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Tuesday, October 06, 2026

Indian Supreme Court Demands ‘Transparent’ Answers From Modi’s Government on Voter Purge

Hundreds of people have been arrested in recent days at youth-led protests over the removal of more than 130 million names from voter rolls.


The National Students’ Union of India (NSUI) holds a symbolic protest with demonstrators posing as voters who were kicked off of voter rolls on October 5, 2026 in New Delhi, India.
(Photo by Vipin Kumar/Hindustan Times via Getty Images via Getty Images)

Julia Conley
Oct 05, 2026
COMMON DREAMS


As one advocate warned India’s Supreme Court on Monday that “this country will burn” unless action is taken to stop what thousands of protesters have denounced as an illegal purge of voters by the head of the country’s Election Commission, the court demanded accountability from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government.

Chief Justice Surya Kant said in a hearing that the court had not approved changes to a new form used by the Election Commission of India for registering new voters, contradicting a statement from the ECI last month which said the document had been upheld by the court.

“Modified Form 6 has not been approved by us, let us be very clear,” said Kant.

The court called on Modi’s government, the ECI, and the head of the commission, Gyanesh Kumar, to answer “in a clear, transparent manner” for the massive upheaval of the national voter rolls, from which more than 130 million names have been removed in recent months.

The changes to the voter list have sparked calls for Kumar’s resignation, particularly at protests that have erupted across the country, led by student groups and the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP), a political movement led by young people whom Kant compared to cockroaches earlier this year.

The group’s website declares, “Gyanesh, it’s done, bro,” and thousands of people have joined protests like those that forced the resignation of India’s education minister over the summer.

Last week, hundreds of protesters were detained, with journalists reportedly among those who were arrested—prompting outcry from Amnesty International over the government’s “blatant attack on the rights to liberty and freedom of peaceful assembly.”

In New Delhi in particular, police have been denounced for their aggressive response to the uprising, forcing hundreds of people into police vehicles. Authorities said they were investigating reports that officers had sexually assaulted three journalists at the protests over the weekend.

The Supreme Court took up two petitions Monday, questioning the credibility of the ECI’s efforts to “purify” the voter rolls, as the commission has said, and calling for an independent inquiry into Kumar’s management of the “special intensive revision” (SIR) process.

Another hearing will be held later this week.

Kant said the court wanted a response from Kumar and the commission about allegations that decisions about the SIR were made unilaterally by Kumar. Media reports last month said the two other ECI commissioners had objected to the revision of voter rolls, which the government has claimed is aimed at eliminating duplicates and the names of dead and ineligible voters, as well as “illegal infiltrators.”

People across Delhi and states including Bihar and West Bengal have said they were wrongly removed from voter rolls, and protesters have said the revision appeared to target Muslim voters, who have opposed Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party.

Protesters on Monday symbolically posed as dead people to show that voters have been wrongly eliminated from voter rolls, despite still being alive and eligible to participate in elections.



“Deletions of voters have been made in the largest democracy,” Menaka Guruswamy, a lawyer for one of the petitioners who brought the cases to the Supreme Court, told The Guardian. “We have grown up with free and fair elections, that is not the case now.”

Amnesty Decries ‘Blatant Attack’ on Right to Assembly Amid Crackdown on India Election Protests

Led by student groups and opposition parties, the protesters are demanding the resignation of India’s elections chief as more than 133 million people have been deleted from voter rolls since last year.



All India Students’ Association (AISA) National president Neha Bora is detained by police during a protest against Chief Election Commissioner Gyanesh Kumar, on October 2, 2026 in New Delhi.
(Photo by Sanjeev Verma/Hindustan Times via Getty Images)


Brett Wilkins
Oct 02, 2026
COMMON DREAMS

Police in New Delhi detained hundreds of people Friday amid a crackdown on demonstrations challenging India’s election authorities and their controversial revision of voter rolls, prompting Amnesty International to accuse the government of trampling fundamental rights in the world’s largest democracy.

More than 700 protesters—including former Delhi Chief Minister Atishi Marlena; Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) leader Saurabh Bharadwaj; and Neha Bora, who is president of the leftist All India Students’ Association—were reportedly detained in the capital as demonstrators sought to protest outside Jantar Mantar against Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Gyanesh Kumar and the Election Commission’s Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls.

Journalists covering the protests were also reportedly detained and blocked from doing their jobs.



The Cockroach Janta Party—which led last summer’s successful youth-led protests to oust embattled Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan after devastating leaks of critical university entrance exams—is again playing a central role in the demonstrations.

Police cited Section 163 of India’s criminal code—a provision intended to address immediate public order threats that critics say is misused to broadly restrict peaceful political assembly—to justify the mass detentions.

“The right to protest is not dependent on government approval. It is protected by the Indian Constitution and international human rights law,” Amnesty International India board chair Aakar Patel said. “Prohibitory orders like Section 163 of India’s criminal procedure law, which grant temporary emergency powers to restrict gatherings in the name of public order, have become a convenient way for authorities to routinely prevent peaceful protests.”

