Democratic mayors in some US cities have taken anti-democratic steps to subvert the will of their constituents.
By Jeff Wasch ,
November 14, 2025
People march as they take part in a protest calling for the removal of New York City Mayor Eric Adams and against the administration of Donald Trump in New York on February 22, 2025.KENA BETANCUR / AFP via Getty Images
The Democratic Party’s rallying cry for years has been steady: Donald Trump is an existential threat to our democracy. And with the de facto occupation of U.S. cities by the National Guard, we hear a whole lot from the party about “defending democracy” against Trump. A proper defense of democracy, however, requires acknowledging how moderate and right-wing Democrats have undermined it themselves.
When Senate Democrats caved to their Republican counterparts over the most recent government shutdown, they did so at the expense of subsidies for the Affordable Care Act, which will make health care even more unaffordable for millions. The capitulation came despite the fact that most voters want to extend the subsidies, and a large majority of Democrats wanted their elected officials to hold the line and refuse to approve a budget that didn’t include the subsidies.
The shutdown is but one example of the lack of resolve from the party’s moderate and right wings in defending the interests of the majority. From the neglect of Democratic voters’ desire to end the genocide in Gaza, to the virtual coronation of Kamala Harris as the successor to Biden as the Democratic candidate for 2024 election, Democrats have hardly been a paragon for democracy or reflected the will of the people in national politics. The Democratic Party’s role in undermining democracy doesn’t just happen at the national level though: In Philadelphia, my hometown, and the birthplace of American democracy, moderate democrats are ruling through closed-door negotiations and shortened public engagement opportunities, outright ignoring community demands while entertaining business interests.
The most publicized instance of “democracy” by Democrats involved a proposed arena for the Sixers, Philly’s basketball team, in the city’s Chinatown neighborhood. In part, these negotiations focused on how much the team would pay as a part of a Community Benefits Agreement, which would fund a variety of initiatives to attempt to mitigate the negative impacts of the stadium on the neighborhood, instead of real estate taxes. (Real estate taxes would cost more for the Sixers but generate more revenue for the city.) The Sixers initially proposed paying $50 million. After a proposal from some councilmembers of $300 million, collaboratively developed with the Philadelphia Chinatown Development Corporation and Asian Chamber of Commerce, was rejected, the city council and the mayor’s office officially countered with a price tag of $100 million. Nevertheless, after closed door negotiations, the Sixers, council, and the mayoral administration agreed to a $60 million figure paid over 30 years (a measly $2 million per year). Throughout the process, Mayor Cherelle Parker’s administration refused meetings with Chinatown residents. The legislation passed Council, but the arena project was ultimately abandoned by the Sixers, and, despite Parker’s claims that no city tax dollars would be spent on the stadium, the harebrained idea wasted at least $469,095 in tax revenue.
However, this was not an isolated incident.
In June, the Housing Committee of City Council went behind closed doors again while considering the Safe Healthy Homes Act, a three-bill package on tenants rights. Before voting, the committee took a long 50-minute recess to deliberate, despite telling the hundreds of people in attendance that were there they would only be gone for 15 minutes. When they returned, only one bill was passed (which was returned to council unsigned by Mayor Parker); the other two bills — which covered the right to repairs, and the right to safety — were held in committee, but will be heard again in February 2026. Interestingly, the committee returned with Councilmember-At-Large Katherine Gilmore Richardson, who wasn’t present before the committee went behind closed doors. While one can only speculate as to what may have been said, what we do know is that Gilmore Richardson, as well as Housing Committee members Cindy Bass and Mark Squilla, were in that back room, and all of them have received significant campaign donations from the real estate and building industry.
Gilmore Richardson previously also publicly opposed a housing affordability bill, which would have reduced move-in costs for Philadelphians by allowing them to pay security deposits in installments and reduced application fees for tenants. It is clear that certain councilmembers and the mayor’s office, whose campaigns have received nearly $1 million in campaign contributions collectively from the real estate and business industry, consistently stand in the way of progressive housing legislation in Philadelphia.
Meanwhile, Mayor Parker’s H.O.M.E. (Housing Opportunities Made Easy) initiative, which dedicates over $200 million to developers, is moving forward. However, Councilman Isaiah Thomas (who was confronted outside of city hall by members of Mayor Parker’s staff for disagreeing with major parts of her H.O.M.E. initiative) and council staffers from offices not entirely in line with the mayor’s vision have reported being almost entirely shut out of the negotiation process for the city’s budget, which includes the H.O.M.E. initiative. Moreover, Council President Kenyatta Johnson, who received over $350,000 in contributions from the building and real estate industry, has also stated that he and Parker are in “lockstep,” while they go behind closed doors and make budget decisions without other members of council. Meanwhile, housing advocates and critics have been arguing that much of the “affordable housing” in the program is not going to those who need it the most.
