within the next fifty years. The results from this study do not alter those odds, but the dynamics captured might influence the severity of the eventual earthquake.

A recent survey of the seafloor found that the fault can be separated into at least four geologically distinct segments. Each one may be insulated from a rupture in another region. In this study, the researchers took a closer look at two of the regions by analyzing data from three monitoring stations, one near Vancouver Island and two off the coast of Oregon.


“We wanted to understand strain changes in different regions offshore,” said lead author Maleen Kidiwela, a UW doctoral student of oceanography. “We used the seismometers to measure how the seismic velocity varies underneath each station.”

Seismic velocity is a term used to describe the rate at which ambient noise travels through a material. Because the speed of sound depends on what it is moving through, tracking seismic velocity can give researchers a window into processes occurring beneath the ocean floor.

“When you compact something, you can expect the sound waves to move through it faster,” said Kidiwela.

The steady increase in seismic velocity observed at the northern site told the researchers the rock was compacting, which supports the theory that the two plates are locked in place.

The central region displayed a different pattern. For two months in 2016, seismic velocity decreased. The researchers attribute this drop to a slow-motion earthquake on the shallow edge of the oceanic plate that relieved some of the pressure at the fault.

Other drops in seismic velocity, recorded between 2017 and 2022, were linked to fluid dynamics. Subduction squeezes liquid out of rocks and pushes it toward the surface. The study found that other faults, running perpendicular to the subduction zone, may act as pathways for letting trapped fluid out.

“During a megathrust rupture, one of the ways that an earthquake propagates is through fluid pressure. If you have a way to release these fluids, it could help improve the stability of the fault, and potentially impact how the region behaves during a large earthquake,” Kidiwela said.


Pulling data from just three sites, the researchers observed complex dynamics that may have gone overlooked. Future work will greatly expand this effort. UW researchers received $10.6 million in 2023 to build an underwater observatory in the Cascadia Subduction Zone.

“Finding this link between fluids coming to the shallow subduction zone is pretty unique, as is the evidence that the fault is not completely locked,” said co-author William Wilcock, a UW professor of oceanography and one of the scientists involved with the observatory. “It suggests that we need more instruments there, because there may be more going on than people have been able to figure out before.”
Mountain Soils In Arid Regions May Emit More Greenhouse Gas As Climate Shifts


Soil N2O, Nitrous oxide, emission along an elevation gradient in the arid zone of Xinjiang, Northwestern China 

CREDIT Zhixi Wu, Lifang Wu, Dingxi Chen, Zetong Niu, Tonghui Yang, Hong Mao, Muhammad Junaid Nazir & Longfei Yu


February 28, 2026 
By Eurasia Review


A new field study from northwestern China reveals that climate-driven changes in temperature and moisture could significantly reshape nitrous oxide emissions from soils in arid mountain ecosystems, with important implications for future climate feedbacks.

Nitrous oxide is a powerful greenhouse gas that traps nearly 300 times more heat than carbon dioxide over a century. Although drylands cover roughly 40 percent of the Earth’s land surface, their contribution to global nitrous oxide emissions has been poorly understood. The new research helps fill this gap by examining how soil emissions vary across elevation and land-use types in the Xinjiang region of China.


Researchers conducted field measurements across forests, grasslands, croplands, and barren lands along an elevation gradient spanning more than 2,500 meters in the Tianshan Mountains. By combining gas flux measurements with soil chemistry and microbial analyses, the team was able to identify both environmental and biological factors controlling emissions.

The results show that managed cropland soils produced by far the highest nitrous oxide emissions, largely due to irrigation, fertilization, and favorable soil moisture conditions. In contrast, emissions from natural ecosystems were much lower overall, but their response to elevation differed sharply between vegetation types.

Grassland soils showed a clear increase in emissions with elevation. As altitude rose, soils became cooler but also wetter, conditions that promoted microbial processes responsible for producing nitrous oxide. At the highest sites, emissions were several times greater than those observed at lower elevations.


“Elevation acts as a natural climate experiment,” the study’s corresponding author explained. “It allows us to see how warming and changing rainfall patterns may reshape soil greenhouse gas emissions in the future.”

