Showing posts sorted by date for query PRIMITIVE ACCUMULATION OF CAPITAL. Sort by relevance Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by date for query PRIMITIVE ACCUMULATION OF CAPITAL. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Sunday, December 14, 2025

KURDISH ECO SOCIALISM

Öztürk: It is possible to reorganize socialism with the concept of eco-economy

Stating that it is possible to reorganize socialism with eco-economy, Hakan Öztürk said, "Even a single good example of a commune or municipality shatters all prejudices about the horizon that eco-economy will try to give and creates a domino effect."


HAKAN OZTURK
ANF
ISTANBUL
Monday, December 15, 2025


The worldwide destruction of capitalist modernity is becoming more and more evident. The blocked system is trying to survive by creating great destruction in the world because it cannot find ways to renew itself. The shortcomings and blockages of the real socialist economy also lead to the gradual spread of this ruthless economic system of capitalist modernity.

The eco-economy model, which Leader Apo has long proposed against capitalist and real socialist economy models, continues to be discussed. Especially with the destruction of real socialist experiences, the eco-economy, which emerged as the theoretical infrastructure of socialist circles to eliminate the deficiencies and create a new life, began to be discussed again.

"The eco-economy approach says that we should stop running towards these disasters that we can foresee," said Hakan Öztürk, Chairman of the Labour Movement Party, explaining the concept and necessity of eco-economy to ANF.

'A VALUE THAT CAN SHAKE THE PHYSICAL STRUCTURE OF THE WORLD IS ACCUMULATING'

Drawing attention to the magnitude of the destruction of capitalist modernity in the world, Öztürk said, "A great value that can shake the physical existence of the world is accumulating in the hands of a group of visionless and virtuous bosses" and continued his words as follows:

"Almost everyone observes that capitalism is not leading the world to a good place. The owners of capital are taking away the surplus value as large as the ocean from the working class day by day. The wages of the working class are being reduced. The working class, which is tested by hunger and poverty, either works a second job, receives assistance or borrows money in order to survive. He resists the resulting physical collapse, moral collapse and the loss of his future.

The owners of capital create unemployment and make workers who have the opportunity to work for very long periods of time. The basic needs of the society such as nutrition, shelter, education, health and transportation cannot be met in any way. A great value that can shake the physical existence of the world is accumulating in the hands of a group of visionless and virtuous bosses.

Despite all this, the issue is not even that the bosses have made an unfair profit. The conflict between capitalist countries humanity; global warming, destruction of nature, economic crisis, regional and nuclear war disasters. This is the deep pain and issue that cannot be spoken. The eco-economy approach says that we need to stop rushing towards these disasters that we can foresee."

'AS ÖCALAN SAID, HUMANITY HAS COME TO THE BRINK OF BEING SWALLOWED BY THE MONSTER IT CREATED'

Stating that sometimes great losses cannot be seen without looking at the society, Öztürk continued his words by referring to the words of Leader Apo:

"They say, 'The devil is in the details,' but at the same time, the devil is hidden in the grand total result. Sometimes the big loss cannot be seen without approaching the end and looking at the total. The understanding, which forgets that it has a metabolic relationship with nature and aims only at capital accumulation, is about to reach all its logical conclusions. When we look at the end of the story and the cumulative total, we see that profits are made, capital accumulation is achieved, but the fertility of the soil disappears.

Production is carried out in the agricultural field. However, cities no longer have any connection with the agricultural area. When agricultural production is consumed in cities, the wastes generated cannot return to the soil with their nutritional qualities such as nitrogen and phosphorus. There is a big abyss, an irreparable disconnection here. This damaging cycle progresses, producing a massive total.

As Abdullah Öcalan stated in his manifesto, 'Today, humanity has reached the limits of being swallowed by the monster it created.' Yes, if we ask 'are there limits?', there are. We are facing an apocalyptic end. The sea is over; the sea, ocean, rivers and drinking water are finished. Production is made, profits are made, competition is made, but the bottom and top of the soil are polluted. Forests are disappearing, animals and plants are becoming extinct, biodiversity is decreasing. The problem is not just not accepting this system as ethical; the life-and-death struggle of nature, living beings and humanity."

Referring to the definition of eco-economy written by Leader Apo in the 'Manifesto for Peace and Democratic Society', Öztürk said that the main source of the problem is stated here, and said, "In the 'eco-economy / eco-industry' section of the manifesto, the subject is discussed as follows: 'Third nature is the subject of overcoming the sovereignist mentality and production methods that alienate nature and cause destruction and crisis to nature; It means finding ways to live in harmony and on the basis of a contract with nature, and to ecologize the production-consumption culture accordingly.'

'IT IS NECESSARY NOT ONLY TO BRING SPEECH, BUT ALSO TO CREATE AN ALTERNATIVE'

Based on this paragraph, we can understand the dimensions that eco-economy indicates. Here, we see that the main source of the problem is determined first. It is stated that there is an alienation from nature. This means the deterioration of harmony and integrity with nature. Production emerges thanks to labor and nature. In conditions where production is confiscated and man's connection with nature is severed, humanity becomes alienated from both its own labor and nature.

Second, the process that led to the problem is explained. Similarly, the 96th article of the manifesto. On its page, 'There is a lot to be said about industrialism. It destroyed the underground, destroyed the earth, filled the air with carbon dioxide, the oceans were filled with garbage. Cities are carcinogenic. No one can stand against it for the deliberate killer to make a profit' and it is determined that the 'goal of making a profit' takes precedence over everything else. It is this process itself that creates both economic crises and destruction in nature. This process is dragging the planet towards the last fifty years, society and nature.

As the third point, we can say that a solution is put forward. The approach that this process should be 'overcome' is stated. Then, the assessment that it is necessary to 'live in harmony with nature' and 'find ways to ecologize the production-consumption culture' is put forward. This struggle for overcoming is not only the understanding of expressing and protesting, but also of creating an alternative. This solution needs to be walked and there is a long way to go.

The manifesto reveals this in another place with the following statement: 'Our perspective for the new period; It is the reconstruction of society on the basis of a democratic nation, eco-economy and communalism. The responsibility of developing the philosophical foundations, ideological dimensions and the conceptual-theoretical framework necessary for this construction to come into being in the detailed social structure stands before us.' In other words, this is a progress that has been started but has not yet ended."

Stating that the eco-economy model can be an alternative for the salvation of humanity, Öztürk said, "Of course it can and this is how it should be. We need an approach that positions itself according to the total and final results of capitalism. We have a duty to create a universal political program to defend nature and society against these catastrophic consequences. The eco-economy approach put forward in the manifesto; It sets out to do this by standing against industrialism, crises, wars and the destruction of nature. Increasing the scale of the struggle to stand against crises and defend nature is an accurate philosophical-political approach. The struggle for socialism is both an attempt to be against exploitation and to save the world in every way. It is necessary to identify the sources, processes and solutions of the destruction of humanity and nature and to create an alternative against it. The perspective in the manifesto also tries to develop this.

Has there been a problem so far? It happened. Is it necessary to develop a solution? Just as the socialist feminism approach is an alternative in the field of inequality towards women; The definition of eco-economy and eco-industry against the destruction of humanity and nature can also be considered in this way. It should not be taken into account that those who have not spoken about any of these problem areas and have not tried to develop a political program find this approach tried to be developed in the Manifesto 'too innovative'."

'THE ISSUE WILL COME TO HOW THE PRODUCTION WILL BE'

Pointing out that the needs in systems are based on the development of an economy, Öztürk continued his words as follows:

"No matter how much we put forward the right principle, the subject will eventually come to the issue of how production will be, and life always rules in this field.