“Detaining people simply because they intend to protest is a blatant attack on the rights to liberty and freedom of peaceful assembly,” Patel added. “Detentions must have a lawful basis and cannot be arbitrary or discriminatory. Those arbitrarily detained for solely exercising their right to freedom of expression and peaceful assembly must be released at once, and authorities must guarantee their right to protest.”

The sweeping overhaul of India’s electoral rolls has resulted in more than 133 million names being removed from draft voter lists across 30 states and union territories since the process began last year. That’s about 14.1% of the pre-SIR rolls. Delhi recorded the largest reduction, with 32.8% of registered electors removed from its draft list.

While the Election Commission says SIR intended to verify voter eligibility and clean up electoral rolls, critics warn that mass deletions could disenfranchise legitimate voters, particularly people who have migrated, lack documentation, or belong to marginalized communities.

The controversy intensified last month after an Indian Express investigation revealed that Election Commissioners Sukhbir Singh Sandhu and Vivek Joshi had formally objected at least 14 times over 10 months to decisions involving voter additions, deletions, and other SIR-related procedures. The two commissioners reportedly raised concerns, including over what they characterized as “unauthorized” or “illegal” actions.

“This is a disenfranchisement of millions of voters.”

Protesters are demanding Kumar’s resignation amid doubts about the transparency and impartiality of the SIR and those behind it.

“The protest is against Gyanesh Kumar and the Election Commission,” protester Pawan, a 36-year-old IT professional, told The Indian Express Friday at Jantar Mantar. “But there’s a larger context, I feel. Demanding the resignation of the CEC isn’t the only thing. People are upset with the SIR. This is a disenfranchisement of millions of voters.”

AAP spokesperson Anurag Dhanda, who was among those detained, told Indo-Asian News Service that “we are simply demanding that democracy should not be destroyed. We were saying that people should have the right to vote. Gyanesh Kumar took away the right to vote and committed vote theft, yet the vote thief is not being put in jail. Instead, they brought us here and made us sit at the police station.”

“This is a complete dictatorship of the Modi government,” he added, referring to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his right-wing Bharatiya Janata Party.

Marlena, better known mononymously as Atishi, said that “when the British ruled India, Gandhiji fought for people’s right to vote. Today, when we have that right, Gyanesh Kumar is trying to take it away.”

Atishi said that when demonstrators tried to reach Jantar Mantar—an officially designated protest site—police hauled them away in buses and detained them at a local police station.

“We are not afraid of Modiji’s police,” she said, referring to Modi. “We will continue to fight to protect the right to vote. The fight against vote theft will continue. The EC’s system will have to be corrected, and Gyanesh Kumar will have to resign.”

At one point, Bora and other detained demonstrators were sprung from a police bus by fellow protesters in the streets.



After escaping detention, Bora defiantly called for a fresh wave of protests for Saturday.

“Get rest after today’s detention,” she said. “Because if you don’t, how will you reach Jantar Mantar at 1 pm tomorrow?”

“Thousands of police officers are working to save one man—Gyanesh Kumar—whom we have to ensure gets removed from office,” Bora continued.

“Jantar Mantar 2.0 is not done!” she added, implicitly referring to the earlier Cockroach Janta Party protests. “It has just begun!”



Thursday, October 01, 2026

THE BILLIONAIRE VS. THE DOCTOR

Vivek Ramaswamy dealt double polling blow against Amy Acton within 24 hours


Andrew Stanton
Tue, September 29, 2026 
NEWSWEEK

Republican Vivek Ramaswamy trailed Democrat Amy Acton in two new polls of the Ohio governor's race released Tuesday by Marist University and Suffolk University, a blow to the GOP candidate in the conservative-leaning state just five weeks before the midterm elections.

Democrats are hoping to stage a comeback in Ohio this year. The Buckeye State was once a battleground that backed former President Barack Obama in the 2008 and 2012 elections but has since shifted rightward, backing President Donald Trump three times, including a double-digit victory in 2024.

Ramaswamy, an entrepreneur who rose to national prominence during his 2024 presidential run, is running against Acton, who led the Ohio Department of Health during the COVID-19 pandemic. The race is expected to be one of the closest of the midterms, with forecasters like the Cook Political Report considering it a toss-up.



Amy Acton, left, attends a campaign event in Marietta, Ohio, on September 17, while Vivek Ramaswamy, right, speaks during a watch party on May 5 in Columbus, Ohio.

Acton led by 9 points, 50 percent to 41 percent, in the Suffolk poll. It is her strongest lead in any survey since February. Meanwhile, she held a 6-point lead in the Marist poll, 50 percent to 44 percent.

A third poll released later Tuesday by Big Data Poll showed Ramaswamy with a slight lead, 45.1 percent to 42.7 percent.

The closeness of the race is a "testament to the difficult environment Republicans face this year," Robert Alexander, professor of political science at Bowling Green State University, told Newsweek.