Forest soils behaved in the opposite way. Emissions were highest at lower elevations and declined sharply higher up the mountain. The researchers found that temperature played a stronger role than moisture in forests, with colder conditions at higher elevations limiting microbial activity that produces nitrous oxide.

The study also showed that different microbial communities drive these contrasting patterns. In grasslands, microorganisms involved in denitrification became more active in wetter soils, boosting emissions. In forests, the abundance of key microbial groups declined with cooler temperatures, helping suppress nitrous oxide release.

Together, the findings suggest that climate change could shift the balance of greenhouse gas emissions across ecosystems in arid mountain regions. Warmer and wetter conditions may transform some natural grasslands into more significant sources of nitrous oxide, while land management practices will continue to dominate emissions from agricultural soils.

“Our work highlights that both climate sensitivity and human management must be considered together when predicting greenhouse gas emissions from dryland regions,” the author said. “Ignoring either factor could lead to serious underestimation of future climate feedbacks.”

Because arid and semi-arid regions occupy such a large portion of the planet, improved understanding of their soil emissions is essential for refining global greenhouse gas budgets and climate projections.

The researchers conclude that long-term monitoring across environmental gradients will be critical for predicting how dryland ecosystems respond to ongoing climate change, and for developing land-use strategies that minimize greenhouse gas emissions while sustaining productivity.
Snow? Increasingly ‘No,’ According To New Research


March 4, 2026 
By Eurasia Review


Faculty at Mississippi State University are continuing groundbreaking work at the intersection of mathematics, statistics and climate science with the publication of a new peer-reviewed study examining regional snow cover trends across the Northern Hemisphere. The results suggest shrinking snow coverage as well as seasonal shifts for when the wintry layer comes and goes.

The study, “Regional Analysis of Snow Presence Trends in the Northern Hemisphere,” was published in January in the Journal of Hydrometeorology, a leading publication of the American Meteorological Society.

Led by Jonathan Woody, associate professor in MSU’s Department of Mathematics and Statistics, and Jamie Dyer, dean of the College of Integrative Studies and professor of meteorology and climatology in the Department of Geosciences, the researchers examined satellite data to determine whether snow cover across the Northern Hemisphere is increasing or decreasing, and where those changes are occurring. After removing unreliable data, they found that significantly more areas are losing snow cover than gaining it.

The research builds on the team’s widely cited 2023 study that introduced a statistical framework for evaluating long-term snow cover trends.

“We studied a new high-resolution Rutgers University Global Snow Lab Northern Hemisphere Weekly Snow Cover Extent Data Record. Using a two-state Markov chain model with periodic dynamics to analyze snow cover across the Northern Hemisphere, we can see how trends vary both geographically and seasonally,” Woody said.


Dyer emphasized the importance of interdisciplinary collaboration in producing robust climate science.

“Climate datasets are inherently complex,” Dyer said. “By combining statistical expertise with climate science expertise, we ensure that trends are not artifacts of data bias or methodology.”

The 2026 research co-authors include JiaJie Kong of the University of California at Berkeley and Penelope Prochnow, a recent MSU graduate with a bachelor’s degree in Data Science from MSU’s Data Science Academic Institute who contributed substantially to the research and now works as a data scientist in Huntsville, Alabama.

The team’s research reveals about 24% of regions analyzed show declines in snow covered area compared to about 9% showing increases, with a noticeable seasonal shift. While observed snow cover has slightly increased in late summer and early fall in some areas, it is clearly declining beginning in March, suggesting earlier spring melt. The strongest overall declines occur in Europe and central Asia, while parts of central Canada and the northern Great Plains show increases. Additionally, the southern edge of seasonal snow cover is retreating in many areas, indicating a general shift toward less persistent snow across much of the hemisphere.

In 2023, Woody and Dyer published research in the Journal of Hydrometeorology that was described as the first statistically rigorous, hemispheric-scale assessment of snow presence trends using satellite data collected between 1967 and 2021 and gridded by the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration.
Urban Trees Can Absorb More CO₂ Than Cars Emit During Summer

March 4, 2026 
By Eurasia Review


According to the model, among all vegetation types, urban trees make the greatest contribution to offsetting carbon dioxide emissions in cities. On some summer days, their absorption can cover the emissions from Munich’s urban traffic and even exceed them at times. Because soil respiration exceeds photosynthesis, grassy areas release more carbon dioxide than they bind and are therefore considered a source of CO₂ on an annual basis. Jia Chen, professor of environmental sensing and modeling, and her doctoral student Junwei Li conducted biospheric field measurements in urban parks from April 2024 to February 2025, to validate their model results.