Lenin describes a transition period in 'State and Revolution'; the period after a political power is taken. This is the upper stage in which our real principles operate, not communism. Considering what the conditions are, the power has been taken, but everything else is uncertain. The functioning of the economy here will not be able to remain isolated even if desired. Eventually, some products will be bought and given. Needs require an economy to function no matter what is done. This situation leads to the following in a chain way: The economy works and the area in which the economy operates, that structure cannot remain isolated, small and self-sufficient. This table connects that unit to the world economy no matter what.

Let's think about it this way: Bread and coal will not only be demanded as at the beginning of the 20th century. Wanting even just one 'mobile phone' connects that economic unit to the whole world. Society can have its own economy; but it also becomes related to the world economy in a chain. As a result, there can be no operation completely separate from the general economic functioning. Even the simplest economic rules become decisive in the outcome.

Let's imagine that the government in Russia spends a little more time. First, because it is besieged, those who are besieged will initially compete aggressively economically. In the continuation of this, for example, when we come to the Second World War, this economic competition will turn into a direct war move. This means that no matter what is done, it is not possible to move forward completely separately and on its own. We can see this: We cannot be separated; Corrosive conditions last until the end and last a long time."

'MUNICIPALITIES CAN START PRODUCING WITH THE MEANS THEY HAVE'

Stating that the commune system is important in the eco-economy model and that it is possible to show the society what socialism will look like, especially with the studies to be carried out through the acquired municipalities, Öztürk continued as follows:

"However, the manifesto says that the commune also means a municipal positioning. A municipality can start producing public products and services based on its public property and public facilities. It can use its resources to meet the needs of society, not to make a profit. This cannot have fully 'built tomorrow today', but it reveals the tendencies and projection of the future society.

Is there a need for this? And it is extremely needed. This is how we can evaluate every municipality that has been won and every commune that has been established. As Canadian socialist Sam Gintin put it in a brilliant article, 'We have to say what socialism will look like.'

'IT IS NECESSARY TO SHOW THE SOCIETY WHAT SOCIALISM WILL LOOK LIKE'

We have to say what socialism will look like, we have to discuss what socialism will look like in front of everyone and we have to be right. If there is an opportunity to start with, we can start by producing public products and services in municipalities. This approach will give the message to the world that 'this is how it will be and it will be good'. Because after the defeats we have suffered, we have a problem of persuasion and ensuring that the society is locked on a goal. This is our biggest crisis. We are not walking as undefeated, but as soldiers of a defeated movement."

'COMMUNES HAVE TO TELL EVERYONE WHAT THE ECO-ECONOMY WILL LOOK LIKE'

Stating that communes and municipalities can win the society by giving good examples, Öztürk said, "Even a single good example of a commune or municipality shatters all prejudices about the horizon that the eco-economy will try to give and creates a domino effect. There is no need to wait; even the newly elected New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani is already a candidate to have this effect. Mamdani said the following on the way to the elections: 'Social housing will be built, kindergartens will be opened for children, municipal markets will be established, the minimum wage will be raised, education support will be given to university students, and taxes on the rich and large companies will be increased.'

Our communes and municipalities can also say all of these and all hell breaks loose. Communes that do this can open up an incredible field of action for themselves. He will have said and done what the eco-economy will look like in front of everyone. The formation of a ruling or enriching caste in that commune can be prevented; To put it more precisely, we can resist it.

However, when an economy on a larger scale becomes manageable and it is in question to plan it, it will be necessary to create communes, assemblies or Soviet-style organizations under these conditions. In the coming time, when communes, that is, municipalities, adopt a political program in the style of eco-economy, they will increase their power and sphere of influence a hundred times so far."

Referring to the importance of the concept of eco-economy in terms of socialism, Öztürk referred to the words of Leader Apo and said:

"In the words of the manifesto, an approach that 'tries to find ways to ecologize the production-consumption culture by overcoming the sovereignist mentality and production methods that destroy and crisis nature' is completely correct for socialism. It is an understanding that does not leave the destruction of nature aside, takes into account crises and asserts to overcome the modes of production that create them. As a result, socialism is a change in the mode of production; It is the work of creating a mode of production that is in harmony with nature and eliminates exploitation. The concept of eco-economy, its political program and practice will move towards this by following the logical chain."

'IT IS POSSIBLE TO REORGANIZE SOCIALISM WITH THE CONCEPT OF ECO-ECONOMY'

Stating that it is possible to organize the socialism of the new age through the concept of eco-economy, Öztürk gave an example from the New York elections and said:

"It's possible and it can get off to a great start. There is no need to win a surprise election like New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani. The social structure that will be behind the idea of eco-economy has already reached a power that has been able to win over municipalities for years. What needs to be done is just to change the perspective and move on to practice. There is no power that can prevent the communes from building democracy and making public production. As soon as it is said that I am implementing this program, the whole country will change and turn upside down.

The important thing is the beginning. Only after the October Revolution did a third of the world reach socialism. There was no one who dreamed of this even in Russia. We can do it again. Once the communes and municipalities are successful, they can immediately develop partnerships between them and move on to democratic planning.

Wherever socialism expands its sphere of influence, it will definitely experience a transition period in order to leap to a further stage. Commune experiences can be seen as preparation for this period and as the focus of resistance of this period. History has shown that these transition periods last for a very long time. It is necessary to prepare for such a transition period and to resist such a transition period.

In this sense, there is a great need for communes both in the current conditions, in the transition period and afterwards. Eco-economic communes and municipalities can serve as flares with examples of democracy and public production. As it progresses successfully, it can spread across metropolises and become encompassing. The rest is up to the socialists' ability to get the job done. The eco-economy and communes can perform all kinds of progressive functions up to that stage and beyond."

The Commune and the Kurds

The commune is the organized power of society; it is a common way of life. Communal life emerged in Mesopotamia. The capitalist system and the occupying states have made great efforts to move the society away from the commune spirit in Kurdistan.



SİNAN SAHIN
BEHDÎNAN
Tuesday, December 9, 2025

In the Manifesto for Peace and Democratic Society, Leader Apo draws attention to the correct interpretation of history. Contrary to what Marx described, history is not a war between classes; He says it is a war between the commune and the state. The first place where the war between communal society and statist civilization was witnessed was Mesopotamia, the Zagros and Taurus mountain ranges. The statist civilization has been continuing its own life and existence on society like a tree worm by constantly distorting history.

The state is an institution that makes its own system of power mandatory in society in every process and tries to abolish the commune so that those in power can continue to exist.

When we look at the Proto-Kurds, we see that life is completely one; It is seen that it is overflowing with meaning and miracles. Society is organized in the form of a clan around the woman-mother. There were no chains that bound people's feet; There was no such thing as private property or personal property.

There was only movement, movement. This movement was also taking place freely and autonomously. The entire life of the clan was based on the beauty of women's labor, sensitivity and thought. For this reason, we can see that women have left their mark on many traditions today. The organizations developed by women to protect themselves from attacks have become part of a unique resistance. We can see this resistance in the adventures of Enki and Inanna.

The deliberate killer has taken this system as his goal and tried to separate it from society. How did the deliberate killer system become a culture in society? This started with the woman being held captive in the house. Thus, women were removed from their communal role. Society was oppressed with the property system. The male-dominated role of power and the enslavement of women weakened the communal reality in society. For this reason, Leader Apo attaches importance to the establishment of new ties based on truth and common life in the relations between men and women.

Today, a new life is sprouting in Rojava under the leadership of women. In this context, the leadership draws particular attention to the JINWAR experience that developed in Rojava. In the face of the problems created by the deliberate murderer on women, children and society in general, the Leadership accepts the commune as its new family.