"Not only is their party in charge during a midterm election—which usually spells trouble for that party—but views on the economy have been especially negative over the past year," he said. "Most people think the state and the country are moving in the wrong direction and that the economy was better last year than it is now."

Still, Republicans could close the gap before Election Day, he said, adding that whether or not Republicans turn out to vote will make the difference.

"The state is more aligned with Republicans, but again, there is a lot of frustration and many independents also seem to have turned against Republicans in the polling thus far," Alexander also said.

The Suffolk poll surveyed 500 likely voters from September 23 to September 27, with a margin of error of plus or minus 4.4 percentage points. The Marist poll surveyed 1,298 registered voters from September 24 to September 27, with a margin of error of plus or minus 3.8 percentage points. The Big Data Poll surveyed 735 registered voters, 680 of whom were likely voters, on September 26 and September 27.

Acton, Ramaswamy Campaigns React to New Polls

Ramaswamy spokesperson Evan Machan downplayed the polling in a statement to Newsweek.

"Every election year, the media does the exact same thing: they follow public polls, build their coverage around them, and treat them like gospel. And every election year, those polls are inevitably wrong. You would think at some point the media would learn the lesson, but every cycle they fall for it all over again," Machan said.

Acton's Campaign Manager Philip Stein told Newsweek that voters in Ohio are "ready to elect Acton because they know she's the only choice who has proven she'll show up anywhere and work with anyone to bring down costs, clean up corruption, and work towards an Ohio where everyone can thrive."

"While out-of-touch billionaire Vivek Ramaswamy and his billionaire buddies try to buy this election by spending tens of millions of dollars flooding the airwaves with misleading AI ads, Dr. Acton has remained laser-focused on running a grassroots campaign traveling to every corner of Ohio," Stein said.
Amy Acton's Lead Powered by Women, Independent Voters

The pair of polls found that independent voters and women are bolstering Acton's showing in the state.

Acton led by 25 points among independents, 57 percent to 32 percent, in the Marist poll. She also led by 12 points among women, 53 percent to 41 percent.

In the Suffolk poll, Acton led independents by 37 points, 64 percent to 27 percent. She led women by 19 points, 55 percent to 36 percent.

For comparison, Trump won both groups in the state in 2024. He won independents by 2 points, 50 percent to 48 percent, and women by a single point, 50 percent to 49 percent, according to CNN.

Despite Trump's strong showing in Ohio just two years ago, Democrats have targeted the state amid a more favorable national environment. Republicans are facing voter backlash over the ongoing state of the economy and the high cost of living. Soaring gas prices amid the Iran war have also added pressure to Americans' finances ahead of the midterms.

Historically, the party of the president suffers midterm losses when his approval rating is low, and Democrats believe Trump's approval rating reaching record lows could open the door to winning back voters in states like Ohio.
What Other Polls Show About Ohio Governor's Race

The Ohio governor's race is expected to be one of the closest of the midterms, and recent polling reflects that.

A poll from YouGov and Bowling Green State University released this month gave Acton a 3-point lead, 48 percent to 45 percent. It surveyed 1,000 likely voters from September 1 to September 10, with a margin of error of plus or minus 4 percentage points.

View embedded content

Ramaswamy, however, held a 2-point lead in a Fox News poll, 50 percent to 48 percent. It surveyed 1,008 registered voters from August 6 to August 10 and had a margin of error of plus or minus 3 percentage points.
What Prediction Markets Show

Prediction markets show a close race, with Acton having a 61 percent chance of victory on Kalshi, and carrying a 62 percent chance of victory on Polymarket as of Tuesday.

Prediction markets allow traders to buy and sell contracts tied to political outcomes and current events, aggregating real‑money wagers into probability estimates.

Prices fluctuate as traders react to polling, fundraising, candidate developments and broader political trends. They measure trader sentiment at a given moment but do not always accurately predict the future.
How Ohio Shifted From Purple to Red

Trump won Ohio by about 11 percentage points in 2024, an improvement on his 2020 and 2016 performances, when he won by about 8 points each time. But Ohio was viewed as more competitive for Democrats not long before. Obama narrowly carried Ohio in 2008 and 2012.

Alexander said the state has a "strong populist streak," and Democrats are working to appeal to those voters this year.

View embedded content

"They are working to distinguish themselves from the national party, while trying to not alienate more progressive portions of the base. This is a difficult task," he said. "I think the bigger issue is that if Democrats aren't successful in this environment, it is hard to see how they can be successful in future elections in the state."

Trump made inroads with white, working-class voters who were previously more divided between Democrats and Republicans. His gains came from rural counties as well as the northeastern region near Cleveland. Democrats have gained some ground in Cincinnati and Columbus suburbs, but not enough to offset Republican gains in rural areas.

Still, Ohio has been competitive in some recent elections.

Democratic former Senator Sherrod Brown won reelection in 2018, then lost in 2024 by fewer than 4 percentage points. He is running for Senate against GOP incumbent Jon Husted this year, and polls point to a competitive race.
When Did Ohio Last Elect a Democratic Governor?