Trees as CO₂ sinks, grasslands as net sources

Previous biogenic flux models are mostly based on satellite data with a resolution of around 500 meters. This means that smaller green spaces or individual trees in the city can hardly be detected, and the actual vegetation area is significantly underestimated. Researchers at TUM have developed a model that depicts CO₂ flows in urban areas with a resolution of ten meters, enabling it to map urban vegetation more accurately than previous models. In the future, the methods, which were deployed in Munich and Zurich, will be applied to other cities.

“The current study shows that the urban vegetation landscape is very heterogeneous. Our high-resolution analysis reveals which areas actually have an impact on the climate,” says Jia Chen, professor at the TUM School of Computation, Information and Technology. “Of course, the results must be viewed in an overall context. Green spaces offer additional advantages over sealed surfaces. Among other things, they lower the temperature in the city in summer, serve as infiltration areas, and improve the quality of life.”

The research results were produced in collaboration with the University of Basel, EMPA, and DLR, with support from the EU project “ICOS Cities.”
We May Be Underestimating The True Carbon Cost Of Northern Wildfires



A controlled burn executed by the group Life2Taiga in 2024 in a boreal forest in SmÃ¥land, Sweden. 
CREDIT: Johan Eckdahl/UC Berkeley


February 28, 2026 
By Eurasia Review


Wildfires in the northern boreal forests of Alaska, Canada, Scandinavia and Russia may be more damaging to the climate than previously thought, a new UC Berkeley-led study suggests.

That’s because these fires don’t just burn through trees; they can also penetrate deep into the carbon-rich layers of soil underneath many boreal forests, releasing carbon that has been accumulating for hundreds or even thousands of years. These carbon-rich soils, also known as peat, are primarily found in the far north, where the cold, wet climate prevents vegetation from fully decomposing and leads to a buildup of partially decayed organic matter over time.

The study found that major models of wildfire carbon emissions — which are largely based on data from fires at lower latitudes, and use satellite images of visible flames to guide their estimates — are not properly accounting for the impact of fire on these underground carbon stores.

“Many of the fires that matter most for the climate don’t look dramatic from space,” said study lead author Johan Eckdahl, a postdoctoral scholar in Berkeley’s Energy and Resources Group. “Peatlands and organic soils can smolder for weeks to years, releasing enormous amounts of ancient carbon.”

In the study, published today in the journal Science Advances, Eckdahl and his co-authors reconstructed the carbon emissions from 324 wildfires that burned in Sweden in 2018. By combining detailed national forest datasets with field measurements, they were able to create a high-resolution “map” of wildfire emissions, showing how variations in local climate and ground conditions can impact the amount of carbon that is stored in a forest and released by wildfire.


When they compared their detailed reconstructions with six of the most widely used global fire emissions models, the researchers found striking inaccuracies. Some regions showed large overestimates, while emissions from deep belowground carbon stores were dramatically underestimated.

For example, the models overestimated carbon emissions in the county of Gävleborg, a region that experienced large, high-intensity wildfires in drier forests that were clearly visible by satellite.

However, in the neighboring county of Dalarna, where low-intensity fires that were less noticeable by satellite burned into thick soil layers, the models underestimated carbon emissions by up to a factor of 14.

“Sweden is a very large country, but it’s quite small compared to Siberia and Canada,” Eckdahl said. “We may be severely underestimating the impact of the recent extreme fire seasons in these regions.”

To measure the impact of wildfire on soil carbon, the team collected data at 50 of the sites that burned in 2018, 19 from high-intensity fires and 31 from low-intensity fires. At each site, they measured the depth of the organic-rich soil layer — which can vary from a few inches to many feet — and collected soil samples. By comparing the carbon content of the burned soil with soil from unburned forest land, they could calculate the amount of carbon released by the fire.

