INDIA

Maize helps Anantapur farmers decode the climate change maze

Paul Babu | 11 Apr 2025

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Farmers in the district increasingly rely on maize, thanks to lower water consumption, resistance to adverse weather, and high demand.

Maize fields on the outskirts of Bommanahal (Photo - Paul Babu, 101Reporters).

Anantapur, Andhra Pradesh: "Irregular rains and long dry spells began to fail our crops nearly 15 years ago. Farming felt like a game of luck. However, after taking up maize, things changed. It requires less water, withstands any weather and gives good yields. Even if rains are erratic, we do not face big losses. Maize is a major poultry feed, so its demand naturally gives us good prices. Most of us do not even take loans for maize,” said Vadde Uligappa (55), a farmer cultivating maize since 2012 and hailing from Putlur mandal of Anantapur district in Andhra Pradesh.

The farmers of 36 villages across Bommanahal, D. Hirehal, Putlur, Peddavadugur, Vidapanakal, Tadipatri, Kundurpi and Kanekal mandals mainly grow paddy and maize. "Those with borewells sometimes go for groundnuts, chillies or cotton, and a few even try sugarcane. However, all these need plenty of water and are not climate-smart like maize," added Uligappa.

The average annual temperature in Anantapur district increased from 27.3°C in 2014 to 28°C in 2024. Peak summer temperatures, which ranged between 30°C and 35°C in 2014, soared to 44.7°C in 2024. This sharp rise has been impacting agriculture, water availability and public health, making climate adaptation strategies essential.

“Now, almost everyone is including maize as a main crop — it is profitable and reliable," added Gudipati Nettekanteiah (54) from Uddehal and K Mallikarjuna (40) from Bommanahal. According to Assistant Statistics Officer M Parvathappa, 702 acres of maize were insured in Bommanahal mandal by 350 farmers during the kharif season, while 333 acres were insured by 107 farmers in the rabi season for 2024-2025.

According to Anantapur’s official website, the district receives an average annual rainfall of 552 mm. “Maize is a highly water-efficient crop, requiring only 500 to 600 mm of water per growing season, whereas paddy consumes 1,240 mm. Simply put, the amount of water needed for one acre of paddy can conveniently support one hectare [2.47 acres] of maize in black cotton soil and two acres in red soil,” a deputy director with the Andhra Pradesh State Agriculture Department told 101Reporters over the phone, on condition of anonymity.

“Earlier, we used to grow maize as an intercrop during the kharif season to efficiently manage water allocated from River Tungabhadra for both paddy and maize. Now we grow maize twice and paddy once a year,” said farmer H Prem Kumar (44) from Devagiri. In the kharif season, 7.32 TMC of Tungabhadra water is allocated for 26 villages across Bommanahal, D. Hirehal, Kanekal, Vidapankal and Uravakonda mandals to irrigate 35,541 acres.

Low investment, high returns

Traditionally, farmers of drought-prone Anantapur district cultivated paddy and groundnut. Maize cultivation began in a small way in 1998, after farmers learnt about the concept of climate change from fertiliser representatives, who also explained to them why maize was farmer-friendly and profitable. This gradually led to increased maize production.

However, since paddy is a traditional crop and a status symbol for farmers, those with over 10 acres and access to borewells continued to grow it. If they have 10 acres, they will most likely grow paddy on seven and maize on three acres. Small farmers also grew paddy in the kharif season for their own consumption along with maize.

Farmer Chennareddy Gopal (48) from Bommanahal used to cultivate paddy thrice a year before the harsh reality of climate change began to manifest. He used to get Rs 22 to 23 per kg of the produce, for which the present rate is Rs 22.50 to 24 per kg. Maize also fetches similar rates these days, with current prices ranging from Rs 22.50 to Rs 25 per kg.

“Even when I was 12, maize was sold at Rs 500 per quintal. Even then, it was profitable. I have never faced losses with this crop,” stated Yerragunta Swamylinga (46), a tenant farmer from Putlur, who cultivates eight acres in Devagiri.

K Anand, a local leader of YSR Congress Party in Devagiri, agreed that he has never heard of farmers facing losses with maize in the 30 years of his farming journey. “We grow it at least twice in rabi,” he added.

“Maize yields better in rabi than in kharif, even though it is a perennial and non-traditional crop. Black cotton soil enhances the yield due to its water retention capacity, whereas red soil lacks water retention capacity,” Sheik Mahmood Pasha, Telangana State Green Ranger coordinator and sustainability activist, told 101Reporters.

“Just watering the land once or twice a month is enough. Even if we invest Rs 30,000 per acre, we still make at least Rs 30,000 in profit after all the expenses,” confirmed farmer K Vijayakumar (32) from Bommanahal.

Chennareddy Basavaraju (51) from Bommanahal cultivates maize on 70 acres. “Maize needs less investment, but gives higher profits. Plus, it grows in any climate. Most of us grow it twice in kharif and once in rabi, while those with borewells grow it twice in rabi and paddy twice in kharif. Our yields range from 25 to 40 quintals per acre. For paddy, we get five to 35 quintals per acre,” Basavaraju explained.

While investment costs of maize range between Rs 20,000 and 30,000 per acre, farmers report earning up to Rs 50,000 per acre. Poultry farm owners procure maize directly from growers at reasonable prices. As for paddy, the total investment is between Rs 30,000 and 40,000, while earnings range from Rs 50,000 to 70,000, and sometimes Rs 80,000, depending on the varieties and market conditions.