The tribal organization in the Zagros and Taurus mountain ranges has always been in a movement and dynamism against the statist civilization. Tribal organization is not defined only on the basis of blood ties and service. It is a community that defends, grows and produces itself against statist civilization. For this reason, the tribe has the most functional social qualities of society. The old communal life continued to have an impact within the tribe. Despite all the attacks of the statist civilization, the tribes preserved and developed their own communal memory.

THE COMMUNE SYSTEM IS STILL STRONG IN KURDISTAN TODAY

The Mazda faith plays an important role in tribal organization. Mazda belief is based on the duality of darkness and light. It is based on universal dialectics. The Zoroastrian belief is the continuation of the Mazda belief. He rebels against the gods of statist civilization based on the morality of freedom. The Medes confederation established a communal lifestyle based on the Zoroastrian faith. The tribal confederation system is a commune in itself. For example, the Median tribes are confederations; 24 federations unite to form a confederation.

The Medes fought against the deliberate murderer system and the Assyrians, the most ruthless empire of the period, for 300 years and were victorious. The Medes insisted on their own communal system. For this reason, the commune system is still strong in Kurdistan today.

However, when the power passed from the Medes to the Persians, the Kastik killer system became dominant again. The Persian kings took themselves for gods, and a very harsh system was developed in which no one could disobey their word. The Zoroastrian faith did not only include the Kurds; It had a pretty serious impact on the Persians, Pakistanis, Afghans, Indians, and even China. Many aspects of the Buddha and Confucian beliefs are also seen as a continuation of Zoroaster. Although Zoroaster is Kurdish by origin, he has universalized his faith.

At that time, the Zoroastrian faith was based on the idea of the commune. However, due to the change of the Persians and their progress towards statehood, the Zoroastrian belief turned into dogmatism over time and entered the service of the state.

So, what is a commune? The commune is the organized power of society. In order to understand the commune in the best way, it is necessary to consider it in its simplest form; The commune is a common way of life. The most striking example of this is the villages. All the work and necessities of life in villages are organized jointly. Politics, self-management and self-defense, as well as agriculture, animal husbandry, housebuilding, etc., are all shared equally and jointly.

There is no need to theorize the commune at length from the point of view of Kurdish society. Even the word 'kom' itself explains this. Commune comes from the Kurdish 'kombûn'. Communal life emerged in Mesopotamia. The capitalist system and the occupying states have made great efforts to move the society away from the commune spirit in Kurdistan. The burning and destruction of Kurdistan villages is one of these practices.

IT IS NOT RIGHT TO CONSIDER WARS ONLY ON THE BASIS OF CLASS

Why were the villages burned in Baqûr? Because society was governing, organizing, producing and defending itself. For this reason, society did not need the state, society did not bow down to the state. The state had to burn the villages to make the society dependent on itself. Some of the people were forced to migrate and turned into refugees, and some were exiled to metropolises. The state wanted to make the lifestyle it imposed obligatory on society.

The same policy was implemented by Saddam in Bashur. All villages were massacred so that society could not organize, produce and protect itself. Thus, everyone was enabled to turn their direction to the cities.

The capitalist system promotes individualism and segregation. Everyone locks himself in his own house; With the development of technology and the internet, no one needs anyone. However, in the past, villages had their own assemblies and social orders. People lived together, organized and shared together. Life was just and equitable; no one dominated the other.

For this reason, Marx's definition of class war is not wrong, but it is not enough, because when we look at the reality of Kurdistan, the state has made everyone a target. Therefore, it is not correct to consider wars only on a class basis. The occupying states tried to dismantle the social culture and tribal organization in Kurdistan; Because the tribe is essentially a communal structure. There are still tribes today, but most of them have lost their communal character.

For example, there is solidarity in tribes; Everyone protects each other, does everything together. Life is organized. The state has isolated individuals by breaking down this organization and tried to make each of them dependent on itself. Some tribes in the Botan region still preserve their communal characteristics today.

There is no class distinction in tribal culture. The tribal chief is not rich; Every product obtained is shared equally with all members of the tribe. In historical accounts, it is seen that the tribal chief did not own property and was not considered rich. If the tribal chief fails to fulfill his duty, the respected members of the tribe gather and select and appoint a suitable person.

FOR CAPITALISM, THERE IS NO SOCIETY, THERE IS AN INDIVIDUAL

In the commune, there is equal sharing, natural authority and social democracy. As a continuation of the clans, there are still tribes today. The society still protects itself with clan, tribe and tribal organization today. The society defended itself by retreating to the mountains in the face of the attacks of the deliberate killer. It is clear that the center of resistance of the tribes is Kurdistan. Many values belonging to tribal culture have been preserved in the geography of Kurdistan.

The idea of the commune is based on matriarchal culture. We can see the idea of communes in Zoroastrian philosophy in Mesopotamia, Lao Tze in China, Buddhism in India, the emergence of prophets, and the philosophy of Socrates in Greece. In fact, the Leadership states the following in its new interpretations: The commune is at the basis of the history of socialization. The society has survived and protected itself with the commune system. The system against this is called the deliberate killer system.

The democratic nation is based on the formation of communes while building its own system. Democratic-communal life is essential against capitalist modernity and statist socialism. Capitalist modernity, with its understanding of liberalism, separates democracy from its essence and empties it. Therefore, it is necessary to develop a democratic and communal system.

Leader Apo's approach on this issue is as follows: 'We define modernity through the three horsemen of the apocalypse. The first pillar is the democratic nation against the nation-state; the second pillar is eco-industry against industrialism; the third pillar is the democratic/communal society against capitalism. It should be known that the existence of society is shaped on the basis of the commune. Due to the character of capitalism, society today is fragmented.

For capitalism, there is no society; there is only the individual. The basis of the philosophy on which capitalism is based is the denial of society. On the other hand, the commune is the essential quality and character of society.'

Leader Apo attaches great importance to communes in the paradigm and system of democratic modernity. Because the commune is the root of society. Democracy in the commune is one of the basic principles of life. In fact, the democratic commune is democratic socialism itself. Socialism cannot exist without the commune. The communalist system can be effective in solving social problems. The basis of democratic communes is freedom and democracy. This is the alternative to the power of the capitalist system, which is described as the 'three horsemen of the apocalypse'.


The basis of the positive revolution process is the system of communes

The process of positive revolution is the process of liberation of the developing and changing world from the grip of capitalist modernity. It is the expression of a new era not only for the Kurdistan geography but also for the world revolutionary struggle and the first step on the way to the liberation of the peoples.



ANF
NEWS CENTER
Saturday, December 6, 2025


In an analysis of the problems of socialism, Leader Apo insists that there should be a new socialist understanding when talking about the problems of socialism. When he made this assessment, the destruction of real socialism had just happened.

Regarding the problems of socialism, he said, "The important thing is to catch the problems of socialism correctly in their actuality. It is possible to list them as socialism and the state, socialism and development, socialism and morale, socialism and the national question, socialism and culture, socialism and economy, socialism and real socialism, socialism and utopia, socialism and science, socialism and religion, socialism and family, socialism and women, socialism and the right of nations to self-determination, socialism and democracy, socialism and party relations. All these have to be discussed again.

In other words, socialist ideology needs to reconceptualize itself, programmatize after these concepts are clarified, reorganize and put into action after programmatization. Inevitably, development will occur with such periods.

For now, maybe there is not too ambitious and there are some shallow, superficial discussions; but gradually, just like in the First International, in the second and in the third, the fourth and the fifth may develop", we see that the positive revolution and a new international statements he says today do not emerge suddenly.

At the point reached today, Leader Apo has shown that socialism can no longer progress with old and conservative methods, that the hope of revolution can emerge for the peoples again with the renewal of socialist ideology, and that revolution will not be a dream. That is why the age of positive revolution is the age of socialism to enter the agenda of the peoples again, to be hope again and to know that the peoples are not without alternatives.