“Once you’re out there, it’s a simple task — just dig some holes — but the hard part is getting to the sites,” Eckdahl said. “Sweden has a good network of forest roads, but in Siberia, I hear it’s a real trek, which is one reason why we’re severely missing measurements from that region.”

As part of the Western Fire & Forest Collaborative, Eckdahl is now working with colleagues at UC Berkeley and across the nation to adapt these approaches to fire-prone forests in the Western U.S. While these forests may not have the same carbon-rich soil layers as boreal forests of the far north, there are still a variety of factors — including the local climate, the types of trees and vegetation present and the soil quality — that can have a dramatic impact on the wildfire emissions. Eckdahl’s focus will be on studying bacteria and fungi in the soil, and how they can help a forest recover after a wildfire.


“Forests in the Lower 48 and those far up north may look very different, but they share the common currency of carbon,” said Eckdahl. “By improving our understanding of how this element flows between the land and the atmosphere, we can better anticipate the impact of future fire regimes in a warming world and design smarter strategies to reduce climate risks on society.”

Lars Nieradzik of Lund University and Louise Rütting of the Brandenburg University of Technology are co-authors of the paper.
2026 In Focus: Five Neuralgic Points Of Global Uncertainty – Analysis



IFIMES
By Dejan Azeski
February 28, 2026 


If anyone thought that 2020 or 2022 marked the peak of global chaos, 2026 suggests that such assumptions may have fallen short. This year is taking shape as a period of exceptional turbulence, fuelled not only by the bombastic rhetoric of world leaders but also by the tangible force of their actions. Five key “neuralgic points” of global uncertainty – the status of Greenland, Iran’s internal and external dynamics, Hungary’s parliamentary elections, the spillover of the Venezuelan crisis towards Cuba, and the prospective formation of an “Islamic NATO” – herald what may become the most complex and unpredictable period of the modern world.

The abduction of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, violent protests in Iran, increasingly serious plans for the annexation of Greenland, and threats against Cuba – these are but a few of the explosive events that have marked the very start of 2026. If the opening weeks are anything to go by, this year indeed holds promise, albeit in a deeply unsettling sense.

After everything we have witnessed over the past five years, there was hope that the coming period might restore at least a semblance of reason. However, the opposite appears more likely: we stand on the threshold of a year defined by unprecedented transformations and political theatre unlike any our generation has ever seen.

The US military rebuffs Trump’s Greenland push, but the plan remains on the table

Recent reports from the United States suggest that Donald Trump has instructed special forces commanders to draft a plan for an invasion of Greenland. Yet, senior military officials are, for the time being, strongly opposed to the idea.


Sources claim that “hawks” within the president’s security circle, led by political adviser Stephen Miller, have been emboldened by the purported success of the operation that led to the arrest of Venezuelan leader Nicolás Maduro. Their objective is to secure US control over Greenland as soon as possible, before Russia or China makes a strategic move of its own in the Arctic.

British diplomats believe that Trump is additionally motivated by domestic political considerations, namely a desire to divert public attention away from economic woes ahead of the midterm elections later this year, in which Republicans risk losing control of Congress.

The same sources indicate that Trump requested that the Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) prepare an invasion plan, but the Joint Chiefs of Staff declined, deeming such an operation illegal and politically untenable without congressional backing. In its place, less controversial options were put forward, such as intercepting Russian “ghost ships” – a clandestine fleet allegedly used by Moscow to evade sanctions – or even limited military operations against Iran.


Diplomatic sources also refer to the existence of a so-called “escalation scenario”, whereby Trump could resort to military force or political coercion to sever Greenland’s institutional ties with Denmark. One diplomatic cable characterised it as “the worst-case scenario”, warning that it could result in the “disintegration of NATO from within”.

Some European officials go even further, arguing that the destabilisation of NATO is precisely one of the objectives of the hardline MAGA faction surrounding Trump. Given that Congress would in all likelihood refuse to authorise a formal US withdrawal from NATO, the occupation of Greenland could compel European member states to leave the Alliance of their own accord, effectively bringing it to an end.

At the same time, several European states have deployed troops to Greenland under a NATO mission, both to reinforce security in the Arctic and to deter any potential unilateral action by Washington.

For the first time in over two centuries, the United States finds itself in open strategic disagreement with the United Kingdom and France – a grave precedent in modern transatlantic history.