"For paddy, we need to keep the field watered continuously from two weeks before sowing until harvest. But with maize, we can grow it even without tilling the land," said Gopal.

Comparing the water requirements of paddy and maize, Dr G Raghunadha Reddy, Principal Scientist (Agricultural Economics), Acharya N G Ranga Agricultural University, Guntur, told 101Reporters over the phone that maize requires 90% less water and 70% less electricity (to pump water) compared to paddy cultivation.

However, maize is prone to damage if overwatered, especially within the first 40 days. Agricultural officials recommend zero-tillage methods, which save 15 to 20 days in time and investment, proving especially beneficial in drought-prone conditions.

Rising demand

The maize crop's low investment, minimal pest risk, reduced labour requirement, lower water consumption, resistance to adverse weather and a short 100-day harvest period make it more profitable than traditional commercial crops. As per the 2022-23 data from the Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Anantapur district recorded a total cereal and millet production of 2,74,397 tonnes, with maize alone accounting for 1,61,542 tonnes. In fact, maize production surpassed the combined output of all millets in the district.

According to the Andhra Pradesh government, 1,93,350 farmers insured 3,44,159 acres of maize during the 2024 kharif season, while 2,06,121 farmers insured 4,37,710 acres in the rabi season.

A farmer sun-dries maize on black cotton soil in Bommanahal (Photo - Paul Babu, 101Reporters)

"The poultry sector alone accounts for more than half of the country's domestic maize consumption. The demand has been on the rise since 1998 and is expected to remain stable as long as key dependent industries of poultry, cattle feed and alcoholic beverages continue to thrive," Dr K Bhargavi, Principal Scientist, Agricultural Research Centre, Reddipalli, told 101Reporters over the phone. She added that Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Gujarat, Punjab, Haryana, Bihar and West Bengal were the major maize consumers.

According to Bhargavi, MM9344 (DMH 192) is predominantly cultivated during the kharif season in Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka and Maharashtra, while Bisco X 5129 is widely preferred for rabi. "Since maize hybrids perform differently under varying climatic conditions, scientists regularly visit fields to assess regional adaptability and recommend the most suitable varieties," she added.

Maize cultivation primarily relies on three types of cultivars — traditional varieties, high-yielding varieties and hybrids. Almost all farmers prefer hybrids, which are exclusively produced by private agencies. “The government has no direct role in increasing maize production since farmers themselves are driving its expansion due to its profitability," the deputy director of agriculture remarked.

Reddy explained that the government does not intervene by establishing procurement centres since 62% of maize is primarily used for poultry and cattle feed, while only 8% is used for human consumption. He added that maize is rightly called the ‘Queen of Cereals’ because every part of the plant — grain, leaves, stalk, tassel and cob — holds economic value.

Reddy further noted that representatives of fertiliser agencies play a key role in promoting maize cultivation, as modern maize cultivars offer higher yields, disease resistance and adaptability to diverse soil and climate conditions. "On average, these high-yielding varieties have improved maize productivity by 25-30% compared to traditional cultivars.”

"Since maize hybrids are disease-resistant, a family of four can easily manage 10 acres of maize. Otherwise, we would have to spend heavily on pesticides and hire sprayers, paying around Rs 500 per acre. Even weeds do not grow much with hybrids," said Gopal.

According to the ICAR-Indian Institute of Maize Research, India ranks fourth globally in maize cultivation area and seventh in production. Among cereals, maize has exhibited the highest growth rate in both area and productivity, increasing by over 50 kg/ha annually since 2010, making it the fastest-growing food crop in India.

The Crop Outlook Report on Maize by the Centre for Agriculture and Rural Development Policy Research (CARP), ANGRAU, for 2023-24 termed maize as India’s third most important cereal crop after rice and wheat, contributing 10% of total food grain production. According to the Department of Economics and Statistics, Andhra Pradesh (DESAP), the state ranks 13th in maize cultivation area, covering 2.91 lakh hectares, with a production of 19.04 lakh tonnes (5.34% of India’s total) at a productivity of 6,543 kg per hectare in 2023-24.

The minimum support price for maize in 2024-25 is set at Rs 2,225 per quintal, marking an increase of Rs 135 per quintal from the previous year. Over the past three decades, maize cultivation in Andhra Pradesh has witnessed an exponential rise, with the area increasing by 838.71% (Compound Annual Growth Rate: 8.68%), production by 2,922.2% (CAGR: 12.35%), and productivity at a CAGR of 3.39%.

Paul Babu is a freelance journalist and a member of  101Reporters, a pan-India network of grassroots reporters.

 

Waning Visions of Equity: Healthcare Privatisation in India and its Many Discontents

Vivek Divan | 11 Apr 2025

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Contrary to the Bhore Committee’s vision of an egalitarian and humane healthcare framework, India has systematically stifled public healthcare, endorsing in its stead an essentially unregulated private sector, straying further from the goal of effectuating the constitutional right to health.

The bhore Committee reoort Of 1946 charted a course for public health investments and infrastructure for the emerging nation state. Its recommendations were manifold, all with the aim of making healthcare equitable and universal. Among them, some key ones included a vision of a healthcare system that had – 

1. three levels – primary health centres (‘PHCs’) at the village level, secondary health centres (hospitals) in districts, and tertiary level hospitals in metropolises 

2. a focus on preventive health, over curative services; free and universal healthcare and,

3. investment in human resources for health through medical and nursing education at scale.

Vitally, it recommended a significant proportion of the government’s budget – 15 percent – to be dedicated to health. Its vision included a thirty year timeframe within which all these components were to be fully realised.