POSITIVE REVOLUTION IS THE METHOD OF REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE

Everything that happens in the Kurdistan Freedom Movement, every word spoken is the continuation of each other, the renewal of their deficiencies by eliminating them. Therefore, the concept of positive revolution should not be considered or interpreted alone. Every definition, every concept stands in a place that binds, develops and eliminates each other's deficiencies in the ideological world of the Kurdistan Freedom Movement and Leader Apo. The name of the method is positive revolution, and the state of administration is democratic integration, deliberative democracy and communes.

We said that the name of the method is positive revolution. So how will this revolutionary process work?

It will be necessary to abandon movements that contain many shortcomings and mistakes of the real socialist understanding. The abandonment of the real socialist forms of government, especially in the Kurdish political movement; Instead of a method in which someone decides and the people apply it, a system in which decisions are made and implemented together with the people should be fully established and its continuity should be ensured. If one moves away from the logic of creating a caste system of oneself, which is one of the biggest shortcomings of the real socialist organization model, the way to organize will be opened.

There was a popular question of a while; a bourgeois was asking, 'Is my vote the same as the shepherd's vote?' One of the greatest gains of the positive revolution process is to answer this question correctly. Yes, everyone's vote is one. Everyone is equal, everyone is equally important, everyone is equally valuable.

The most important way for everyone to be equal is to build the organization of assemblies and communes, which is a horizontal organizational model, on a correct political program and line. The greatest achievement of the positive revolution will be the elimination of inequality between peoples and subordinate-superior approaches.

POSITIVE REVOLUTION WILL DESTROY THE CASTE SYSTEM

The first step in the destruction of the caste system will be the process that Leader Apo defines as "democratic integration". It is possible to break down the gap between peoples who are separated from each other and look at each other as enemies due to the attitudes of the "opponents" who have fascist and colonialist approaches, if the peoples get to know each other and approach each other in the right way. Democratic integration stands before us as the first step that will pave the way for this commonality.

Overcoming the obstacles in front of the peoples stands before us as the duty of those who carry out the struggle. It is the job of the vanguard cadres to destroy all approaches that prevent the commonality of the peoples, to expose them and to fight to condemn them in the eyes of the peoples. After opening that way, the peoples have the power, wisdom and foresight to find their own right path.

Creating the conditions for democratic integration that will eliminate the gap between the peoples against all the attacks of fascism will be one of the most important achievements in the new period of the revolution; Because the disappearance of the gaps between them and the meeting of the peoples means that the propaganda and attacks of fascism will be in vain.

The success of the democratic integration process will bring about the development of deliberative democracy. The next step for the peoples who know each other and begin to understand each other will be to talk about their problems jointly and try to find solutions together. The first step of commonality is to develop and establish a deliberative democracy system.

Deliberative democracy, which is a system in which all segments can have a say and where the peoples can take full part in the authority and decision-making stages, will also be a response to fascism, which holds force as a never-ending power, and sectarian approaches that try to live only by force. Dialogue between peoples who have been persistently separated, alienated and prevented from establishing dialogue will also ensure the development of a culture of reconciliation; This culture of consensus will pave the way for organization.

The first step of partnership is to see the problems, talk about them and come together for solutions. For this, everyone needs to sit down and talk, ask the questions in their minds and get answers. A person who moves away from the individualism of capitalist modernity will become socialized. The first step of socialization is to know, understand and empathize with each other.

Here, it is not possible for one segment to show power or put pressure on the other. Every society with oppression has a totalitarian structure. This includes real socialist practices. Although real socialism was born as an alternative to capitalism, it positioned itself as the system after capitalism from the very first moment, did not see the commons of the early periods of humanity, excluded it by defining it as "primitive", and ultimately turned into a bad, mediocre copy of capitalist modernity.

As we mentioned above, these systems will be dissolved unless the right exits and the right program are developed.

THE MOST BASIC PILLAR OF THE ACHIEVEMENT OF THE POSITIVE REVOLUTION IS THE COMMUNE SYSTEM

The next step of societies that learn to cooperate and come side by side with the deliberative democracy system is to organize. The name of this organizational model is commune. The commune system stands before us as an organizational model that has existed since the first man, has been tried and proven many times throughout world history.

The society organized in communes is now politicized; It will become a departure from the character that capitalist modernity has assigned to it, "unable to make decisions, having to be governed by someone". The existence of a state in a place and the existence of a class of rulers is not an obstacle to the commune. The commune organizes societies; It protects them against the arrogance or mistakes of the ruling class and ensures that they reveal the right thing.

This is an organization created by societies that know each other through the democratic integration process, can come side by side with the deliberative democracy system, and can talk together.

The process of positive revolution emerges precisely from the combination of these. Contrary to the statist understanding of socialism that has existed until today, it reveals the socialism of the peoples. It does not see overthrowing power or taking over the state as an achievement; instead, it prefers to change the lives of the peoples and protect the peoples against the oppressive regime that the government and the state are trying to create for their own interests.

What should happen in the new ideological system created by Leader Apo is for the peoples to come together and organize themselves and say their own words against the attacks of the existing capitalist modernity and the destruction of industrialism.

Leader Apo says the following while defining socialism:

"The struggle for socialism is also the struggle against the great animalization in the imperialist period. Which monster has killed so many people of its generation? This is the biggest beast! There is nothing else to explain about this. This is the most dangerous animalization. If we want to develop social and socialist struggle, we will definitely fight against this kind of individualism, this kind of monstrosity."

The struggle for socialism is a struggle in which daily life is organized; It is a system that defends society against the capitalist system that defends individualism, tries to strengthen and organize society, and to ensure that it participates in the struggle.

In the Manifesto for Peace and Democratic Society, he says the following while drawing the framework of the positive revolution process:

"We are transitioning from nation-state socialism to democratic society socialism. This is a program: the program of Democratic Society Socialism. So, what will be the strategy and basic tactic of this? It is clear that it will not happen with the national liberation war. This new program we will replace it is the program of Democratic Society and Democratic Socialism. We abandoned the national liberation war strategy. We will replace it with the Democratic Politics Strategy. Democratic politics is a strategy, it is indispensable. A democratic society will be linked to a democratic political strategy. Whether in the constitution or in the laws, wherever necessary expression will be gained. Tactics are very much linked to strategy. This strategy will also have a tactic.

With what vehicles will it take place?

It is the law that will realize it. If the strategy is democratic politics, its tactic is the law. This means that whatever remains of the PKK legacy will gain legal character under this new democratic political strategy. As a result of the negotiations with the states, anti-democratic laws will be abolished and legal reforms will be realized. It must take place within a reasonable period of time, without spreading over years. If the legal reforms outlined above are not carried out, then the conflictual environment will inevitably continue from where it left off."

DONE.

PUTIN'S BRAIN


The Russian Wolf Speaks: Alexander Dugin


and the Fourth Political Theory

Rise of the populist right
In two previous articles I pointed out that the 18th century political spectrum makes no sense in the world today and it hasn’t made sense for at least the past 10 years. Today the leading forces against global monopoly and finance capital in the West are coming from the right wing of the political spectrum, not the left. Those who stand against the Anglo-American imperialism:

  • defend the sovereignty of the nation-state;
  • are not hostile to BRICS and the multipolar world and
  • defend national borders against immigration and refugees implying opposition to global capitalism market for cheap labor.

Alain de Benoist, one of the heads of the European new right, writes that the periphery against the center is a better distinction than left vs right.