Ohio last elected a Democratic governor in 2006, when Ted Strickland, then a member of the House, flipped the seat as part of a blue wave. In 2010, a stronger year for the GOP, Republican John Kasich defeated Strickland by about 2 points.

Since then, Ohio has elected moderate Republican governors like Kasich in his reelection and Mike DeWine, who is ineligible to seek a third term in office.

Who Is Vivek Ramaswamy?

Ramaswamy ran for president in 2024 but was unable to overtake Trump in the primary. He was still able to become a favorite among many conservatives and gained national political attention while focusing his criticism on "woke" corporate culture.

Upon his return to the White House, Trump selected the entrepreneur-turned-politician to co-lead the Department of Government Efficiency, but Ramaswamy stepped away from the position in its early days before announcing his gubernatorial run.

Trump has endorsed Ramaswamy's campaign for governor.

Ramaswamy easily won the Republican primary with more than 80 percent of the vote.


Who Is Amy Acton?

Acton served under DeWine as director of the Ohio Department of Health from February 2019 through June 2020, working through the initial wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. She has also worked for nonprofits like the Columbus Foundation.

She has garnered attention—and criticism from some more progressive Democrats—for breaking from her party on key issues. She has said she does not "support boys playing in girls sports" and has said she supports Issue 3, an amendment that would put the state's voter ID requirements into its constitution.

"This amendment has overwhelming support from Ohioans across the state," Acton said, according to WEWS in Cleveland. "As this doesn't change what is already law, as governor, I will support it."

Acton ran unopposed in the Democratic primary.


What Happens Next


Ohio's gubernatorial race is expected to be one of the closest of the midterms. The two candidates are not expected to debate. Both the Cook Political Report and Sabato's Crystal Ball classify the race as a toss-up.


Contact Newsweek editors on this story: Jason Lemon and Dave Siminoff.

Sunday, September 20, 2026

How The US-Saudi Nuclear Deal Could Ignite A Middle East Arms Race – Analysis


Saudi Arabia and the United States sign nuclear agreements. 
Credit: US Department of Energy


September 20, 2026

Observer Research Foundation

By Vivek Mishra and Surya Prakash Noutiyal



Key Takeaways:

A 123 deal, not the UAE “gold standard.” Signed 22 July 2026, the 30-year U.S.–Saudi civil nuclear pact (Atomic Energy Act §123) can move civilian fuel, tech, and kit—and, the author says, leave enrichment on Saudi soil under U.S. monitoring. Riyadh is in the NPT (1988) and has IAEA comprehensive safeguards (2009) but not the Additional Protocol. The UAE’s 2009 deal barred domestic enrichment.

Congress and a Trump aside. Energy Depart
ent: 90 session days for Congress to object. Trump said a day after signing that it hinged on Abraham Accords/Israel; the text does not. MBS in 2023: if Iran gets a bomb, Saudi Arabia would “have to get one.” Author: enrichment up to 20% is the civilian cap named—and the proliferation worry vs Iran’s JCPOA 3.67% cap (later 60% after the U.S. left).

Rivals and spillover. A parallel bilateral safeguards deal is meant to beat China and Russia for the build. Author: Turkey, Egypt, the UAE may want the same rights; Saudi–Pakistan and Mecca (Saudi–Pakistan–Türkiye) defense pacts widen the worry. That last stretch is the writer’s brief, not the treaty text.



The United States (US) and Saudi Arabia have reached a landmark nuclear cooperation agreement (123 agreement) on civil nuclear energy that could provide the Kingdom with an enviable opportunity to enrich uranium on its soil, a prospect that has drawn criticism over the risk of regional nuclear proliferation.

The 123 agreement — a term drawn from Section 123 of the US Atomic Energy Act of 1954 — could allow the transfer of civilian nuclear material, technology, and equipment to Saudi Arabia. The move is critical for Riyadh as it undergoes economic diversification, becoming less reliant on the fossil-fuel-based economy and developing a non-fossil-fuel energy mix that includes nuclear energy. In return, the 30-year agreement gives American companies access to Saudi Arabia’s civil nuclear market, allowing them to work with local entities to build a multibillion-dollar industry.


Saudi Arabia acceded to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in 1988 and, since 2009, has had a comprehensive safeguards agreement with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) covering all its nuclear facilities. However, the Kingdom has not signed the Additional Protocol, which gives the IAEA broader access to look for undeclared material and activities. Additionally, Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s rupture with the Biden administration, Saudi Arabia’s tendency to act independently of the US, and its mutual defence pact with Pakistan all give Washington — and the South Asian region — reason to be cautious.

Along with the 123 agreement, Washington and Riyadh also signed a bilateral safeguards agreement that strengthens the US’s competitive edge in exporting civil nuclear technology to the Kingdom vis-à-vis other nuclear technology-trading countries such as China and Russia. This agreement offers the US significant economic and strategic advantages for long-term business opportunities in the Kingdom. The agreement lays the legal foundation for providing the Kingdom with uranium enrichment capability for its civilian nuclear programme, on the condition that the US monitors Saudi Arabia’s enrichment activities. Critics argue that the agreement lacks the “Gold Standard” that Washington has, for two decades, attached as a condition for nuclear cooperation — requiring countries to forgo domestic uranium enrichment and spent fuel reprocessing. The UAE is a prime example of this standard being applied.