What is visible today is, at best, a partial implementation of these recommendations, and a healthcare system which is the opposite of the egalitarian and humane approach that the Bhore Committee espoused. Over time inequity in Indian healthcare has become further entrenched. Although a three-tier system was implemented, reporting reveals the abysmal state of much primary healthcare, the shambolic condition of district hospitals, and increasing number of poorly resourced government tertiary health institutions due to lower financial outlays for public health. 

What is visible today is, at best, a partial implementation of these recommendations, and a healthcare system which is the opposite of the egalitarian and humane approach that the Bhore Committee espoused.

While certain preventive programmes such as immunisation, maternal and child health services, and sanitation have been put in place, a large emphasis of healthcare in India has historically been around curative medicine. And, the shortfall in human resources for health in rural India has been abundantly recorded. Finally, the Union government’s budgetary commitment to health has reached nowhere near the figures envisioned by the committee.

There are many reasons why quality healthcare in India has skewed in favour of those who can afford it, making it one of the many starkly unequal sectors in India. One of them has been the stepping away of the government from being the primary provider of healthcare. Indeed, one of the better-known appalling facts about financial precarity in India is that out-of-pocket expenditure (‘OOPE’) on healthcare is the chief reason that drives families and individuals into poverty. This is because with the shrivelling or under-resourcing of government healthcare provisioning, most turn to a largely unregulated private sector to seek care, where expenses lead to severe indebtedness.        

Policy trajectories

In 1983, as the Indian government issued the first National Health Policy (‘NHP’), a path which increased the role of the private sector opened up. Simultaneously, the public exchequer’s contribution towards provision of healthcare remained stagnant. While the NHP 1983 envisioned a larger role for private providers to alleviate the burden on government, the introduction of user fees in public healthcare during the Eighth Five-Year Plan (1992-1997) demonstrated another step in the commodification of healthcare. To be sure, neither of these policy moves were devoid of welfare-oriented instincts. The NHP in 1983 spoke of decentralising healthcare to move resources closer to needy communities, and of cost-effectiveness that elevated affordable healthcare solutions. Planning in the 1990s, around the time of liberalisation of the Indian economy,  was pre-occupied with how to generate revenue for a resource-constrained health sector, while also acknowledging the need to encourage greater use of public health services, and improve access for the poor. User charges were seen as a panacea for this, with a push coming from the World Bank of its Health Systems Development Project. Many states implemented this approach in the next decade.

Succeeding this, and among other things that it recommended, the NHP of 2002 was notable for its push to increase government health spending from 0.9 percent to 2 percent of GDP by 2010, primarily driven by a larger contribution from the central government, including at the state level. The policy noted that it “welcomes the participation of the private sector in all areas of health activities – primary, secondary or tertiary”  while envisaging “the enactment of suitable legislation for regulating minimum infrastructure and quality standards in clinical establishments/ medical institutions by 2003. Also, statutory guidelines for the conduct of clinical practice and delivery of medical services are targeted to be developed over the same period.” Notably, the Clinical Establishments (Registration and Regulation) Act (‘CEA’) was passed by Parliament in 2010, as were guidelines and standards to govern healthcare delivery. The CEA provides for the regulation and registration of healthcare establishments, and minimum standards for facilities and services.

Most recently, the Union government issued the NHP of 2017. It is under this policy framework and the preceding Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana of 2008 that earlier visions of universal health ‘care’ were morphed into the idea of health ‘coverage’ – a healthcare access system anchored in insurance schemes, realised today in the form of Ayushman Bharat  – Pradhan Mantri Jan Aarogya Yojana (‘AB-PMJAY’). While encouraging the use of digital technologies in health, the policy suggests an increase in public health expenditure to 2.5 percent of GDP by 2025 and allocating two-thirds of health spending to primary healthcare. NHP 2017 also encourages private sector collaboration in healthcare delivery through public-private partnerships (‘PPPs’). 

Now the private sector has also entered health delivery at the primary level – through working with the government in setting up Ayushman Arogya Mandirs (‘AAMs’, formerly PHCs or Health & Wellness Centres) under the AB-PMJAY.

What of access and equity?

Hitherto health policy in India envisioned a complementary role for private healthcare provision, partly at the secondary and mostly at the tertiary level. Now the private sector has also entered health delivery at the primary level – through working with the government in setting up Ayushman Arogya Mandirs (‘AAMs’, formerly PHCs or Health & Wellness Centres) under the AB-PMJAY. Entities such as the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce & Industry (‘FICCI’) and NATHEALTH are partners in primary healthcare delivery. 

Such involvement of the private sector has also been espoused by the Niti Aayog, which suggested a new model for financing public healthcare – blended finance – in a 2022 White Paper. While doing so the paper notes: “But the investments and capital raised [for health] have been from established market players with a strong focus on profitability and growth and not necessarily on accessibility and affordability.” It goes on to respond to this by stating that AB-PMJAY is the vehicle through which these concerns of accessibility and affordability are addressed. 

But does the AB-PMJAY meet this challenge? Are the most serious concerns of access and affordability to quality healthcare truly addressed so that the constitutional right to health is fully realised in a domain which is witnessing rampant privatisation? 

The answers to ensuring healthcare access and equity are hardly as straightforward as that. 

While ambitious, the AB-PMJAY has limitations. The scheme restricts eligibility, although it does cater to the neediest in the populace (and, it has been encouraging to note that governmental intent is to increase the pool of beneficiaries that it covers; most recently the scheme was extended to include all citizens above seventy years, irrespective of socio-economic status). The packages it offers, while considerable, are not comprehensive, thereby excluding some medical care and procedures from its fold. 