Amazon’s censorship of Dugin’s books courtesy of the CIA
Two and a half years ago I read an article by Max Parry in the Greanville Post called Alexander Dugin and the Origins of the ‘Red-Brown Alliance’ Myth. In it, Parry defended Dugin, professor of sociology and geopolitics at Lermontov University in Moscow against charges of being a fascist.  Parry says that Amazon, with a 600-million-dollar contract with the CIA, has refused to sell any of his works while giving free reign to his critics. Two months ago, I tried ordering Dugin’s books through Amazon and sure enough I could not find any of his books. Fortunately, I was able to find three of them on Alibris Books. When we published Parry’s article on our website, Socialist Planning Beyond Capitalism we were met with responses which consisted of dire warning by leftists that Dugin was a fascist. The intention of this article is to describe how Dugin is far from being a fascist. There are important differences between a traditional conservative (Dugin) and fascism.

Motives and  Qualifications.
My interest in Dugin lies in his desire for at some kind of left right alliance. As you will see in my article Dugin is an anti-capitalist conservative, nothing like the libertarian right in the United States. Also, it is important to develop theories of what a multipolar political world will look like. BRICS has an economicpractice but to my knowledge there is no self-conscious political counterpart. Dugin’s work with its cultural relativism, might be a contribution to a multipolar political theory from the Russian side. By way of qualification this article is only a review of The Fourth Political Theory. I have not read any of his other works.

The Triumph of Liberalism
Dugin claims that “traditions” including religion, hierarchy, family and its values were overthrown at the dawn of modernity. What Dugin says we have left are:

  • the death of god (Nietzsche)—replaced by man;
  • disenchantment of the world (Weber) – philosophy and science replaced religion, and
  • end of the sacred and the place of revelation as it is overtaken by the liberal rationalization of religion.

Dugin begins by contending that by the end of the 20th century liberalism’s opponents –  conservativism, monarchism, traditionalism, fascism, socialism and communism – had all been defeated. Fascism emerged later than the other major political theories and vanished before them. Socialism and fascism positioned themselves as contenders for the soul of modernity and failed. Liberalism is the main enemy of the Fourth political theory. Dugan claims it is the forces of “freedom”, the forces of the market which have lead humanity along the path of degeneration. He wants to pull the roots of liberal evil out of the structure of the modern world.

Overview of the Fourth Political Theory and Multipolarity
In his book, the Fourth Political Theory Dugin defends traditional conservativism against three political theories he opposes liberalism (capitalism),  communism, and fascism.

Ideology What is IncludedMajor Unit of Analysis
LiberalismBoth left liberalism and neoliberalismIndividual
CommunismMarxism (Leninism) social democracySocial class
FascismNazis (Germany)Race
Mussolini (Italy)The state

Dugin is no ordinary conservative and makes significant distinction between liberal pro-capitalist conservatives of the West and his own. While critical of communism, his brand of conservatism is nothing like the liberal anti-communism of the West. Dugin says we need to unite the value center of the right and the labor-centered left to fortify the resistance against the Western Empire. In the process he wants to unite National Bolshevism  and Eurasianism which came close to his 4th political theory. The National Bolshevik Party emerged in Russia in 1992 shortly after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Dugin led it. He soon left the party to start his own, National Bolshevik Front. The original NBP has been banned by the Russian government. Does this sound like a fascist to you? What fascist author would use Situationist Guy Debord’s Society of the Spectacle as a reference?

The Fourth Political Theory and Resistance to the Status Quo of Liberalism includes the following:

  •          Against globalism
  •          Against post modernity
  •         Against end of history
  •          Against neoclassical “laws” of economics
  •         Against the universal morality of “human rights”
  •         Against  postindustrial society and its abandonment of industrial production

Dugin defends a Eurasian multipolar world against the Atlanticist West. He says the Russian population had almost entirely rejected the liberal ideology of the 1990s. How is Eurasian multipolar world to be achieved? By preserving the geopolitical sovereignty of the powers of the Eurasian continent Russia, China, Iran and India who he says safeguard the freedoms of other peoples on the planet. The inertia of liberal politics is such that a change of course is impossible to save the West. The Fourth Political Theory insists upon a multipolar world instead of universalism.

What is Liberalism?
Freedom from
For liberals all forms of collective identity – ethnic, national, religious, caste or class impede the individual’s awareness of individuality. John Stuart Mill was interested in “freedom from”, not “freedom for”. “Freedom from” includes:

  • government and its control over the economy, politics and civil society;
  • churches and their dogma;
  • stratification systems;
  • responsibility for the economy;
  • any attempts to redistribute whether it be government or social institutions the results of material or non-material labor. For example, “social justice” is deeply immoral
  • ethnic attachments and
  • any collective identity whatsoever – even the family. The family is a contractual agreement

For liberals Freedom is synonymous with liberty. As for “freedom to”, here liberals have nothing to say. This is a question of private choice which is not discussed and has no political or ideological value. Locke is the most important philosopher of liberalism.

Ontological and epistemological foundations of liberalism
Besides freedom from, liberalism in the West is constituted by the following qualities:

  • the understanding of the individualism as the measure of all things;
  • belief in the sacred character of private property;
  • equality of opportunity as the moral law of society;
  • belief in the contractual basis of all sociopolitical institutions including government;
  • the abolition of any governmental, religious and social authorities who lay claim to a common truth;
  • the separation of powers and the making of social systems of control over any governmental institution whatsoever;
  • the creation of a civil society without races, peoples or religion in places of traditional governments;
  • the dominance of the market relations over other forms of economics;
  • certainty that the historical path as progress as a  universal model of development
  • linear sense of time. the present better than the past; the future better than the present and
  • the nation-state, founded on the basis of an imaginary contractual agreement as the only recognized political unit (as opposed to kingdoms, providences, principalities or city-states) These European nations kicked religion, ethnic identity or classes to the curb believing them to be remnants of the dark ages.

The question of how to relate to socialists and leftists reached its more difficult moments for liberals in the 1920s and 1930s. Left liberals like FDR wanted more state intervention to keep the capitalist economy from crises. Unlike left-liberals, right-wing liberals like Von Hayek and von Mises said liberalism is not a transition from feudalism to socialism but rather an ideology that is complete in itself, holding an exclusive monopoly over the heritage of The Enlightenment. Right-wing liberals saw Marxism as a regressive return of the feudal epoch of eschatological uprisings.

Dugin points out that liberalism is hardly a visionary ideology. In fact, it never gets beyond Darwinism. Liberal ideology is a complete animal discourse. Instead of moving beyond survival of the fittest, it allows increasingly varieties of opportunities for the strong to assert their power so that capitalists are no more than king of beasts. Globalization is the new battlefield for the struggle for survival

Criticism of Liberal Progress as Irreversibility is a Monstrous Process
One of the greatest weaknesses of liberals is in what Dugin calls its “monotonic” processes. Monotonic processes are the ideal of constant growth, accumulation which proceed in one direction without cyclic fluctuations or oscillations. Gregory Bateson points this problem out in his book, Mind In Nature. Bateson says the characteristics of monotonic ideology of the West do not apply in biology, mechanical systems or in society. In biology such a process destroys species, produces deviants, giants or dwarfs and cannot produce offspring. In mechanical systems Bateson says it causes systems to explode. He points out:

The most important problem in developing the steam engine is the centrifugal governor. When the steam engine reaches cruising speed, it is necessary to regulate the intake of fuel. Otherwise, everything begins to resonate and the speed of the engine will cause it to explode. This was the major problem in the earliest stages of industrialization.

Within society Marcel Mauss in 1872 criticized the monotonic process as well.
In the book he co-authored, Sacrifice: Its Nature and Function and in The Gift, he described how traditional societies paid great attention to the ritual destruction or sacrifice of surplus goods. The surplus was seen as excessive usury and the essence of  evil. Surplus crops were seen as disastrous. The community either organized a feast or gave it to the gods as a form of sacrifice or to the needy.