The US-Saudi nuclear agreement had remained stalled for years. In July 2017, Saudi Arabia approved a National Project for Atomic Energy to diversify its energy mix and reduce domestic oil and gas consumption, with plans to build large and small nuclear reactors for electricity generation and water desalination. The US already has a civil nuclear agreement with the UAE, in force since 2009, under which the UAE does not enrich uranium domestically and instead relies on imports of enriched uranium for its nuclear energy programme.

Riyadh’s main sticking point was believed to be its insistence on enriching uranium domestically, something Washington had long been reluctant to allow. Successive US administrations worked toward nuclear cooperation with Saudi Arabia, and the Trump administration finally signed the civil nuclear deal on 22 July 2026 — only for President Trump to declare a day later that it was contingent on Saudi Arabia joining the Abraham Accords and normalising relations with Israel, a condition not mentioned when the deal was announced.

The formal text, however, does not make the deal conditional on Saudi-Israeli normalisation, so it could take effect without it. Israel’s own domestic politics — an approaching election and its refusal to withdraw from Gaza — may have forced Trump’s hand on this point. The deal still carries a built-in buffer: according to the US Department of Energy, it now goes to Congress for review and will enter into force unless Congress votes to object within 90 session days, giving Trump time to test Riyadh’s promise.

Eight months after signing a joint declaration in November 2025, the 123 agreement between the US and Saudi Arabia arrives at a moment when Washington is at war with Iran and in urgent need of regional realignment. US allies in the region, Saudi Arabia included, have been struck by hundreds of Iranian missiles and drones, an onslaught that has threatened Saudi sovereignty, disrupted oil exports through the Strait of Hormuz, and reopened the debate about the US’s utility as the Gulf’s security guarantor.


The Crown Prince has long adopted a realistic view about the threat from Iran. In September 2023, Mohammed bin Salman acknowledged that if Iran obtained a nuclear weapon, Saudi Arabia would “have to get one, for security reasons, for balancing power.” The unpredictability of the ongoing war has since sent Riyadh scrambling for firmer security guarantees. Its early assurance that Saudi soil would not be used to strike Iran gave way as Iranian attacks intensified, eventually forcing Saudi Arabia to launch retaliatory strikes on Iran of its own. A purely defensive posture is proving unsustainable through a prolonged conflict, and with the prospect of Iranian nuclearisation now an open bet, Saudi Arabia wants a clearer path forward.
Nuclear Proliferation in the Middle East

The Saudi nuclear agreement would allow the Kingdom to enrich uranium up to 20 percent. Such a level could be needed to power a small modular civilian reactor, but it also raises the risk of nuclear material being diverted for military purposes in the absence of stringent controls. Washington is applying a markedly different enrichment benchmark to Saudi Arabia than the one it once set for Iran. Under the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, Iran’s uranium enrichment was capped at 3.67 percent for 15 years, after which the restriction would lapse. Trump’s withdrawal from the deal during his first term set in motion a chain of events that saw Iran enrich uranium to as much as 60 percent — for context, 90 percent is considered weapons-grade. The biggest concern around Saudi Arabia’s entry into the nuclear fold is that it could intensify a broader nuclear arms race in the Middle East.


As the US-Iran nuclear deal remains in a quagmire and Iran still possesses its stockpile of enriched uranium, Saudi Arabia’s rush to acquire nuclear technology as a deterrent against Iran is unsurprising. Iran has already demonstrated its ability to control the Strait of Hormuz and disrupt other trade routes in the region. For reliable deterrence, the Kingdom is seeking a sovereign nuclear capability that offers lasting security in the Middle East. Another factor that may have nudged Washington toward a deal with Riyadh was the lurking possibility of Saudi Arabia turning to Russia or China instead.

Through the nuclear agreement, Washington has ensured that Riyadh stays within the ambit of a strategic partnership spanning energy, technology, and regional security. The US-Saudi civil nuclear pact is being billed as the “deal of the century” for the Kingdom: it meets Saudi Arabia’s nuclear energy needs while giving Washington leverage to steer Riyadh away from Beijing and Moscow. Perhaps the most consequential spillover from the agreement will be how it shapes Washington’s approach to the nuclear ambitions of other regional powers — Turkey, Egypt, and the UAE among them — especially if Saudi Arabia succeeds in securing enrichment rights on its soil.