In a context such as this, the sanguine manner in which the private healthcare sector – one which has the driving motive to make profits – has been made a partner in schemes like AB-PMJAY coupled with how it has mushroomed essentially unregulated, suggests that it will inundate healthcare in a country with vast socio-economic disparities.

But most importantly, it applies to only empanelled government and private hospitals. Available information points to 34,678 hospitals being empanelled under the scheme, of which around 43 percent have historically been private hospitals. How will private healthcare institutions not empanelled under PMJAY be governed to ensure that access and affordability are satisfactorily addressed? A recent report notes that over 600 private hospitals have opted out of the scheme since 2018. 

What of them, and the thousands of other private hospitals that are not empanelled? How are they governed? Does the answer lie in the CEA and its complementary Rules (‘CER’)?

Unaccountability in private healthcare

While the CEA should be the robust legal basis on which the private healthcare sector is made to conduct its work in a transparent and accountable manner, the law’s uptake has been poor. It has been adopted by only 15 states and union territories. While some states have their versions of the CEA, these are varied in their rigour.* Vast gaps remain in the implementation of the CEA and similar laws. A report of the Comptroller and Auditor General of India (‘CAG’) in 2024 painted a dismal picture for Haryana, where registration of several establishments was not undertaken, leaving them outside the regulatory ambit, and where the State Clinical Establishments Council was non-functional. 

Similarly, the CAG denounced the management of health services in Maharashtra under that state’s relevant law, noting that periodic inspections are not undertaken, and many healthcare institutions fall outside the scope of the law. Research indicates many other flaws such as the uneven registration of clinical establishments in other states, inspections of establishments by designated authorities being infrequent, and penalties being levied rarely against violating institutions. 

Among the many things that the CEA and its Rules are supposed to regulate are price transparency and price standardisation of medical procedures and services. This is critical in the context of India, which is replete with profiteering by the private healthcare sector. During the COVID-19 pandemic, a private hospital in Delhi priced a bed at Rs. 25,000 in a general ward and 72,000 within ICU with a ventilator. Also in Delhi, private super-specialty hospitals were found by the Competition Commission of India to have profit margins on syringes in the range of 269.84 percent to 527 percent in 2014-15 and 276.96 percent to 527 percent in 2015-16 by forcing patients to purchase these products from the hospital’s pharmacy. In Chhattisgarh, OOPE for outpatient services (including healthcare provider fees, medicines and diagnostic tests) revealed that private healthcare establishments charge amounts six times greater than costs incurred in public healthcare. Another study found that OOPE incurred on hospitalisation was almost twice in the private sector than in the public sector in Haryana.   

In a context such as this, the sanguine manner in which the private healthcare sector – one which has the driving motive to make profits – has been made a partner in schemes like AB-PMJAY coupled with how it has mushroomed essentially unregulated, suggests that it will inundate healthcare in a country with vast socio-economic disparities. Compounded with the appalling disregard that governments have demonstrated in weakening public healthcare by squeezing it financially, it would be reasonable to be deeply sceptical about whether the constitutional right to health will ever be delivered to the populace.

A word about the law. The government’s obligation to deliver on the right to health is clearly articulated through its international commitments, and by constitutional courts in India. The International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (‘ICESCR’) binds India to ensure the right in all its dimensions – by guaranteeing availability,  accessibility, acceptability and quality of health, and respecting, protecting, and fulfilling the right. Much is contained within these terms, including access to health facilities, services, hospitals and clinics; non-discrimination, economic and informational accessibility, medical ethics such as consent and confidentiality, skilled medical personnel, scientifically approved unexpired drugs, regulation of the private sector, and ensuring a robust public health sector. Courts in India have repeatedly and emphatically reified the right to health, and in doing so enjoined the government “to seriously consider expanding its health budget if their right to life and right to equality as enumerated in Articles 14 and 21, are not to be rendered illusionary.” This being the basis for all healthcare policy and programming adherence, surely a serious reconsideration of enthusiastic privatisation and the disintegration of public sector provisioning of health is of the essence.

In most developed countries, widescale healthcare access is largely achieved through public financing. Studies show that increased public health expenditure has led to a surge in the utilisation of public healthcare facilities, particularly among poorer sections of society, both outpatient and inpatient care across different regions. This shift resulted in a substantial decline in OOPE, consequently reducing the overall financial burden on patients. The need of the hour, then, is a recommitment to improving the public healthcare architecture – investing significantly more funds, and augmenting human resources and infrastructure, while ensuring accessibility, affordability, quality and transparency.

Note: *Maharashtra Nursing Homes Registration Act, 1949; Tamil Nadu Private Clinical Establishments (Regulation) Act, 1997; West Bengal Clinical Establishments (Registration, Regulation, and Transparency) Act, 2017; Punjab Clinical Establishments (Registration and Regulation) Ordinance, 2020; Karnataka Private Medical Establishments (KPME) Act, 2007; Andhra Pradesh Allopathic Private Medical Care Establishments (Registration and Regulation) Act, 2002; Telangana Allopathic Private Medical Care Establishments (Registration and Regulation) Act, 2002.

Vivek Divan heads the Centre fo

 INDIA

Confronting the Neo-fascist Assault on Federalism

Shirin Akhter , C. Saratchand | 

12 Apr 2025

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The Supreme Court’s verdict in TN Governor’s case highlighted the weaponization of the Governor’s office for partisan politics.