Russian historian Lev Gumilev had a cyclical theory of history which he explained with his famous theory of passionarity. He acknowledged there was development, but there is also decline. Gumilev saw passionarity as the level of vitality within a given ethnic group or civilization, a type of energy that would gradually increase, reaching a peak in which the group would reach its greatest achievements followed by a slow ebb. The Fourth Political Theory argues that history can be reversed. Socialism could turn into capitalism, into feudalism, into slave societies and back into primitive communism. Yet the Fourth Political Theory is not an invitation to a return of traditional society. It is not conservativism in a traditional sense.

Marxism’s criticism of liberals:

  • denied the identification of the individual from collective and class nature;
  • recognition of the unjust system of appropriation of surplus value by capitalists in the process of a market economy;
  • recognition that freedom from of bourgeois society is a veiled form of class supremacy, masking under new clothes the mechanisms of exploitation, alienation and oppression;
  • called for a proletarian revolution and the abolition of the market and private property
  • aimed at the social collectivization of property;
  • freedom to is creative labor as the social freedom of communist future and
  • criticized bourgeois nationalism as a form of collective violence over the poorest layers of society and an instrument of international aggression in the name of the egoistic interests of the national bourgeoise.

What is Fascism?
In fascism everything is based on the right-wing version of Hegel since Hegel himself considered the Prussian state to be peak of historical development. Giovanni Gentile was an Italian philosopher and a proponent of Hegelianism applied this concept of “actual idealism” to fascist Italy. He developed what he called “actual idealism”. Here individual life only gains meaning in relation to the state. He was a staunch fascist from 1922 until his death at the hands of antifascists. He was regarded the official philosopher of Italian fascism. In German National Socialism, the historical subject is the Aryan race which according to racists and carries out the eternal struggle against the subhuman races.

The Field of the Contemporary Socialists
Dugin states that the break-up of the Soviet Union combined with the inability of European Marxism to produce any heads of state or even meaningful political parties were nails in the coffin for this communist ideology. However, there are aspects of communism that are worth preserving. Leftist political philosophy was a fundamental, general and systematic criticism of liberal capitalism. They provided critical observations concerning the capitalist system, its reification and exploitation. It has moral views and shows solidarity with the unfortunate along with deep criticism of liberalism, as we saw above. These views can arouse definite interest and sympathy. However, after Stalin, in the middle of the 20th century there arose a  systematic critique of Leninism: from the Right the work of Von Hayek and the Austrian School of economics; from Cold War liberals Karl Popper in England and Raymond Aron in France. From the left Leninism was criticized by the social democratic Frankfort School which attempted to mix Marx and Freud.

Dugin names three varieties of socialist Ideology:

  • The Old Left  (French)
  • Left nationalists (National Communists, National Bolsheviks)
  • New Left – appeared in the 1950s and 1960s
  • Postmodernists –1990s

The Old Left is now divided into at least four orientations:

  • Orthodox Marxists (Leninists)
  • Social Democrats (originating with Kautsky)
  • Third way of Anthony Giddens which combines liberalism and social democracy
  • European orthodox Marxists

They are often all embodied in the Communist Party which in some cases is capable of functioning as an umbrella organization.

European Social Democracy (Kautsky) is usually for a progressive income tax or flat tax, the nationalization of large monopolies, the broadening of government responsibilities in the social sector, free medicine, education, generous and guaranteed pension plans and the development and promotion of unions. The socialists of the third way are much closer to the Democratic Socialists of America. They seek to form alliances with liberal parties and they are sympathetic to Yankeedom and side with the Atlanticists internationally, passively or by actively supporting imperialism.

National Communists begin With What Marx Got Wrong:

  • Socialist movements did not begin in advanced capitalist societies. They were agrarian.
  • These socialist societies did not grow out of capitalist relations. They grew out of bureaucratic and tributary economic relations.
  • These societies had very few urban proletarians. The population was mostly composed of peasants.
  • These societies had little industrialization in the way of factories, railroads or mass communications systems.
  • Contrary to the Marxist expectation that premodern spiritual conditions would wither as part of the socialist revolution, magical beliefs, peasant folklore continued.
  • Racial and ethnic identities did not die out with improvement of class conditions.

With the exception of Peter the Great, Russia has never been at home with modernity. National communists wanted to preserve mythologies and use them to build socialism. They wanted history understood in the spirit of archaic eschatological expectations, deep national mythologies connected to the expectations of end times and a return to the golden age. Dugin claims it was national communism that has ruled in the USSR and in other parts of the world, not international socialism. It applies to communist China, North Korea, Vietnam, Cambodia and many communist movements in the Third World – Mexican Chiapas, the Peruvian Golden Path; the Kurdish Workers Party and in Islamic socialism. National Communists are a broad formation – social, psychological and political. In Russia they are the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, the second largest party in Russia.

On the other hand, Soviet Marxist dissidents like Zinoviev, Shchedrovitsky and Medvedev are known but they were unable to start any sort of ideological school. There are  liberals in Russia but no liberalism. The sole meaning of liberalism in contemporary Russia in the 1990s was freedom from Russian, Soviet political and economic traditions and an uncritical, ignorant and parodic imitation of the west. Liberalism as a political ideology interested no one. Its supporters engaged in politics. No one in Russia ever chose “freedom from”. Liberalism is the repudiation of God, tradition, community, ethnicity and empires.

The New Left
Dugin labels the philosophers of the New Left the “Philosophers of suspicion” who drew not only from Marx, but also Freud, Nietzsche and Sartre. The anarchists drew from the importance of economic reciprocity and referred to Mauss’ book The Gift for inspiration. Unlike the old leftists, the new leftists doubt what they felt was modernity’s glorification of reason and they denounced science as mystification and authoritarianism. They also supported relativist philosophers of science like Paul Feyerabend and Thomas Kuhn.

After reviewing all three political theories, Dugin identifies the bad tendencies that should be discarded from each theory and along with the good qualities that the Fourth Political Theory can learn from. He says nothing should stop us from rethinking the very fact of the failure of communism and fascism recasting their vices as virtues. By losing, Dugin says communism and fascism proved they did not belong to the spirit of modernity. He says each stood on the side of tradition in different ways. We must understand our new situation in a postmodern world no less profoundly than Marx understood the structure of industrial capitalism.

IdeologyDiscardedKept
FascismAll forms of racism
Biological racism and Hitler’s antisemitism vs Slavs
Ethnos as a cultural phenomenon

(a self is more than an isolated monad)

Cultural Racism such as high and low cultures

Those cultures that are “civilized “and those that aren’t

MarxismHistorical materialism
Unidirectional progress
Violates an appreciation of the ancestors
Destruction of religious heritage
Contempt for the culture’s past
Exclusive focus on economic factors
Class as the only historical subject
Sides with bourgeoise against ancient identities such as feudal, reactionary or nationalism
Marxism rejects conservativism in all its forms
How it describes liberalism as exploitative
Identifies the contradictions of capitalism
Description of primitive communism—original paradise
Labor as the great dream of the common good
Myth of eschatological consciousness
Identification of reification and mysticism
Good at describing the enemy, the bourgeoise
LiberalismAttack individualism and abolish it
Freedom is microscopic
Modernization

All three accept the irreversibility of history.

Liberalism and Postmodern Times
In the heyday of modernity, liberalism always co-existed with non-liberalism which means it was an object of choice. The choices included conservativism and the various forms of socialism. After defeating its rivals, liberalism brought back a monopoly on ideological thinking the way the Catholic Church once ruled Europe. Liberalism went from being one of many political theories to become the sole ideology. In postmodern times liberalism became a way of life. It became unconscious, and automatic.