The issue of nuclear proliferation has never been more acute for the volatile Middle East. An uncontrolled nuclear expansion in the region could open a Pandora’s box, sharply compounding proliferation concerns. It also raises questions about regional stability at a time when the US is unable to offer its regional allies concrete security guarantees. There is a glaring contradiction at the heart of US policy in the Middle East: on the one hand, Washington is pressuring Iran to halt its nuclear programme and submit to stringent IAEA inspections; on the other, it is helping its long-standing ally, Saudi Arabia, acquire critical nuclear technology whose ultimate designs remain, at best, an open question. This contradiction is likely to heighten tensions among rival Middle Eastern states and fuel a new kind of nuclear arms race. Pakistan’s institutionalised defence cooperation with Saudi Arabia — both the bilateral Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement and the trilateral Mecca Joint Defence Agreement, which brought Turkey into the fold — only widens the avenues for nuclear proliferation rather than narrowing them. Ultimately, a civil nuclear deal between the US and Saudi Arabia, a longstanding regional rival of Iran, is set to further stoke tensions across the region.


About the authors:Vivek Mishra is Deputy Director – Strategic Studies Programme at the Observer Research Foundation.

Surya Prakash Noutiyal was a Research Intern at the Observer Research Foundation.

Source: This article was published by the Observer Research Foundation.

About Observer Research Foundation
ORF was established on 5 September 1990 as a private, not for profit, ’think tank’ to influence public policy formulation. The Foundation brought together, for the first time, leading Indian economists and policymakers to present An Agenda for Economic Reforms in India. The idea was to help develop a consensus in favour of economic reforms.
View all posts by Observer Research Foundation →







Thursday, September 17, 2026

 


Article Collection: AI and data-driven biomaterials



KeAi Communications Co., Ltd.






Bioactive Materials (Impact Factor: 23.6) is an international, peer-reviewed research publication covering all aspects of bioactive materials.

The journal welcomes the submission of research papers, reviews and rapid communications that are concerned with the science and engineering of next-generation biomaterials that come into contact with cells, tissues or organs across all living species. 

This collection features articles on “AI and data-driven biomaterials” published in Bioactive Materials. All articles are free to read and download.

AI-enabled organoids: Construction, analysis, and application

Bai, Long; Wu, Yan; Li, Guangfeng; Zhang, Wencai; Zhang, Hao; Su, Jiacan

AI-driven 3D bioprinting for regenerative medicine: From bench to bedside

Zhang, Zhenrui; Zhou, Xianhao; Fang, Yongcong; Xiong, Zhuo; Zhang, Ting

Harnessing the power of artificial intelligence for human living organoid research

Wang, Hui; Li, Xiangyang; You, Xiaoyan; Zhao, Guoping

Synchrotron microtomography reveals insights into the degradation kinetics of bio-degradable coronary magnesium scaffolds

Menze, Roman; Hesse, Bernhard; Kusmierczuk, Maciej; Chen, Duote; Weitkamp, Timm; Bettink, Stephanie; Scheller, Bruno

Emerging brain organoids: 3D models to decipher, identify and revolutionize brain

Zhao, Yuli; Wang, Ting; Liu, Jiajun; Wang, Ze; Lu, Yuan

Harnessing advanced computational approaches to design novel antimicrobial peptides against intracellular bacterial infections

Fang, Yanpeng; Fan, Duoyang; Feng, Bin; Zhu, Yingli; Xie, Ruyan; Tan, Xiaorong; Liu, Qianhui; Dong, Jie; Zeng, Wenbin

Throw out an oligopeptide to catch a protein: Deep learning and natural language processing-screened tripeptide PSP promotes Osteolectin-mediated vascularized bone regeneration

Chen, Yu; Chen, Long; Wu, Jinyang; Xu, Xiaofeng; Yang, Chengshuai; Zhang, Yong; Chen, Xinrong; Lin, Kaili; Zhang, Shilei

Quantum machine learning-based electrokinetic mining for the identification of nanoparticles and exosomes with minimal training data

Thakur, Abhimanyu; Bezerra, Pedro Correia Santos; Abhishek; Zeng, Shihao; Zhang, Kui; Treptow, Werner; Luna, Alexander; Dougherty, Urszula; Kwesi, Akushika; Huang, Isabella R.; Bestvina, Christine; Garassino, Marina Chiara; Duan, Fuyu; Gokhale, Yash; Duan, Bin; Chen, Yin; Lian, Qizhou; Bissonnette, Marc; Huang, Jianpan; Chen, Huanhuan Joyce

Lung cancer intravasation-on-a-chip: Visualization and machine learning-assisted automatic quantification

Wong, Christy Wing Tung; Lee, Joyce Zhi Xuen; Jaeschke, Anna; Ng, Sammi Sze Ying; Lit, Kwok Keung; Wan, Ho-Ying; Kniebs, Caroline; Ker, Dai Fei Elmer; Tuan, Rocky S.; Blocki, Anna

###

Contact the author:

Jessica Wang, jessica.wang@keaipublishing.com

The publisher KeAi was established by Elsevier and China Science Publishing & Media Ltd to unfold quality research globally. In 2013, our focus shifted to open access publishing. We now proudly publish more than 200 world-class, open access, English language journals, spanning all scientific disciplines. Many of these are titles we publish in partnership with prestigious societies and academic institutions, such as the National Natural Science Foundation of China (NSFC).

