Monday, April 14, 2025

Why Does “National Security” Always Mean More War, Not More Health Care?

We already have the money for social programs. We just choose to spend it on war instead of on people.
April 13, 2025

Generals Christopher Cavoli and Michael Langley tesfiy during a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing on fiscal year 2026 defense budget requests, on Capitol Hill in Washington, D.C., on April 3, 2025.BRENDAN SMIALOWSKI/AFP via Getty Images

On March 17, 2025, DefenseScoop reported that Congress approved $141 billion for Pentagon research and development — an amount larger than the budgets of most federal agencies, and close to the size of the seven next largest military budgets around the world. Yet, as usual, there was little debate. Instead, military leaders and lawmakers lamented that the figure was $7 billion less than last year due to budget caps set under the Fiscal Responsibility Act of 2023, as if anything short of perpetual increases is a crisis.

Meanwhile, how many times have we heard that there’s no money for universal pre-K? That expanding Medicare is too expensive? That raising the minimum wage would hurt the economy?

In the United States, “national security” has become an unquestioned justification for endless military spending — even as millions of Americans struggle with medical debt, housing instability and underfunded schools. The real crisis isn’t that the Pentagon’s budget decreased — it’s that our leaders continue to prioritize war over human well-being.

Despite years of record-high military budgets, politicians and defense officials act as if the Pentagon is perpetually underfunded. This year’s defense topline is still $892.5 billion, with major allocations going to the Department of Defense, Oversees Contingency Operations and nuclear weapons activities through the Department of Energy — and yet, Washington claims that even this isn’t enough.

This trend of ever-expanding military budgets spans administrations and party lines. In April, President Donald Trump reportedly floated a $1 trillion military budget, a move that was met with fierce criticism from peace advocates and policy experts who called it a “profound moral failure” — especially in a nation where millions struggle with housing insecurity, medical debt and food instability. While the details of Trump’s proposed plan were vague, the fact that such a number was even considered illustrates how normalized excessive military spending has become. Whether it’s $892.5 billion or $1 trillion, the result is the same: a militarized state that funnels public resources into war readiness rather than community care.

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US military contractors receive hundreds of billions of dollars from Pentagon funding each year.By Sharon Zhang , Truthout  January 30, 2025

What gets lost in these conversations is that real national security isn’t about military dominance — it’s about ensuring that people have stable lives. Yet we are conditioned to accept that security means an arsenal of hypersonic missiles, autonomous war drones and next-generation cyberwarfare capabilities — not affordable housing, debt-free education or accessible health care.

Consider what $141 billion — the Pentagon’s research and development budget alone — could fund instead: universal pre-K for every U.S. child for over five years, free school meals for 10 million students for a decade, tens of thousands of affordable housing units and full Medicaid expansion in every state that refused it.

Instead, these billions will be spent developing new weapons, artificial intelligence-driven warfare and military space technology, ensuring that military contractors remain flush with taxpayer dollars.

When it comes to funding war, we are always told that “we must do what is necessary.” But when it comes to funding the basic needs of Americans, we hear a different story: Expanding health care? Too expensive. Free community college? Unrealistic. Paid family leave? Who will pay for it? Climate resilience? No room in the budget.

This contradiction is not accidental — it is by design. The same lawmakers who eagerly approve nearly a trillion dollars in military spending claim that helping working people is fiscally irresponsible.

Even within the military budget itself, it’s not troops or veterans who benefit most — it’s military contractors. The Pentagon continues to waste billions on weapons systems that go unused or overbudget, all while companies like Lockheed Martin, Raytheon and Northrop Grumman rake in massive profits.

For example, the ongoing war in Ukraine has led to heightened demand for Raytheon’s defense systems. Specifically, their Patriot missile defense systems have been in greater demand as countries bolster their defense capabilities. Northrop Grumman reported a 4 percent increase in net sales for the fiscal year 2024, reaching $41 billion. This growth is attributed to rising geopolitical tensions and the corresponding demand for military equipment.

But this year’s Pentagon budget isn’t just about war abroad. Recent developments have intensified the U.S. military’s role in domestic operations, particularly concerning immigration enforcement along the southern border. This shift reflects a strategic move towards increased militarization within U.S. borders.