The Supreme Court of India’s landmark verdict on April 8, 2025, striking down the Tamil Nadu Governor’s indefinite withholding of ten bills marks a crucial moment for federalism. The Supreme Court ruled that the Governor’s actions; ostensibly keeping bills reserved for presidential assent without any justification, violated the Constitution and inter alia amounted to an undermining of democratic accountability. This judgement of the Supreme Court was delivered in the backdrop of a growing trend of partisan obstruction by Governors appointed by the BJP-led Union government working to obstruct the functioning of opposition-ruled states like Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Punjab, etc. This obstruction often took the form of such Governors systematically delaying or paralysing legislative processes.

The Supreme Court’s judgment went beyond a mere procedural rebuke by invoking its discretionary powers under Article 142 of the Constitution of India, thereby ensuring the immediate implementation of the stalled bills. These bills included critical legislation on social justice and education reforms. Using the office of the Governor to undermine state governments ruled by the opposition is not only a means to undermine federalism but also a means to coerce state governments into incorporating themselves into the neoliberal project. Consent for this two-pronged offensive is sought to be manufactured through the activation of the third prong involving an attempt to saffronise India. Let’s see how.

Role of Governors in Undermining Federalism

The constitutional office of the Governor, serving at the behest of the Union government (aka “pleasure of the President of India”), was conceived as a means to limit authentic federalism, whereby the Union government sought to indirectly influence the working of state governments.

However, since 2014, this role has been explicitly weaponised to try and subvert opposition-ruled states. The case of Tamil Nadu exemplified this misuse: the Governor withheld assent to many bills for over two years. The Governor of Tamil Nadu has become the ideological fulcrum of Hindutva opposition to the progressive ethos of the state. This progressive ethos is derived from a complex synthesis of the work of Periyar, Ambedkar, and Marx and remains a work in progress.

The Supreme Court’s unprecedented step to invoke Article 142 in the case of Tamil Nadu underscored the severity of the crisis of federalism under the neo-fascist dispensation. By directing the Union government to facilitate presidential assent within 15 days, the Court effectively bypassed the Governor’s office, which it felt had become a “tool of partisan sabotage”. This intervention is reflective of the higher judiciary’s awareness of the structural imbalance in India’s federal framework. Similar patterns of gubernatorial obstruction have emerged in all opposition-ruled states, including deliberately delaying legislative sessions, illegal interference in administrative procedures, and refusing assent to bills passed by the state legislatures. It is arguable that such gubernatorial actions violate the Basic Structure doctrine, which enshrines federalism as a foundational principle of the Constitution of India. These anti-constitutional maneuvers are not isolated procedural violations but part of a deliberate strategy to centralise power by paralysing state legislatures. Thereby, the neo-fascist dispensation undermines the democratic ethos that posits that India’s existence as a constitutional republic derives from unity in diversity and not uniformity.

Attenuation of Federalism along the Neoliberal Trajectory

The practice of federalism was always tenuous, but the explicit transition to a neoliberal trajectory since the 1990s has refortified the anti-federal proclivities of the Union government of India. The proliferation of the neoliberal project under the hegemony of international finance capital has involved ongoing attempts to systematically dismantle the fiscal autonomy of states. Early measures, such as the Reserve Bank of India’s (RBI) restrictive credit policies, pushed states into debt traps, with interest payments consuming a large fraction of non-developmental expenditures by the 2000s. Subsequent Finance Commissions have institutionalised conditionalities, tying debt relief to neoliberal policies like de facto or de jure privatisation of power, water, and other types of infrastructure. Besides, states were forced to cede jurisdiction over many economic activities, which resulted in their deepening fiscal dependency on the Union government of India.

The Goods and Services Tax (GST), implemented in 2017, epitomises this assault on federalism. GST stripped states of their constitutional authority to levy indirect taxes, a critical revenue source. The GST Council, though nominally representative of states, structurally favors the Union government of India, which holds an effective veto on all decisions. This quasi-unitary fiscal regime has had dire consequences. For instance, during the COVID-19 pandemic, states faced severe liquidity crises due to deliberately delayed GST compensation, crippling their ability to fund healthcare and welfare schemes, resulting in millions of (officially unacknowledged) deaths.

Other unilateral decisions made by the Union government of India, such as Free Trade Agreements (FTAs) and demonetisation, further illustrate this attenuation of federalism. FTAs negotiated without state consultation—like those with ASEAN—have devastated Kerala’s plantation economy through import surges. Likewise, demonetisation in 2016 had disproportionately adverse consequences on cash-dependent states. Co-operative banks, which are vital to the economies of Kerala and Maharashtra, were excluded from currency exchange, resulting in the exacerbation of economic distress by the working people. These policies, which the mainstream media presents as episodic initiatives unrelated to any larger project, in fact reflect a broader attempt to undermine federalism, thereby reducing states to passive implementers of the neoliberal agenda.

Judicial interventions since 1991 have, by and large, been in sync with the dictates of the neoliberal project. Consequently, judicial review tends to focus on overt constitutional violations by this or that functionary but does not interrogate the neo-fascist dispensation that enables these violations.

Hindutva as Ideological Driver of Anti-Federalism

The neo-fascist dispensation’s project to irredeemably attenuate Indian federalism, thereby hegemonising the neoliberal project in India, involves the deployment of Hindutva. The latter is deployed to manufacture consent for this hegemony. This deployment is based on two pillars: one, cowardice with respect to metropolitan capital, as evidenced most recently by the servile response to Trump’s tariff war; second, a reinvention of history whereby unscientific claims about the ostensibly unitary origins of Indian civilisation and its alleged redemption after centuries of purported alien rule have hegemonised the public space.