Iran: between mounting domestic destabilisation and external confrontation

The wave of protests that engulfed Iran at the end of last year and continued throughout 2026 represents the most formidable test of the Islamic Republic’s stability in recent decades. Although the demonstrations have not resulted in a political breakthrough, they have laid bare profound structural frailties of the Iranian system – economic, social, and legitimacy-based.


The economic factor remains the key driver of discontent. Prolonged international sanctions, the depreciation of the Iranian rial, rampant inflation and chronically high youth unemployment have created an explosive social mix. However, the protests rapidly assumed an overtly political character, as reflected in slogans directed against Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and in the symbolic rehabilitation of the monarchist narrative (“Long live the Shah”). Such rhetoric suggests that part of Iranian society is no longer seeking partial reforms within the existing system, but rather its fundamental transformation.

The bellicose rhetoric of US President Donald Trump regarding a “readiness to help” the demonstrators must be understood within the wider framework of US strategy towards Iran. Washington combines a normative discourse on human rights with a classic policy of deterrence and pressure. Threats of military intervention function primarily as strategic signals – to Tehran, but also to regional partners such as Israel, Saudi Arabia and the UAE – confirming that the American security architecture remains active.

Nevertheless, a direct military intervention would entail enormous risks: the destabilisation of the Strait of Hormuz, escalation through Hezbollah and Shiite militias in Iraq and Syria, and a potentially broader conflict with Russia and China, which view Iran as a pivotal element of the emerging multipolar order.

The Iranian authorities interpret the protests as part of a long-standing Western strategy of “soft subversion”– a narrative that has served as a central pillar of the regime’s legitimacy since 1979. The introduction of communication blackouts and the brutal repression of demonstrations indicate that Tehran does not see the protests as a social phenomenon, but rather as an existential threat to the regime.

At the same time, Iran is striving to consolidate its relations with Moscow and Beijing, positioning itself as a cornerstone of the anti-Western axis, particularly in the context of the war in Ukraine, the crisis in the Middle East, and the intensification of global major-power competition.

The European Union has condemned the repression and voiced support for the demonstrators, but it remains constrained in its ability to project strategic power. EU policy towards Iran balances normative discourse (human rights, democracy) and pragmatic interests (the nuclear agreement, energy, migration), thereby limiting its effective influence on the ground.

Iran today stands at a strategic crossroads: public discontent is growing, yet the regime continues to command robust repressive and ideological instruments of control. Meanwhile, escalating US rhetoric heightens the risk of inadvertent confrontation within an already fractured Middle Eastern security landscape.


The protests in Iran are, therefore, not merely an internal matter – they form part of a broader global rivalry among major powers, in which Iran represents a crucial geopolitical node between the West, Russia and China.

Parliamentary elections in Hungary: a turning point for Central Europe’s geopolitical course

One of the defining political questions in Europe this spring is whether Hungary will see a change in government. The forthcoming parliamentary elections are not relevant solely for Budapest; they carry wider geopolitical implications for Central and Eastern Europe, particularly in light of Hungary’s strategic role as Ukraine’s western neighbour and, at the same time, an internal “dissenter” within the European Union.

According to the latest polls, the opposition currently holds an advantage, yet long-serving Prime Minister Viktor Orbán still holds substantial political, institutional and media leverage. After nearly fifteen years of uninterrupted Fidesz rule, a dip in approval ratings is to be expected. However, the central question remains: is there an opposition capable of capitalising on voter dissatisfaction and offering a credible alternative to the existing illiberal model of governance?

Opposition leader Péter Magyar has accused former European Commissioner Olivér Várhelyi of failing to “disclose the full truth” regarding an alleged Hungarian espionage affair that has for months eroded Orbán’s political legitimacy. According to his claims, Hungarian intelligence operatives, posing as diplomats, attempted to recruit staff within EU institutions, while Várhelyi reportedly concealed key information from his tenure as Hungary’s ambassador to the EU.

Magyar further accused Minister János Lázár of supervising the deployment of intelligence operatives in Brussels during his time in office, which the opposition cites as evidence of the systemic politicisation and instrumentalisation of state institutions in the interests of the ruling elite.