Journal

Manuscripts-turned AI agents can now ‘talk’ to each other, make new discoveries



Papers, reimagined as AI collaborators


Stanford Medicine





Since 1665, scholarly journals have stood as written record of scientific advancement — static words on a page, a reference written by people for other people to read. That’s about to change.

A team of Stanford Medicine researchers led by postdoctoral scholar Jiacheng Miao, PhD, and associate professor of biomedical data science James Zou, PhD, designed an artificial intelligence program called Paper2Agent that turns any scientific manuscript — including the text, figures and data — into an interactive AI agent that can chat about the paper and interact with other paper agents.

“For essentially all of human history, the way that we represent knowledge is in the form of these very passive artifacts,” Zou said. “In old times people carved knowledge into stones, and now we type knowledge into words on pages — but in some sense pages aren’t that much better.”

Zou is programming a major update to the centuries-old practice of manuscript publishing. “This is an opportunity to fundamentally reimagine what knowledge looks like. Instead of having only passive artifacts, why don’t we convert each static record into an active embodiment of knowledge?” Zou said. Think of it, he said, like a virtual author who knows how that knowledge is generated — one that’s capable of explaining it and extending it by connecting with other papers and initiating new collaborations.

A paper describing the AI work will publish on Sept. 16 in Nature. Zou is the senior author, and Miao is the lead author.

Manuscripts manifested

The paper agents can answer questions about the work, apply methods from the paper to new data and even engage in conversations with other paper agents. The transformation from paper to AI agent starts with a team of bustling AI “worker agents” that pore over a single published paper and any associated code and data. But they’re not just reading the paper. What’s the best way to learn? Do it yourself.

The agents try to reproduce the original research from scratch. In a virtual environment, the agents simulate the research documented in the paper, and through that process, they capture the know-how a reader would otherwise have to dig out manually, from reagents needed to the experimental setup and execution.

The agents store that knowledge using something called an MCP, or model context protocol.

“An MCP lets AI essentially represent a paper PDF in a form that’s easy for agents to access, almost like a filing system,” Zou said. Each section of the paper is stored in a different folder, while the introduction, methods, results and conclusion are all organized into a separate file that lives in a parent file of a given paper.

AI does the heavy lifting, but Zou and the other human authors still have a role. The manuscript won’t capture things like failed experiments or judgment calls behind experimental setups. So humans have to supply that context to the paper agent in conversational exchanges in which the agent can question the authors about the paper and research.

AI-to-AI collaboration

A “live action” embodiment of knowledge can be a boon for readers of scientific manuscripts who seek to deeply understand the research, but these paper whisperers can do something even more impressive. They can talk to each other. That kind of agent-to-agent collaboration could become a vast research network — one with potential to make real discoveries.

Zou and his team demonstrated the power of agent-to-agent collaboration by converting two unrelated papers into agents. One described a tool for predicting how genetic mutations affect the genome; the other described a genome-wide association study of the risk of developing attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder. With both papers spun up into agents, the two began to find common ground. The genome prediction agent applied its knowledge to the ADHD dataset and flagged a molecular variant near a gene called MPHOSPH9 that’s associated with increased ADHD risk — a connection that, according to Zou, had not been reported before.

“In the past, if there are two research groups that publish two different papers, those two research groups have to somehow find each other,” Zou said. With paper agents, that overlap can surface without human legwork. Zou’s team chose these two initial papers and paired them for this demonstration, but the eventual goal, he said, is something closer to manuscript speed dating at scale: Millions of paper agents surfacing common ground among themselves and working together to produce new insights.

Checking knowledge as it’s built

Zou is careful to note that attribution still matters. Agents that extend a paper’s reach are meant to help disseminate the original researchers’ work, not obscure whose work it is. “It’s still important to attribute the final discoveries and reference them back to original papers and original human authors,” he said.

Zou also noted that the parameters under which agents collaborate — and make new discoveries — should be closely guided and monitored to ensure the agents’ collaborations prioritize safety and ethical research.

The team is still expanding what a paper agent can do, including working out how, at scale, thousands or millions of these agents might productively find each other. Right now, the team has created more than 100 paper agents, but eventually, Zou hopes most manuscripts will have an associated paper agent. “Millions of papers are published every year,” he said. “There’s enormous potential here.”

This work was supported by funding from the Chan-Zuckerberg Biohub.

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About Stanford Medicine

Stanford Medicine is an integrated academic health system comprising the Stanford School of Medicine and adult and pediatric health care delivery systems. Together, they harness the full potential of biomedicine through collaborative research, education and clinical care for patients. For more information, please visit med.stanford.edu.

 

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ChatGPT at university: What determines whether students will continue using it?

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As AI enters health care, are we ready?


In new perspective piece, researchers call for health-literate AI




CUNY Graduate School of Public Health and Health Policy






New York, NY | September 16, 2026 – Artificial intelligence is rapidly becoming part of how people seek, interpret, and act on health information. Yet the technology is advancing faster than the evidence needed to determine whether these systems actually help people understand what matters, make informed health decisions, and know what to do next.