Postmodernism
Triumphant liberalism mutated into a lifestyle consumerism, solipsistic individualism and a postmodern manifestation. Post modernists of the 1990s contained the following values:

  • rejection of reason and call for the conscious adoption of schizophrenia  – Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari;
  • the renunciation of man as the measure of all things ;
  • the death of man (Levi) death of the author (Barthes);
  • the overcoming of sexual taboos;
  • legalization of all kinds of narcotics;
  • new forms of spontaneous and sporadic being;
  • the measure of the individual is not the individual but the post individual, accidently placed ironic parts of people—clones, cyborgs and mutants;
  • private property is idolized and transformed from what a man owns to what owns the man;
  • belief in the contractual relations of all political and social institutions grows into the equalization of the real and the virtual;
  • all forms of non-individual authorities disappear. Anyone is free to think about the world in any way they wish;
  • the principle of the separation of powers transforms into a constant electronic referendum in which each internet user votes by giving an opinion of many forums -examples include Facebook, Twitter and Instagram, Telegraph and
  • civil society completely displaces government and converts into a global cosmopolitan melting pot.

Dugin says that so much of the political vision of postmodernism is contained in the book Empire by Negri and Hardt. This book, according to Dugin can be read as a political manifesto of the tendencies above. While postmodernists fancy themselves as radicals, their ontology and epistemology is that of relativistic liberals.

Conservativism as a Model
Traditional conservativism
In traditionalism we have a full-blown and mostly complete complex of the conservative relationship to history, society and the world. The traditionalists – Rene Guenon and Jules Evola – rejected the Enlightenment and defended tradition while foretelling the end of the world through the victory of the fourth caste. Dugin says traditional conservatives want to return to the past, but they don’t go far back enough. They go back to ancient times, patriarchal times where monotheism began. They want to return to a condition when man exhibited the first symptoms of the illness. Rather, a better starting point to a time in tribal societies which, Dugin claims, were matriarchal.

Traditional Conservativism With the Following Characteristics:

  • one who opposes time and irreversible history;
  • sees progress as an illusion;
  • technological development is not a saving grace;
  • Descartes division of subject and object is crippling;
  • Newton’s mechanical watchmaker (mechanism vs organicism) deadens the world;
  • science reduces quality to quantity and
  • education that is built on science rather than the arts and humanities.

Guenon and Evola acidically gave an exhaustive description of the most fundamental conservative position. They describe traditional society as super-temporal ideal and modernity is a product of a fall, a degeneration, degradation, a blending of castes, the decomposition of hierarchy and the shift away from the spiritual to material, from heaven to earth and from the eternal to the ephemeral.

Liberal conservativism (neoconservatives)
Dugin does not support the liberal conservatives of the United States because they do not condemn liberalism across the board. Rather, they say yes and no to liberal proposals. Liberal because when it says yes it merely attempts to step on the brakes; “let’s go slower”, “ let’s not do that now” it says. They agree with the general trends in modernity especially around capitalism and individualism. Edmund Burke is a good example. He first sympathized with the Enlightenment but pushed it away after the French Revolution. He defended:

  • bourgeois freedom;
  • independence of man;
  • equality;
  • rights;
  • progress and
  • evolution rather than revolution

William Kristol was one of the founders of neo-conservativism. The Project for New American Century includes projects of the Greater Middle East, Greater Central Asia where the goal is to uproot inertia, national, political, social, religious and cultural models and their replacement by the operating principles of American economic liberalism. For neocons liberalism must penetrate the depths of all societies. Contemporary neoconservatives call for a global liberal revolution rejecting all isolationism. They do not like leftists and continue to fear communism. Neither do they like right-wingers like Evola and Guenon who we will discuss next.

The conservative revolution in Europe
Left-wing historians like Karl Mannheim dismissed conservativism as an ideology of politics that was out of date. This may have seemed the case in Mannheim’s time, but it is not true today. There have been many conservatives in European history. Among the theorists was Arthur Moeller, van den Bruck, Ernst and Friedrich Junger, Carl Schmitt, Oswald Spengler, Werner Sombart, Othmar Spann, Fredrich Hielscher many other German authors. Dugin says we must look for alternatives to liberalism in non-liberal versions of conservativism. Liberalism’s linear sense of time (present better than the past, future better than present) Dugin says it is an insult to the honor and dignity of our ancestors because in many cultures the dead play an important sociological role. They are considered alive in a certain sense. After all, Chinese civilization is built itself on reverence of the ancestors.

The Conservative Revolution is a term first coined by Hugo von Hofmannsthal which has come to designate a loose confederation of anti-liberal German thinkers who wrote during the Weimer Republic. They are opposed to capitalism and communism in favor of a synthesis of aristocratic traditions and spiritual values with socialism. Benoist is one of the pioneers of the European New Right and is an organist and a holist like any real conservative. There is a new gallery of thinkers who begin to defend the conservative position. Dugin writes that they do so with uncompromising consistency and persistence and not with the thoughts of the 18th and 19th centuries. They include Titus Burckhardt Leopold Ziegler.

Ethnos has no home in liberalism, communism or fascism
Ethnicity was not a focal point in either national socialism or fascism. For them race or the state was its center. Marxist ideology did not pay much attention to the ethnos either, believing that the ethnos would be overcome by the classless society where no trace of it will remain. Liberal globalization is equating the concrete ethnic, sociopolitical or religious pattern by a universal standard, the very important process of transcending ethnos itself, transforming its natural, organic and most often unconsciously imparted tradition into the rank of a man-made conscious, rational system. The common logic of social evolution from savagery to civilization was the distinctive feature of 19th century anthropology. The term “civilization” that we are using is saturated with the spirit of the Enlightenment, progressivism and historicism.

German and Russian Ethnosociology
Ethnos has found deep resonance in the conservative revolution. The German school of ethnic sociology included Wilhelm Muhlmann, Richard Thurnwald and Lev Gumilev. Thurnwald was an Austrian ethnologist who is credited with founding the school of ethnosociology. Lev Gumilev was a Soviet anthropologist who attempted to explain ethnic differences through geological factors. His book was Ethnogenesis and the Biosphere. Spengler, in his Decline of the West  contrasted civilization and culture, considering culture the organic vital spirit of man. Civilization was a product of a cooling off of that spirit in mechanical and purely technical boundaries. The conservative ethnos is roughly equivalent to culture.

Dugin Ethnos: Cultural Primordialism
Enemies of Russia, whether they are liberals or many socialists of the West never tire of accusing Dugin of being a fascist, a racist and biological determinist. Dugin shows none these characteristics in his book The Fourth Political Theory. In that book, he argues that fascism is one of the first three political theories he rejects. He explicitly argues against the fascism of Giovanni Gentile and Mussolini in their champion of the state. He also spends pages rejecting the racism of the Nazis and the superiority of the white race. It is true that in terms of ethnos he does not share the liberal notion of the human individual as being a blank slate. He advocates what he calls a “cultural primordialism” ethnicity, but this ethnicity has nothing to do with any biological determinism or racial determinism. From his book Ethnosociology, the structure of the basic ethnosociological terms and concepts include:

  • Ethnos
  • Narod –German folk
  • Nation
  • Civil society
  • Global society

Each has its own defined meaning and sense which does not overlap with any of the others. The general movement goes from simple societies to complex societies. At the same time, Dugin says we can describe these levels as a vector directed from the organic and integral to the mechanical, combined and complex

The inner structures of the ethnos: family, lineage, clan
A family can only be formed on the basis of two unrelated lineages. The structure of the family in all societies without exception is based on an exogamous principle to protect against incest. In order to get one family, it is necessary to have two lineages and exogamous rules of marriages. It is for this reason that the family is not considered the primary cell of society. In addition, it is customary in ethnosociology and anthropology to call a union of lineages a clan. For Dugin ethnicity contains the following 5 characteristics:

  • speak the same language;
  • belief in a common origin;
  • possess a complex of customs, beliefs, rituals, myths and art forms;
  • have a specific geographical location and
  • are different from other ethnos.