Orbán, however, is far from a passive political actor. Historian Anne Applebaum links him to ideological circles close to the American MAGA movement, arguing that he has developed an illiberal model of governance that formally relies on democratic institutions while fundamentally transforming their normative and functional substance. Against this backdrop, Orbán has strategically reframed the elections as a referendum on support for Ukraine and its potential EU membership, thereby mobilising a nationalist voter base and shifting the focus away from domestic scandals towards issues of sovereignty, identity and war.

The outcome of the elections remains uncertain. Orbán still retains the ability to adjust electoral legislation and institutional procedures, while opposition actors may face administrative marginalisation or disqualification. Consequently, Hungary’s electoral process is increasingly viewed as a test of the resilience of democratic institutions within the EU.

An added paradox is that Péter Magyar was once a close ally of Orbán, while his former wife, Judit Varga, was one of the key figures in Fidesz and served as Minister of Justice. Magyar maintains that he left Fidesz due to the party’s departure from its pro-European orientation; his detractors, however, portray his political realignment as driven by personal ambition and opportunistic repositioning.

The election campaign has been further encumbered by serious personal allegations. Judit Varga publicly accused Magyar of domestic violence and blackmail, branding him a traitor. Her statements, made following a court hearing in Budapest, triggered profound public polarisation and galvanised pro-government media outlets against the opposition leader. Magyar denied the accusations, describing them as a politically motivated smear campaign, and released audio recordings that allegedly point to political pressure on the judiciary, further reinforcing perceptions of institutional corruption and the erosion of the rule of law.

The Hungarian elections thus represent more than a national political contest: they serve as an indicator of Central Europe’s future geopolitical direction, its stance towards Ukraine and Russia, and the internal cohesion of the European Union in confronting growing trends of illiberal democracy.


Broader political context: a crisis of legitimacy and fragmentation of the political elite


The divorce between Judit Varga and Péter Magyar in 2023, coupled with the subsequent scandal surrounding an amnesty in a paedophilia case, has severely undermined the credibility of the Orbán government and accelerated the process of fragmentation within the ruling elite. These developments created space for a new political dynamic, in which Magyar capitalised on the institutional and societal vacuum to establish the opposition Tisza party. According to current polls, Tisza holds the lead ahead of the fateful parliamentary elections scheduled for April.

A potential change of government in Hungary would carry broader geopolitical implications far beyond national borders. Orbán’s downfall could weaken the illiberal bloc within the European Union and redefine Budapest’s relations with Ukraine, Russia and its transatlantic partners. Conversely, his political survival would further consolidate the populist axis in Europe, deepening ideological and political rifts across both the EU and NATO.

Regional danger: Venezuela’s crisis spills over into Cuba

US President Donald Trump delivered a stark warning to the Cuban authorities, urging them to strike a deal with Washington. “There will be no more oil or money going to Cuba – zero! I strongly suggest they make a deal before it is too late,” Trump wrote on the platform Truth Social.

Trump noted that for decades, Cuba had survived on vast quantities of oil and financial aid from Venezuela in exchange for “security services” provided to the regime. “Most of those Cubans are dead from last week’s US operation, and Venezuela no longer needs the protection of thugs and blackmailers who held the people hostage,” the American president added.

He further emphasised that Venezuela can now count on the support of the United States – “the most powerful military in the world” – and that Washington stands ready to preserve regional stability. He reiterated that oil and money from Venezuela would cease to flow to Cuba, calling on the authorities in Havana to find a swift solution.

Venezuela, long Cuba’s primary oil supplier, has come under renewed pressure following the arrest of President Nicolás Maduro by US forces. Trump has reportedly requested that interim President Delcy Rodríguez redirect Venezuelan oil to the United States, a move that would deprive Cuba of a vital energy and financial lifeline.

Global media outlets cite US intelligence assessments warning of severe problems within the Cuban economy. According to information from multiple sources, key sectors, such as agriculture and tourism, are burdened by frequent power outages, trade sanctions, and other economic challenges. The potential loss of oil and financial support from Venezuela could further destabilise the Cuban administration, which has ruled the island since Fidel Castro’s 1959 revolution.

This situation illustrates how regional political upheavals in Venezuela directly affect Cuba’s strategic and economic position, rendering the island vulnerable to geopolitical pressures and evolving power dynamics in Latin America.