A new perspective led by University of Alabama Professor Rebecca K. Ivic, PhD, with CUNY SPH Distinguished Lecturer Scott C. Ratzan, MD and Emory University School of Medicine Professor Emerita Ruth M. Parker, MD, introduces the concept of health-literate artificial intelligence and proposes four principles for designing and governing AI-mediated health communication: comprehension, agency, accountability, and proportionality.

“We are deploying AI into health contexts faster than we are building the evidence needed to know whether it actually helps people understand, decide, and act,” says Dr. Ivic.

As AI systems are used to answer questions about symptoms, summarize health guidance, interpret risk and support decisions, a technically plausible response may be provided, while still failing to communicate how urgent a situation is, how certain the information is, what alternatives exist, when professional care is needed, and how to garner human judgment and dialogue for appropriate decision-making.

The authors define health-literate AI as AI designed to align information, guidance, and responsibility with users’ abilities, contexts, and needs. The framework shifts attention beyond whether AI produces information that is technically accurate or explainable to whether people can understand what that information means, make informed decisions, and determine what to do next.

The four components are:

  • Comprehension: Can people interpret AI output in relation to their language, prior knowledge, and circumstances?
  • Agency: Does the information support meaningful and informed action, including clear choices and next steps?
  • Accountability: Are evidence, uncertainty, limitations, and responsibility visible?
  • Proportionality: Does the amount and urgency of guidance match the stakes of the situation?

Together, these components provide a basis for considering whether AI-mediated communication is fit for purpose in health-relevant settings.

“Given all the discussion and warnings about the potential harms of AI, we need expert thinking, research, and analysis that protects people from potential harms while realizing the promise of this new technology for health,” says Dr. Ratzan, co-chair of the Nature Medicine Commission on Quality Health Information for All and editor-in-chief of the Journal of Health Communication.

“Is AI in healthcare the holy grail or the tower of Babel?” asks Dr. Parker. “In medicine, there are immediate questions: Can all people understand and safely use what these systems tell them in order to improve health outcomes? Is its use cost-effective and also aligned with our human values?”

The framework builds on decades of health literacy research that has increasingly examined not only individuals’ skills but also how governments, organizations, and systems make health information easier or harder to understand and use. For over 30 years, Drs. Parker and Ratzan have contributed substantially to this body of work, including research on health literacy as a systems and policy concern. Dr. Ivic proposes a novel model for today’s digital information environment, examining how platforms, institutions, and emerging technologies shape the production, interpretation, and use of health information.

Rather than placing the burden entirely on individuals to interpret increasingly complex automated information, health-literate AI asks how the design and governance of AI systems themselves can support understanding and informed action. The authors also challenge designers to envision how AI could help operationalize affordability of healthcare, a long-standing, well-acknowledged goal that we have not achieved.  

“This model gives researchers, developers, and regulators a shared way to address a more consequential question,” says Dr. Ivic, commissioner of the Nature Medicine Commission on Quality Health Information for All and executive editor of the Journal of Health Communication. “The question is not simply whether AI can generate an answer, but whether people can understand it, use it, and act on it appropriately. Health-literate AI should do more of the work of making quality health information understandable, actionable, and accountable, with design and governance working together to advance responsible AI in health.”

The authors argue that this is particularly important in high-stakes or ambiguous situations. AI systems should distinguish among informing, advising, and deciding and make those roles clear to users. When automated output is insufficient, systems should also identify when human judgment, clinical evaluation, or ethical deliberation is needed.

“The goal is not to make people better at navigating increasingly complex AI,” Ivic says. “It is to give the field a way to begin measuring whether that is actually happening.”

The perspective argues that health literacy should not simply require people to adapt to increasingly complex technologies. As AI becomes an increasingly important intermediary between people and health information, the systems themselves should be designed around the people who must understand and use them.

The authors call for adoption of the principles of health-literate AI to inform design, evaluation, research, and governance across health-relevant AI ecosystems. They also point to an important evidence gap: More research is needed to determine whether AI actually improves comprehension, informed decision-making, and health-related action.

“AI in healthcare no doubt offers opportunities for innovation, but more research, guardrails, and regulation are needed to ensure its benefits clearly outweigh its risks,” says Dr. Parker. “Its design and use needs to enhance users’ abilities to understand and make decisions that improve health, are affordable, and consistently aligned with our human values.”

Ivic, R.K., Ratzan, S.C. & Parker, R.M. Building health-literate artificial intelligence. Nat Hum Behav (2026).

Media contact:

Ariana Costakes

Communications Editorial Manager

ariana.costakes@sph.cuny.edu

About CUNY SPH

The CUNY Graduate School of Public Health and Health Policy (CUNY SPH) is committed to promoting and sustaining healthier populations in New York City and around the world through excellence in education, research, and service in public health and by advocating for sound policy and practice to advance social justice and improve health outcomes for all.