At a recent press conference, military officials framed immigration as a security threat and announced that the U.S.S. Gravely is being sent to patrol the Gulf of Mexico. The administration is seeking “100% operational control” of the southern border, further blurring the line between national defense and domestic militarization. The U.S.S. Gravely is tasked with intercepting unauthorized maritime activities, including unauthorized immigration and drug smuggling. Admiral Daryl Caudle, commander of U.S. Naval Forces Northern Command, stated that this deployment significantly strengthens the nation’s border security framework.

Similarly, the U.S.S. Spruance has been deployed to patrol the West Coast, contributing to a coordinated Department of Defense response to achieve operational control of the border.

Beyond naval deployments, approximately 10,000 active-duty troops and 2,500 National Guardsmen have been stationed along the U.S.-Mexico border. These forces are equipped with armored fighting vehicles, helicopters and advanced surveillance technologies, including spy planes and drones, to monitor and deter unauthorized border crossings. This represents a significant escalation in the militarization of border enforcement.

These actions have raised concerns among legal experts and human rights advocates. The deployment of military forces for domestic law enforcement purposes may conflict with the Posse Comitatus Act, which limits the use of federal military personnel in civilian law enforcement roles.

The current administration’s approach emphasizes a militarized response to immigration, prioritizing force and surveillance over addressing the root causes of migration — climate change, economic instability and violence exacerbated by past U.S. interventions.

The endless cycle of military expansion ensures that every crisis — whether global or domestic — is treated as an excuse for bigger military budgets.

What if we defined security not as military supremacy, but as people having what they need to live stable, dignified lives? What if, instead of spending billions on war technology, we invested in a health care system where no one goes bankrupt over medical bills, a living wage and universal paid leave, schools that don’t rely on GoFundMe for supplies, infrastructure that doesn’t crumble at the first sign of disaster?

True national security starts with collective well-being. When people don’t have access to housing, education, medical care and basic stability, the entire society becomes more vulnerable — economically, emotionally and politically. A secure nation is one where people are not living on the edge. When everyone has what they need to thrive, we are all safer.

The truth is, we already have the money. We just choose to spend it on war instead of on people.

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We’ve borne witness to a chaotic first few months in Trump’s presidency.

Over the last months, each executive order has delivered shock and bewilderment — a core part of a strategy to make the right-wing turn feel inevitable and overwhelming. But, as organizer Sandra Avalos implored us to remember in Truthout last November, “Together, we are more powerful than Trump.”

Indeed, the Trump administration is pushing through executive orders, but — as we’ve reported at Truthout — many are in legal limbo and face court challenges from unions and civil rights groups. Efforts to quash anti-racist teaching and DEI programs are stalled by education faculty, staff, and students refusing to comply. And communities across the country are coming together to raise the alarm on ICE raids, inform neighbors of their civil rights, and protect each other in moving shows of solidarity.

It will be a long fight ahead. And as nonprofit movement media, Truthout plans to be there documenting and uplifting resistance.

As we undertake this life-sustaining work, we appeal for your support. We have 10 days left in our fundraiser: Please, if you find value in what we do, join our community of sustainers by making a monthly or one-time gift.

This article is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), and you are free to share and republish under the terms of the license.

Katerina Canyon is the executive director of the Peace Economy Project, an organization advocating for the reallocation of military spending toward social programs. She writes about the intersection of economic justice, public policy and militarization.
'Trump has eclipsed Jesus himself': Here’s what really drives evangelicals’ MAGA rage


Donald Trump's supporters at Union Station Columbus Circle along 1st Street at Massachusetts Avenue, NE, Washington, D.C. on January 6, 2021.
April 11, 2025
ATERNET

A rising group of conservatives is increasingly challenging conventional ideas about empathy, often calling it "sinful."

Amanda Marcotte, a senior writer at Slate, wrote in an article published Friday that the Make America Great Again (MAGA) movement considers empathy to be a weakness and that sentiment is what makes them support President Donald Trump, who she referred to as "incapable of empathy."

She referred to the transition of Albert Mohler, the head of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, from denouncing Trump as a "predator" in 2016 to being one of his "loudest Christian right defenders." In a recent interview, Mohler said he now condemns empathy, calling it "an artificial virtue" and "destructive."

Marcotte noted in the article that the right-wing figures who openly deride empathy follow Trump so much that many high-profile psychologists have argued that he should be considered a sociopath, "despite not consenting to a formal diagnosis."

"The political impetus behind this overt assault on what was once considered a baseline virtue is obvious enough," she said.