Turkey joins the alliance of Saudi Arabia and Pakistan – is an Islamic NATO taking shape?

Turkey is preparing to join a defence alliance between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, whose principle of collective defence stipulates that any act of aggression against one member shall be treated as an attack on all. According to sources familiar with the negotiations, the creation of this so-called “Islamic NATO” is at an advanced stage, with an agreement expected to be reached imminently.

Geopolitical realignment in the Middle East and South Asia

The anticipated expansion of the defence alliance could lead to a significant shift in the regional balance of power. It bears recalling that the Saudi-Pakistani pact, signed in September last year, includes a collective defence clause reminiscent of Article 5 of NATO – an alliance of which Turkey is a member and which commands one of the world’s largest military forces.

Sources indicate that the interests of Turkey, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan are increasingly converging across the Middle East, South Asia and parts of Africa. Ankara views the alliance as an instrument for strengthening its own security and deterrence, particularly amid growing uncertainty over the commitment of the United States and NATO under Donald Trump’s administration.

Analysts assess that Saudi Arabia would contribute financial power, nuclear capabilities, ballistic missiles and manpower to the alliance, while Turkey would bring military experience, a developed defence industry and geopolitical influence in the region. Pakistan, for its part, would offer strategic connectivity in South Asia and a long-standing tradition of military cooperation with both countries.

Turkey’s accession to the alliance would signal a new phase in relations between Ankara and Riyadh, following years of tension. In recent years, the two countries have intensified economic and military cooperation, including a recent joint naval meeting held in Ankara.

Turkey and Pakistan share a decades-long military partnership encompassing F-16 upgrades, drone technology transfers and joint exercises. Turkey’s entry into the alliance could further consolidate this trilateral bloc, creating a regional counterbalance to traditional Western influence and potentially redefining the geopolitical dynamics of the Middle East, South Asia and North Africa.


IFIMES – International Institute for Middle-East and Balkan studies, based in Ljubljana, Slovenia, has special consultative status with the Economic and Social Council ECOSOC/UN since 2018. IFIMES is also the publisher of the biannual international scientific journal European Perspectives. IFIMES gathers and selects various information and sources on key conflict areas in the world. The Institute analyses mutual relations among parties with an aim to promote the importance of reconciliation, early prevention/preventive diplomacy and disarmament/ confidence building measures in the regional or global conflict resolution of the existing conflicts and the role of preventive actions against new global disputes.
Fears Grow For Ordinary Afghans After Further Clashes With Pakistan



February 28, 2026


Reports on Friday that major cities in Afghanistan have been bombed by the Pakistan military in a new escalation between the two countries have raised fears for civilians already struggling under the harsh rule of the de facto Taliban authorities.

The UN Secretary-General António Guterres said he was “deeply concerned by the escalation…and the impact that violence is having on civilian populations.”

He called for an immediate cessation of hostilities and reiterated his call for the two countries to “resolve any differences through diplomacy.”

Echoing that call for dialogue between Kabul and Islamabad, top Human Rights Council independent expert on Afghanistan, Richard Bennett, said that growing tensions between the two countries have increased the difficulties and dangers for Afghans forced to return to their country.
Fearful future

“I was recently in Pakistan, I spoke to Afghans there, who are extremely fearful of their futures,” he said.


“They believe that returning to Afghanistan will not only be a life in poverty, but for certain groups, human rights defenders, journalists, members of security, for previous government security forces, they run a real risk of violent retaliatory attacks. And we have been seeing an uptick in those in recent months.”

The independent Special Rapporteur on Afghanistan, who does not work for the UN and is not paid for his work, called for “cool heads” amid rising regional and geopolitical tensions, underlining hopes that “third parties will be listened to”.

In recent years, Afghanistan has seen huge numbers of nationals – estimated at 2.7 million in 2025 – return from neighbouring countries including Pakistan, whose jets reportedly struck major cities including Kabul and Kandahar overnight into Friday.

Pakistan’s defence minister said on Friday that his nation was embroiled now in “open war” with Afghanistan. There have been months of sporadic clashes across the border – despite a ceasefire being declared last October.
Humanitarian hardship

The dramatic escalation will increase hardships for the people of Afghanistan, Mr. Bennett noted, as he stressed the disastrous humanitarian conditions confronting them, linked to the Taliban’s return to power in August 2021.