For instance, the neo-fascist dispensation has unleashed an unprecedented wave of saffronisation of education with two objectives. First, the drive for saffronisation of education amounts to an acceptance of the permanence of India’s location at the lower and lower-middle reaches of the technological ladder that pertains to global production networks. Second, the saffronisation of education seeks to manufacture consent for its privatisation, commercialisation, and homogenisation. The use of the National Education Policy to redouble the imposition of Hindi, illegitimately trying to take over state universities, and the insistence on the National Eligibility cum Entrance Test for medical admissions (that disadvantage the working people) are illustrative of this drive for saffronisation.

Likewise, the ongoing efforts to engage in delimitation of electoral constituencies disadvantage states that are outside North India and are completely antithetical to the constitutional prerogative of federalism. The neo-fascist dispensation seeks to cement its hegemony by disparaging federal initiatives that directly challenge this homogenising drive of Hindutva, whereby people’s movements in states like Tamil Nadu (that resist the imposition of Hindi), Kerala (that seeks to craft an alternative to the neoliberal project), and Punjab (that seeks to defend the peasantry and workers against corporate encroachment in agriculture) are framed as “anti-national”.

The neo-fascist dispensation’s deployment of fiscal levers and gubernatorial obstruction to suppress such federal movements reveals a strategic maneuver, under the hegemony of international finance capital, to try and make India secure for the neoliberal project by homogenising the country.

Conclusion: Federalism as Democratic Practice

The Supreme Court’s 2025 Tamil Nadu verdict, though significant, is a corrective to a symptom of the deployment of Governors to undermine opposition-led state governments. It does not engage with the underlying phenomenon of the neo-fascist dispensation’s attempt to extinguish federalism in order to secure the neoliberal project in India under the aegis of international finance capital.

The struggle for federalism is inseparable from the fight for India’s democracy as embodied in the Constitution of India and its practice by the democratic movement. Resisting the neo-fascist dispensation’s offensive against federalism is necessary to prevent the eroding of the pluralism that defines the nation.

To reclaim the constitutional republic, parties in the INDIA Bloc and people’s movements that lead the resistance to the neo-fascist dispensation must evolve democratic alternatives to the neoliberal project and eschew vain attempts to operate under the hegemony of international finance capital through the ideological trajectory of cosmopolitan neoliberalism. As argued previously, neo-fascism and cosmopolitan neoliberalism are two different routes of operating under the aegis of international finance capital. Federalism is a central plank of crafting a democratic alternative to the neo-fascist dispensation’s timidity towards international finance capital.

Shirin Akhter is Associate Professor at Zakir Husain Delhi College, University of Delhi. C Saratchand is Professor, Department of Economics, Satyawati College, University of Delhi. The views are personal.

INDIA

Torn Pages, Broken Bones - The Violent Suppression of Teachers’ Voices

Madhu Sudan Chatterjee | 12 Apr 2025

W.Bengal school teachers who were not involved in bribery fight to retain jobs.

Teachers and non-teaching staff are marching towards the DI office of Bankura.


A shocking incident unfolded in Kolkata on 9 April when teachers and non-teaching staff, dismissed following a Supreme Court verdict, were brutally assaulted by the state police. Visuals emerged of uniformed officers kicking and beating the protesters with metal batons outside the District Inspector of Schools (DI) office in Kasba. Teachers - many bloodied and injured - were seen pleading with folded hands, crying out: "Kill us at once. We cannot live with this dishonour. Is this the lesson the Chief Minister promised us on 7 April?"

This disturbing incident has left Bengal stunned. Following the loss of their jobs due to the Supreme Court’s 3 April verdict, which annulled the recruitment of several secondary, higher secondary and non-teaching staff due to alleged corruption, the protesters were hoping to peacefully demand justice. Instead, they were met with force. The violence left several men and women grievously injured and mentally devastated.

In Bankura, some teachers, overwhelmed by despair, attempted self-immolation by pouring kerosene over themselves in front of the police. This journalist was present at the time and bore witness to the chaos.

Moumita Bhattacharjee, an assistant teacher from Paharpur High School in Barjora Block, expressed her anguish: "Bengal witnessed police brutality against us on 9 April. How are we supposed to live with dignity now?"

Santanu Maity, a dismissed teacher injured in the incident, said: "We did not come here to create unrest. We only demanded that the government immediately publish the list of eligible and ineligible candidates. Our protest was peaceful. The police are not our enemies, but under the orders of the ruling TMC-led government, they beat us indiscriminately. We condemn this inhuman act."

Many teachers and non-teaching staff, both men and women, claim they have become victims of widespread corruption in the state’s recruitment process. They believe the government is now using force to cover up the scandal. Several of them also allege that not only leaders from the ruling TMC but also some BJP leaders also are under CBI investigation in connection with the same.

The teachers' statements have been widely shared on social media, evoking public sympathy and rage."First, we were sacked by a Supreme Court order that deemed the recruitment process beyond redemption. Then, despite assurances from the Chief Minister, we received no concrete resolution. And now, we’ve been kicked, punched, and hit with batons on the streets for demanding justice," said Purobi Sarkar, a non-teaching staff member of Krittibas High School in Bishnupur, Bankura.

Responding to the backlash, Kolkata Police Commissioner Manoj Verma acknowledged the issue, calling the police action "undesirable" and urged protestors not to take the law into their own hands. However, the official police statement attempted to justify the action, stating that "light force was used to bring the situation under control."