But it is not just the backroom deals pushing through policy pulling the democratic party right in Philadelphia; the Parker administration has also taken up a number of right-wing, tough-on-crime stances, such as supporting “terry stops” (or “stop and frisk by another name”), vowing that “not one city dollar” will go to the city’s needle exchange, and has taken measures, which some law advocacy organizations have labeled “draconian,” even floating the idea of inviting the National Guard to assist. The mayor’s proposed “wellness court” is a drug diversion program that fast-tracks (often unhoused) individuals arrested for low-level offenses, forcing them to choose between treatment or a same-day trial. The ACLU has suggested that forcing these choices on these individuals is a violation of their rights. Local reporting by Kensington Voice has pointed out that only eight out of 87 people who have taken up the treatment program have completed the program between January and May of this year.
It is also worth noting that Parker has never really taken a stance against Trump, and It is also worth noting that Parker has never really taken a stance against Trump, and that may be because she has solicited GOP donors herself. After all, she does tout her successes working across the aisle, and even supported a GOP redistricting of Pennsylvania in 2011, which resulted in 13 of 18 seats up for re-election in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives going to Republicans.
But democracy-demolishing Democrats are not just in Philadelphia.
Democratic mayors across the country, including Mayor Daniel Lurie of San Francisco and the outgoing Mayor Eric Adams of New York City, are passing policies very much aligned with President Trump’s attacks on progressive “harm reduction” tactics (e.g. safe injection sites, needle exchanges, etc.) meant to mitigate the effects of the opioid epidemic.
In Washington, D.C. this summer, Mayor Muriel Bowser praised Trump for commandeering the city’s police department and its supposed impacts on local crime, which were already at a historic low.
In New York City, Eric Adams, supported a rather draconian measure by Gov. Kathy Hochul to deploying National Guard to the city’s subways. Adams even praised Trump’s immigration and tariff policies despite majority opposition in his party. Meanwhile, the Democratic establishment’s hesitancy and even refusal to endorse mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani reflects a concerted effort by the party’s moderates and right wing to undermine its left-flank and the will of the people.
It should be remembered that the term “democracy” is derived from the combination of two Greek words: “demos” (people) and “kratos” (power). Democracy loosely translates to “people power”, and is therefore supposed to be a system of governance where political power rests with the people. So, in Philadelphia, and across the nation, when elected officials make deals with business interests behind closed doors whilst they hide from us — the very people who elected them — they are guilty of undermining the democracy no matter their party membership.
It is not just Trump we have to focus on. If we really want to defend democracy, we have to take the fight to right-wing democrats just as hard. And if Mamdani’s victory over former Gov. Andrew Cuomo in New York City shows us anything, it’s that we can successfully do so.
This article is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), and you are free to share and republish under the terms of the license.
Jeff Wasch is a resident of South Philadelphia, cares about democracy, and is a tenant rights advocate.
The Democratic Party’s rallying cry for years has been steady: Donald Trump is an existential threat to our democracy. And with the de facto occupation of U.S. cities by the National Guard, we hear a whole lot from the party about “defending democracy” against Trump. A proper defense of democracy, however, requires acknowledging how moderate and right-wing Democrats have undermined it themselves.
When Senate Democrats caved to their Republican counterparts over the most recent government shutdown, they did so at the expense of subsidies for the Affordable Care Act, which will make health care even more unaffordable for millions. The capitulation came despite the fact that most voters want to extend the subsidies, and a large majority of Democrats wanted their elected officials to hold the line and refuse to approve a budget that didn’t include the subsidies.
The shutdown is but one example of the lack of resolve from the party’s moderate and right wings in defending the interests of the majority. From the neglect of Democratic voters’ desire to end the genocide in Gaza, to the virtual coronation of Kamala Harris as the successor to Biden as the Democratic candidate for 2024 election, Democrats have hardly been a paragon for democracy or reflected the will of the people in national politics. The Democratic Party’s role in undermining democracy doesn’t just happen at the national level though: In Philadelphia, my hometown, and the birthplace of American democracy, moderate democrats are ruling through closed-door negotiations and shortened public engagement opportunities, outright ignoring community demands while entertaining business interests.
The most publicized instance of “democracy” by Democrats involved a proposed arena for the Sixers, Philly’s basketball team, in the city’s Chinatown neighborhood. In part, these negotiations focused on how much the team would pay as a part of a Community Benefits Agreement, which would fund a variety of initiatives to attempt to mitigate the negative impacts of the stadium on the neighborhood, instead of real estate taxes. (Real estate taxes would cost more for the Sixers but generate more revenue for the city.) The Sixers initially proposed paying $50 million. After a proposal from some councilmembers of $300 million, collaboratively developed with the Philadelphia Chinatown Development Corporation and Asian Chamber of Commerce, was rejected, the city council and the mayor’s office officially countered with a price tag of $100 million. Nevertheless, after closed door negotiations, the Sixers, council, and the mayoral administration agreed to a $60 million figure paid over 30 years (a measly $2 million per year). Throughout the process, Mayor Cherelle Parker’s administration refused meetings with Chinatown residents. The legislation passed Council, but the arena project was ultimately abandoned by the Sixers, and, despite Parker’s claims that no city tax dollars would be spent on the stadium, the harebrained idea wasted at least $469,095 in tax revenue.