The narod
The narod is different from ethnos. The narod is the social organization of society, qualitatively more complex than an ethnos. In the formation of a narod there are necessarily a few ethnos. Narods usually are in form in chiefdoms or agricultural states. Here there is a hierarchy between chiefs or kings at the top and commoners and peasants at the bottom. Other extreme archetypes are heroes and servants and masters and slaves. The state and polytheistic religions are other characteristics of narod. The table below adds some other differences.

EthnosCategory of ComparisonNarod
Less complexLevel of complexityMore complex
StaticDynamicsMore mobile
NaturalArtificial, goal oriented
Survival and reproductionPurposeOriented to a historical or military goal
EgalitarianPolitical formStratified professional
Eternal return, cycle supported by mythPlace of historyHistorical—linear time
MythsMyths vs epicsEpics
There is noneindividualityIndividuality is exclusive to heroes and chiefs
Two lineagesSocial structureThe state, religion, civilization

The nation
For most of human history societies consisted of ethnos and narods. In Europe beginning in either the High Middle Ages (England) or in early modern Europe a new political formation emerged, a new kind of political identity based on citizenship with the individual as its foundation. The political concept of the nation did everything possible to suppress the older allegiances of region, city, kingdom provinces, ethnos and narod but never quite successfully. Merchants were the new power and they were located in cities and towns .

Civil society and global society
In the 20th century thanks to the spread of capitalism around the globe, the nation-state became relativized and capitalist relations mostly ignored the political boundaries of nations unless nationalism could be used to seize resources of other countries.

The World Bank and the IMF helped grease the wheels of global economic relations. In a global society individual citizenship took a back seat to global human rights and rules of civil society. Again, all configurations aim to suppress the earlier ethnos and narod.

Dugin argues against seeing these levels as indicating any progress or irreversibly. Civil society can return to the nation level as is happening in some of the BRICS countries today. Another example is the fact that the Hungarian Prime Minister Orban does not support the regional European Union. Furthermore, some nations can disintegrate back into narods or ethnos. Dugin stands for an archaic and holistic sociology with ethnicity as its core.

Eurasian Multipolarism

Some countries that are more or less successful as nation-states do not want to lose their independence to a supernational external authority like the United States but they try not to directly oppose it. These countries include China, Russia, Iran and India. Other states try to oppose Mordor directly, rejecting Western values, unipolarity and US Western hegemony. They include Iran (Islamism), China, Venezuela and North Korea embodying socialism. But before BRICS all these groups lacked an alternative global strategy that could be symmetrically comparable to the West.

There is also the Eurasian approach: the Multipolarity, Great Spaces or Great Powers movement. Twelve years after this book was written no doubt BRICS would be part of this. The one tendency in conservatism that is not acceptable to Eurasians is the liberal conservatism of the West. For Eurasianists, modernity is a phenomenon peculiar only to the West. Other cultures must divest the pretentions to the universality of Western civilization and build their societies on the internal values they already possess. For Eurasianists there is an epistemology for Russian civilization an epistemology for the Chinese Islamic epistemology and one for India. It is not accidental that among Russian authors the first to refer to Guenon’s book East and West was the Eurasianist, N.N. Alekseev.

Towards a 4

Dugin claims to share the part of the vision of Rene Guenon and Julius Evola who considered modernity – individualism, liberal democracy, capitalism, consumerism – to be the cause of the future catastrophe of humanity. He wants there to be political alliances between Muslims and Christians, Russians and Chinese, between leftists and rightists, Hindus and Jews. There was a positive side of communism, anti-capitalist, anti-liberal, anti-cosmopolitan and anti-individualist. Communism’s social solidarity, social justice, socialism and general holistic attitude are good. Dugin wants to get rid of the materialist and modernist aspects of communism. He arrives at national Bolshevism which presents socialism without materialism, atheism, progressivism and modernism. He supports Eurasianism. The differences in the ethnicities should be accepted and affirmed without any biological, racist  or evolutionary sentiments. Christian, Islamic, Buddhist, Jewish or Hindu – premodern sources are a very important development in the national Bolshevik synthesis. He wants to put aside anti-communist prejudices. He says we should strongly oppose any kind of confrontation between the various religious beliefs:

Muslim vs Christian

Jews vs Muslims

Muslims vs Hindus

Conclusion
In terms of opposition to Western global capitalism, the resistance has come from BRICS internationally but also from conservative populism at a national level. Given the bankruptcy of the 18th century political spectrum I explored the work of Alexander Dugin’s book, The Fourth Political Theory. In it he claims to be for a unity between a value centered right-wing of the political spectrum and a labor-centered left. Most of the book is taken up with his criticism of liberalism which seems inseparable from capitalism. He spends little time on fascism other than to condemn both between the state centered fascism of Italy and the race-centered Nazis in Germany. His criticism of the left has much complexity and he claims to be allied with National Bolshevism which supports most of Marx’s ideas minus the atheism, materialism and internationalism.

In the last third of my article I explore what Dugin calls the fourth political theory, his brand of conservativism. Dugin quickly points out that his conservativism is not that of the old monarchist or aristocratic tendencies in Europe. But neither does the fourth political  theory have anything to do with the liberal conservativism of the United States with its pro-capitalism, pro-imperialist. anti-communism beliefs. Dugin aligns his brand of conservativism of the New Right Alain de Benoist who advocates that the major division on the political spectrum should be core vs periphery, not right vs left. Dugin considers himself a cultural primordialist with ethnos as its deepest level. This ethnos has nothing to do with racism or biology or social Darwinism. Dugin considers himself a multipolarist but does not spend much time developing it in this book.

Criticism of Dugin’s book The Fourth Political Theory:

What kind of sacred is he advocating?

Dugin says The Fourth Political Theory is free to ignore those theological and dogmatic elements in monotheistic societies that were influenced by rationalism. But does this advocate theology without rationalism? He says he wants to take aboard those irrational aspects of cults, rites and legends that have perplexed theologians in the earliest ages. He says the more ancient the better. Does this mean animism, polytheism or some kind of primitive monotheism?

What kind of economic system is he advocating?

Liberalism is inseparable from capitalism, but it is not clear what kind of economic system Dugin is advocating. After all, in the history of economic relations, in pre-state societies Marshall Sahlins writes that there are three kinds of systems-generalized reciprocity –  balanced reciprocity and negative reciprocity. With the rise of the state, Karl Polyani has identified the relationship between the state and its population as “redistribution systems”. Lastly there is state socialism systems. If Dugin is against capitalism as it exists under liberalism, what kind of economic system is he advocating?

Politics: no mention of anarchism

Surprisingly, in his description the various kinds of leftist groups he ignores anarchism. This is hard to understand because some of the great anarchists of the 19th century were Russian, namely Bakunin and Kropotkin. He says nothing about the revolutionaries in Russia prior to the Bolsheviks and all the men and women who built the radical opposition to the Czar. Anarchism was not just an intellectual movement. It was followed and fought for between 1905 and 1917. Further, many working class people in factories and in the countryside, led by Nestor Makhno fought for an anti-capitalist world during the Russian Civil War between 1917-1921.



Bruce Lerro has taught for 25 years as an adjunct college professor of psychology at Golden Gate University, Dominican University and Diablo Valley College in the San Francisco Bay Area. He has applied a Vygotskian socio-historical perspective to his three books found on Amazon. He is a co-founder, organizer and writer for Socialist Planning Beyond Capitalism. Read other articles by Bruce, or visit Bruce's website.