This justification has failed to pacify the teaching community."How can the police beat up teachers with batons? Are we criminals? Goons? An attack on one teacher is an attack on the entire fraternity. The police must apologise immediately," said Sudipta Gupta, assistant teacher from Purba Bardhaman and President of the All Bengal Teachers’ Association (ABTA).

On 10 April, teachers across the state staged marches and demonstrations, condemning police brutality and demanding that eligible teachers and non-teaching staff be reinstated, and that the government publish the list of ineligible candidates without delay.

Job losing teacher and non-teaching staffs are waiting to enter in Netataji indoor stadium on 7th April

“Go to work—who has forbidden you? Anyone can offer volunteer service,” said Mamata Banerjee, the Chief Minister of West Bengal, while addressing over 10,000 dismissed and aggrieved teachers and non-teaching staff at the Netaji Indoor Stadium in Kolkata on the afternoon of 7 April.

Her remarks followed the 3 April Supreme Court verdict that upheld a previous Calcutta High Court order, directing the dismissal of approximately 25,752 secondary and higher secondary teachers and non-teaching staff appointed to government-aided schools in West Bengal through the West Bengal School Service Commission (WBSSC) in the 2016 recruitment cycle. As per the CBI’s initial findings, over 5,000 individuals were allegedly appointed through corrupt practices.

Despite these serious allegations, the Chief Minister offered a vague assurance, stating: "I will look after everyone. First, let me identify and secure the jobs of the eligible candidates. Then I will revisit the cases of ineligible ones. Let us examine the evidence—who is truly ineligible? My top priority now is to protect the eligible candidates."

This meeting was officially convened to address only the eligible candidates. Entry passes were issued for this purpose. However, chaos erupted outside the stadium even before the meeting began. It was alleged that these entry passes were being sold, allowing even some of the ineligible candidates to enter. Additionally, several individuals reportedly not affiliated with teaching—including TMC loyalists from unrelated professions—were spotted inside the venue.

After the meeting concluded, many teachers and staff expressed disappointment. There was no clear resolution or action plan announced. Instead, the Chief Minister advised them to provide "volunteer service," a suggestion that left the attendees disillusioned.

Teachers are asking to Chief Minister what their future is on 7th April in Netaji indoor stadium .

“We expected a solution but were instead advised to work like civic volunteers. We have effectively been reduced to ‘civic teachers.’ This is humiliating,” said Chinmoy Mandal, a spokesperson of the Deserving Teachers’ Rights Forum.

Bapina Ballav, an assistant teacher at Brahmandiha High School in Taldangra Block, Bankura, shared: “Most of us are the sole earners in our families. Who will bear our household expenses?”

RupaliPatra, an assistant teacher at Jajigram S.A. High School in Birbhum, added: “We are not here to offer volunteer services—we are qualified teachers."
Post-Meeting Betrayal

Two jobless teachers, Dhritish Mandal and Mehboob Mandal, were present on stage during the 7 April meeting, where they delivered speeches in front of the Chief Minister. Mamata Banerjee publicly responded to their words, offering hope to thousands. Yet, just two days later, both teachers became targets of police action. Dhritish Mandal was beaten and hospitalized, while Mehboob Mandal, a leader of Jogyo Shikshak Shikshika Adhikar Manch, was arrested.

“We never expected this form of governance,” they said in despair.

“At the Netaji Indoor Stadium, the Chief Minister promised to stand by us. But now, the police are being used to suppress our rightful demands,” added Rupa Banerjee, a teacher at Government Colony Girls’ High School, Kulti, Paschim Bardhaman district.

Many educators across the state echoed similar sentiments: “If the state government had taken timely action, we wouldn’t be in this position today. Why is the Chief Minister now defending the undeserving? Why are those who paid bribes and those who accepted them still free?”

On 10 April, the dismissed teachers and non-teaching staff returned to the streets in protest—this time bearing both emotional scars and physical injuries. One image, widely circulated on social media, showed a teacher, Amit RanjanBhunya, being kicked by a police officer. He joined the protest march in Kolkata, visibly shaken but resolute.

“Before kicking me, a police officer tried to slap me. Are we criminals? Rapists? Murderers? The ones who committed recruitment fraud are walking free, while we—the victims—are being beaten and humiliated,” Bhunya said.

Several terminated teachers and non-teaching staff have demanded that the government release the Optical Mark Recognition (OMR) sheets of all candidates who were recruited through the 2016 WBSSC examination. “If the OMR sheets are published, the truth will be clear to all,” they asserted.

Sukumar Pain, General Secretary of the ABTA, stated: “The Supreme Court has repeatedly asked the WBSSC to submit the list of eligible and ineligible candidates along with their OMR sheets or mirror images. However, throughout the legal proceedings, the WBSSC failed to present the required documents. This led the Supreme Court to lose confidence in the state’s handling of the case, exposing serious flaws in the recruitment process.”

Teachers are protesting on road bankura

Lack of Clarity from the Government and School Authorities

Despite over a week having passed since the Supreme Court’s verdict, the state government has not issued any directives concerning the sacked teachers and non-teaching staff. District Inspectors of Schools and school headmasters/headmistresses are also in the dark.

“We are unable to go to school anymore. Parents and students look at us with suspicion, assuming that we all secured jobs through corruption. We feel humiliated. We cannot sign the attendance register, and the school authorities are not providing any clear explanation. The pain and uncertainty we are facing are indescribable,” said Manasi Bhoumik, an assistant teacher at Dhabani School, and Jiten Santra of Saspur High School, Bankura.