Healthcare is just one area of daily life deeply and negatively impacted by the de facto authorities, whose decrees purportedly aimed at promoting virtue and tackling vice have been widely condemned outside the country as a form of gender apartheid severely impacting women and girls.

“In large parts of the country, medical treatment is segregated, so women must be treated by other women, and men by men,” Mr. Bennett explained. “There’s overall a reduction in medical workers, not just doctors; we’re talking midwives, nurses, the whole health worker system.”


Although there is some evidence that the Taliban’s restrictive decrees on health care are not implemented as strictly everywhere, “it’s not just the treatment, it’s getting to the treatment [that] is problematic; there’s such restrictions on freedom of movement”, Mr. Bennett explained.

Afghanistan’s health system was already fragile before the Taliban overran Kabul after decades of conflict, poverty and under investment, Mr. Bennett continued, as he underlined the risk of a “full scale health catastrophe, especially for women and girls”.
Around 6 Deaths A Year Linked To Clubbing In The UK


March 4, 2026
By Eurasia Review


Around 6 deaths a year are linked to clubbing in the UK, finds a 15 year retrospective study published online in Emergency Medicine Journal.


Physical assault, including stabbings and head trauma, or too much ecstasy (MDMA) are the primary causes, the findings indicate.

UK nightclubs attract close to 100 million visitors every year and boast a revenue of just under £1 billion. Risky behaviours while clubbing are common, but current evidence on deaths associated with nightclubs is limited to small case series or isolated critical incidents, with no national data, explain the researchers.

To explore this further and characterise the nature and frequency of these deaths, the researchers extracted relevant data primarily from publicly available UK media coverage, which was corroborated by open source legal proceedings and coroners’ reports covering 2009 to 2024 inclusive.

Deaths associated with nightclubs referred to clubbers found dead inside the venue and those who died within a few hours of being there, typically on the same night.


Between 2009 and 2024, 89 people died in, or shortly after having been at, a total of 75 nightclubs across the UK, averaging around 6 annual deaths during the 15 year period.

Their average age was 22, but ranged from 15 to 54. Seven were under the age of 18. Most (78%) of those who died were male.

Serious injuries (45 cases; 51%), most of which were the result of assault (40 cases; 89%); and drug overdose (36 cases; 40%), almost all of which (34 cases; 94%) were attributable to ecstasy (MDMA) alone or when combined with ketamine or cocaine, were the primary causes of death.

Drug deaths were concentrated among those aged 21 and under (27;75%), and young women were significantly more likely to die from drug-related causes than from trauma or other causes: 39% vs 11% for young men.

Blunt head trauma in 19 cases—mostly as a result of arguments in 13—and stabbings in 16 cases accounted for most of the deaths caused by serious injuries; one person was shot.

The average age of a trauma death was 24, but ranged from 16 to 50.

Restraint was associated with 5 deaths, with alcohol a contributory factor in 4 cases, and drugs in 2 cases. Underlying heart conditions accounted for 3 deaths. Another 5 fatalities were the result of overcrowding and being crushed to death (2 separate incidents).

There were repercussions for the nightclubs involved: only 1 in 3 (25) of the 75 venues associated with a fatal incident remained open under the same name.

“These findings are consistent with previous research in the UK from 1997 to 2023,” note the researchers, showing that nightclub fatalities “while rare, remain a recurring problem.”

The researchers acknowledge some limitations to their findings, including that despite routinely obtaining toxicology reports, UK coroners’ attribution of MDMA toxicity is made on the balance-of-probabilities standard.


As there’s no universally accepted definition of MDMA toxicity, some of the cases classified as “MDMA deaths” might have been misclassified or might have been multifactorial, with MDMA a contributory, but not a strictly causal factor, they point out.

And deaths that occurred days or weeks after visiting a nightclub, but associated with that venue, were probably not captured in the media reports they looked at, they add..

Nevertheless, they conclude: “These findings highlight predictable and preventable risks, supporting targeted harm reduction strategies, improved venue safety, and enhanced emergency response planning.”