However, this was not an isolated incident.
In June, the Housing Committee of City Council went behind closed doors again while considering the Safe Healthy Homes Act, a three-bill package on tenants rights. Before voting, the committee took a long 50-minute recess to deliberate, despite telling the hundreds of people in attendance that were there they would only be gone for 15 minutes. When they returned, only one bill was passed (which was returned to council unsigned by Mayor Parker); the other two bills — which covered the right to repairs, and the right to safety — were held in committee, but will be heard again in February 2026. Interestingly, the committee returned with Councilmember-At-Large Katherine Gilmore Richardson, who wasn’t present before the committee went behind closed doors. While one can only speculate as to what may have been said, what we do know is that Gilmore Richardson, as well as Housing Committee members Cindy Bass and Mark Squilla, were in that back room, and all of them have received significant campaign donations from the real estate and building industry.
Gilmore Richardson previously also publicly opposed a housing affordability bill, which would have reduced move-in costs for Philadelphians by allowing them to pay security deposits in installments and reduced application fees for tenants. It is clear that certain councilmembers and the mayor’s office, whose campaigns have received nearly $1 million in campaign contributions collectively from the real estate and business industry, consistently stand in the way of progressive housing legislation in Philadelphia.
Meanwhile, Mayor Parker’s H.O.M.E. (Housing Opportunities Made Easy) initiative, which dedicates over $200 million to developers, is moving forward. However, Councilman Isaiah Thomas (who was confronted outside of city hall by members of Mayor Parker’s staff for disagreeing with major parts of her H.O.M.E. initiative) and council staffers from offices not entirely in line with the mayor’s vision have reported being almost entirely shut out of the negotiation process for the city’s budget, which includes the H.O.M.E. initiative. Moreover, Council President Kenyatta Johnson, who received over $350,000 in contributions from the building and real estate industry, has also stated that he and Parker are in “lockstep,” while they go behind closed doors and make budget decisions without other members of council. Meanwhile, housing advocates and critics have been arguing that much of the “affordable housing” in the program is not going to those who need it the most.
But it is not just the backroom deals pushing through policy pulling the democratic party right in Philadelphia; the Parker administration has also taken up a number of right-wing, tough-on-crime stances, such as supporting “terry stops” (or “stop and frisk by another name”), vowing that “not one city dollar” will go to the city’s needle exchange, and has taken measures, which some law advocacy organizations have labeled “draconian,” even floating the idea of inviting the National Guard to assist. The mayor’s proposed “wellness court” is a drug diversion program that fast-tracks (often unhoused) individuals arrested for low-level offenses, forcing them to choose between treatment or a same-day trial. The ACLU has suggested that forcing these choices on these individuals is a violation of their rights. Local reporting by Kensington Voice has pointed out that only eight out of 87 people who have taken up the treatment program have completed the program between January and May of this year.
It is also worth noting that Parker has never really taken a stance against Trump, and It is also worth noting that Parker has never really taken a stance against Trump, and that may be because she has solicited GOP donors herself. After all, she does tout her successes working across the aisle, and even supported a GOP redistricting of Pennsylvania in 2011, which resulted in 13 of 18 seats up for re-election in the Pennsylvania House of Representatives going to Republicans.
But democracy-demolishing Democrats are not just in Philadelphia.
Democratic mayors across the country, including Mayor Daniel Lurie of San Francisco and the outgoing Mayor Eric Adams of New York City, are passing policies very much aligned with President Trump’s attacks on progressive “harm reduction” tactics (e.g. safe injection sites, needle exchanges, etc.) meant to mitigate the effects of the opioid epidemic.
In Washington, D.C. this summer, Mayor Muriel Bowser praised Trump for commandeering the city’s police department and its supposed impacts on local crime, which were already at a historic low.
In New York City, Eric Adams, supported a rather draconian measure by Gov. Kathy Hochul to deploying National Guard to the city’s subways. Adams even praised Trump’s immigration and tariff policies despite majority opposition in his party. Meanwhile, the Democratic establishment’s hesitancy and even refusal to endorse mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani reflects a concerted effort by the party’s moderates and right wing to undermine its left-flank and the will of the people.
It should be remembered that the term “democracy” is derived from the combination of two Greek words: “demos” (people) and “kratos” (power). Democracy loosely translates to “people power”, and is therefore supposed to be a system of governance where political power rests with the people. So, in Philadelphia, and across the nation, when elected officials make deals with business interests behind closed doors whilst they hide from us — the very people who elected them — they are guilty of undermining the democracy no matter their party membership.
It is not just Trump we have to focus on. If we really want to defend democracy, we have to take the fight to right-wing democrats just as hard. And if Mamdani’s victory over former Gov. Andrew Cuomo in New York City shows us anything, it’s that we can successfully do so.
This article is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), and you are free to share and republish under the terms of the license.
Jeff Wasch is a resident of South Philadelphia, cares about democracy, and is a tenant rights advocate.
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