Financial Distress among Sacked Staff

Many terminated staff reported that they had taken loans to build or purchase homes and vehicles. With their salaries discontinued, they are now unable to pay their EMIs. They also face challenges in covering the cost of medical treatments for themselves or their family members.

Pijush Kanti Bera, the District Inspector of Schools in Bankura, confirmed, “We have not yet received any instructions regarding the sacked teachers.”

Uttam Khan, Headmaster of Holudkanali High School in Ranibandh, Bankura, stated, “Salaries are typically processed through the Integrated Online Salary Management System (IOSMS) by the 10th of every month. However, as of 11 April, no salary requisitions have been uploaded for the current month.” Many sacked teachers have confirmed receiving their salaries for March, but are unsure about payments for April.
Impact on Bengal's Education System

After the Trinamool Congress came to power in 2011, the first WBSSC recruitment examination was conducted in 2016. During the Left Front regime (1998–2010), recruitment was held annually through the WBSSC.

According to the Right to Education Act (2009), the ideal student-teacher ratio is 30:1. In 2008, under the Left Front, the ratio stood at 35:1. However, the current ratio has worsened to 70:1, said Sudipta Gupta, President of the West Bengal State Committee of ABTA.

He further revealed that more than 3,98,000 teaching and non-teaching positions remain vacant across the state—from primary to higher secondary levels.

Teachers and non-teaching staffs who lost their job are agitation on the road of Medinipur town and DI office on 8th April

Both Gupta and Sukumar Pain warned that the situation will deteriorate further following the court’s dismissal of nearly 26,000 teachers and staff. “In many schools, the number of teachers is already below the minimum requirement. Schools in Jangalmahal—especially in Ranibandh (Bankura), Ayodhya Hills (Purulia), and Belpahari (Jhargram)—have either shut down or are on the verge of closure due to staff shortages.”

Last month, the Bankura district administration ordered the closure of seven Madhyamik Shiksha Kendras (MSKs) due to lack of teachers. In 14 years, the TMC government failed to appoint a single teacher to MSKs, leading to a sharp decline in student enrollment.

Following the verdict, several schools across Ranibandh, Sarenga, Bishnupur, Saltora, Raipur (Bankura), Joypur, Bandowan, Jhalda (Purulia), and Nayagram, Lodhasuli, Lalgarh (Jhargram) are likely to shut down higher secondary courses.

“It's not just a few schools—numerous institutions across the state are at risk of becoming teacher-less,” warned Pain and Gupta. “Where will the students go? Will their families be able to afford private education? Many will be forced to drop out and migrate in search of work.”

Bengal already ranks second nationally in school dropout rates and incidents of child marriage. Teachers and parents fear these numbers will only rise in the aftermath of the mass terminations.

All picture by Madhu Sudan Chatterjee

 PAKISTAN

Three villagers booked for hunting rare Himalayan grey goral in AJK

ADW: Naemorhedus goral: INFORMATION

Tariq Naqash 

Published April 12, 2025 

DAWN

Police in the Bhimber district of Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) on Saturday booked three villagers for capturing and slaughtering a Himalayan grey goral — a rare and protected species — in a serious violation of the Wildlife Act 2014.

The illegal hunting of protected species of animals is an issue for wildlife conservation efforts. Previously, in January, three people, including two government employees, were arrested for illegally hunting the rare Suleiman Markhor in the mountainous Takato Range in Balochistan.

The first information report (FIR) was lodged at the Choki (Samahni) police station on the complaint of Aamir Rafique, a game watcher, after video clips of the grisly act went viral on social media, confirmed Syeda Shaista Ali, an official at the Wildlife and Fisheries Department in Muzaffarabad.

“Today [Friday] at 11pm, I came across a video on social media showing Sajid Hassan, Muhammad Nawaz, and Muhammad Mushtaq — residents of Bandala Baghcha village — capturing and slaughtering a rare species of deer,” the FIR, registered at 1:20am, quoted Rafique as saying.

“I immediately rushed to the scene along with three colleagues, but the culprits had fled by the time we arrived. I am now filing this formal complaint for legal action against them.”

Shaista Ali said the suspects had been booked under Section 10(2) of the AJK Wildlife Act, 2014, which prohibits the hunting and killing of protected wildlife.

The Himalayan grey goral (Naemorhedus goral bedfordi), a species native to the Himalayan region and found in both Pakistan and India, is listed as “Near Threatened” on the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) Red List. Its declining population is largely attributed to habitat destruction, illegal hunting, and competition with livestock.

The two clips shared with Dawn.com show a man in a bright blue shalwar kameez and his companions performing acts of cruelty on the animal as it cries throughout the ordeal.

“This is an inhuman and criminal act that breaks our hearts,” said Shaista. “Such people deserve no leniency, and we are committed to bringing them to justice.”

Earlier in the week, the Punjab Wildlife Department and PSL franchise Lahore Qalandars signed a memorandum of understanding (MoU) aimed at bolstering wildlife conservation efforts in the region.

The MoU signing ceremony was graced by the presence of stakeholders, including the cricketers from the franchise, who expressed their commitment to this noble cause. Among them was Sikandar Raza, a renowned Pakistani-Zimbabwean cricketer and the captain of the Zimbabwe national team, who delivered an inspiring speech that resonated with the audience, emphasising the importance of wildlife conservation. The MoU will primarily focus on educational outreach, community engagement and awareness efforts to support wildlife projects.

In June of last year, a wildlife team had also arrested five people involved in illegal hunting and seized four slaughtered chinkara deer, two rifles and a four-by-four vehicle.