She added, "Trump has eclipsed Jesus himself as the object of worship on the Christian right, as evidenced by the hosts of "Girls Gone Bible" invoking Trump's name as if he were God in their rewrite of the Lord's Prayer. At his inauguration ball, a 'worship painter" even replicated Trump's image while the crowd sang 'amen' over and over, underscoring this shift in the de facto theology of these 'Christians.'"

The author further said Trump's "sociopathy" has now surpassed the empathy of Jesus in MAGA eyes. She added that the MAGA movement has an "unhinged obsession with gender and escalating hatred of women," which is why they see empathy as "feminine."

ALSO READ: 'The arc of concentration camps is twofold': Experts detail the 'logical endpoint' of MAGA’s rhetoric

"Both firmly agree that femininity is the root of all evil. One doesn't have to speculate, either, to see this aspect of the war on empathy. Plenty of MAGA leaders will say the misogynist part out loud," she wrote.

Many commentators described misogyny as a reason why former Vice President Kamala Harris, who would have been the first female president of the United States had she won the 2024 election, lost to Trump.

In December last year, just days after the election, a panel of Black female experts argued that "misogynoir, the intersection of racism and sexism," was the main factor in Harris's loss.

“Racism is designed in such a way to make you question your humanity, but sexism is also. Sexism is really a power move,” LaTosha Brown, co-founder of the Black Voters Matter Fund said at the time. “When you combine those two things together, I think that that best explains what [Harris] experienced.”
Outrage as video of Trump bragging about enriching his billionaire pals emerges


Former President Donald Trump Jr. speaks to the press after attending wake for NYPD officer Jonathan Diller at Massapequa Funeral Home in Massapequa Park, NY on March 28, 2024, Image via Shutterstock.
April 11, 2025
COMMON DREAMS

 A video clip of U.S. President Donald Trump openly boasting about enriching his billionaire friends is drawing outrage as the administration faces growing scrutiny for possible market manipulation and insider trading in the aftermath of his partial tariff pause.

"He made two-and-a-half billion today," Trump said in the Oval Office on Wednesday, just hours after announcing the pause, "and he made $900 million."


"That's not bad," the president added.

Trump was referring to wealth gains that investor Charles Schwab and businessman Roger Penske—both billionaires—notched during a historic stock market rally sparked by the president's decision to pump the brakes on massive tariffs he imposed on most countries across the globe. (Trump left in place a 10% universal tariff on imports.)

The market surge added over $300 billion to the collective wealth of the world's top billionaires in a matter of hours, according to Bloomberg. Shortly before announcing the tariff pause, Trump posted to his social media platform that it is a "great time to buy" stocks, prompting accusations of market manipulation.

Watch the Oval Office video:



"Donald Trump in a nutshell: doing everything he can to make the ultra-rich even richer," Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) wrote Thursday in response to the clip. "We need to find out if Trump's tariff chaos was used as cover for insider trading."

Dean Baker, senior economist at the Center on Economic and Policy Research, wrote Thursday that it's not yet clear whether Trump tipped off any of his ultra-rich associates about the partial tariff pause ahead of time.

"But does anyone think that Trump would have any qualms about sharing such a secret?" Baker asked. "Does anyone think that the people around Trump would have any qualms about trading on the ultimate inside information? I leave that to your judgment."

On Thursday, a group of Democratic lawmakers led by Rep. Maxine Waters (D-Calif.) called on the U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission to investigate "possible insider trading and market manipulation violations that took place between Sunday, April 6, 2025, when U.S. Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent visited President Trump at his Florida resort, and Wednesday, April 9, 2025, when the president announced the pausing of the tariffs—and whether such unlawful activities are ongoing."


"Insider trading by federal officials and their friends or family is not only a breach of trust of the American people, but erodes the integrity of government institutions and raises concerns about corruption and fairness in the political system," the lawmakers wrote. "There should be zero tolerance for this kind of corruption in our society, let alone from those we entrust to lead us in the public sphere."
'It was culture': Gen Z activist details how 'unhinged' Trump won his 'nihilistic' generation


Supporters of Donald Trump celebrate after the Fox Network called the election in his favor at the site of his rally, at the Palm Beach County Convention Center in West Palm Beach, Florida, U.S., November 6, 2024. REUTERS/Brian Snyder/File Photo

Ailia Zehra
April 11, 2025
ALTERNET

Activist Cameron Kasky said during an appearance on CNN that young white men think Democrats are "leaving" them out and MAGA is able to manipulate them into thinking the party's steps towards equity for women and minorities are "being taken at our expense."

Kasky, 24, is the cofounder of the student-led gun violence prevention advocacy group Never Again MSD. He co-hosts a podcast on Gen Z politics and culture.

He said President Donald Trump was able to garner support from Gen Z, but not due to his policies. "It was culture," he said.

ALSO READ: A Republican women's group is targeting Gen Z voters

"People in my generation are not focused on the nitty gritty," he said. "They're not thinking about the economy, health care and how those things exactly work," Kasky told CNN.

The activist said Trump is speaking in a language that resonates with them "and is pompous and aggressive enough that people respond to it."

"I always say the right has been able to cultivate fear more effectively than the Democrats have been able to inspire hope. So, what happens is: young men, especially young white men, say the democrats are leaving us out and MAGA is able to manipulate us into thinking that steps forward towards equity for women and minorities are being taken at our expense," he explained.

Kasky said the Democratic Party needs to "bargain" with people to convince them to vote for the party. "You can't just feel entitled to those votes," he added.

ALSO READ: Gen-Z congressman: Republicans 'want government to be in children's pants'

In the 2024 presidential election, the Democratic Party experienced a significant decline in support from younger voters, even among those who are historically marginalized.

Young white men from Gen Z, particularly those without a college degree, favored Trump with a substantial 67 percent vote.


"There's something so nihilistic in Gen Z right now, because we haven't been given a very clear direction to strive towards," Kasky said when asked by the host what the 'American experience' means for Gen Z.

"We're not quite sure what exactly we're fighting for at this point," he added.

He said he was 15 when he heard Trump make a sexually suggestive comment about women, and later saw him become president.

"This next generation is growing up with an even more aggressive, unhinged and fascist version of that," Kasky added.

Watch the video below or at this link.link.

- YouTubewww.youtube.com

'The Southern border is under attack': Trump orders US military to take over strip of land

President Donald J. Trump, joined by Department of Homeland Security Acting Secretary Kevin McAleenan Department of Homeland Security, speaks with United States Customs and Border Protection officers along the border area of Otay Mesa, Wednesday, Sept. 18, 2019, a neighborhood along the Mexican border in San Diego, Calif.
 (Official White House Photo by Shealah Craighead)

Adam Lynch
April 12, 2025
ALTERNET

President Donald Trump is authorizing the U.S. military to take jurisdiction over federal lands along the southern border to help enforce his immigration agenda.

On Friday, Trump issued a memorandum entitled "Military Mission for Sealing the Southern Border of the United States and Repelling Invasions" to the secretaries of Defense, Interior, Agriculture and Homeland Security, reports USA Today.

The memo names the Roosevelt Reservation, which lies between Mexico and the states of California, Arizona and New Mexico, as "National Defense Areas.” And it frames immigrants as “invaders” threatening “the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the United States.”

“Our southern border is under attack from a variety of threats. The complexity of the current situation requires that our military take a more direct role in securing our southern border than in the recent past,” the memo reads.

While long, the territory is only about 60 feet wide, "the distance from home plate to the pitcher’s mound,” according to Adam Isacson, director of defense oversight for the Washington Office on Latin America, in Washington, D.C.

Isacson told USA Today the consequences of the Department of Defense assuming control of federal land at the border was not “immediately clear,” but he said it could result in “more severe criminal charges for migrants” unlawfully crossing the border. This is primarily because migrants may qualify as having “trespassed on a military installation” if they set foot on it, and they could potentially face more than the federal misdemeanor of “entry without inspection.”

“In carrying out activities under this memorandum, members of the Armed Forces will follow rules for the use of force prescribed by the Secretary of Defense,” the memo reads.

The administration is increasingly pressing migrants to self-deport. Earlier this week the administration asked the Social Security Administration to relist thousands of immigrants as “dead” to remove their ability to legally work in the country and access credit and banking services.

American Immigration Council senior fellow Aaron Reichlin-Melnick posted to Bluesky that Trump's deployment of the military to take over the Roosevelt Reservation could be an effort to "bypass the Posse Comitatus Act," which prohibits the U.S. military from enforcing civilian law. He added that Trump's move was "bad and dumb."

Read USA Today’s full article at this link.
The main reason Trump hit the pause on higher tariffs


Trump’s ‘liberation day’ sweep of tariffs left global markets in turmoil.

April 12, 2025


Bond markets don’t often make front-page news but the recent sharp sell-off in US Treasuries appears to have been enough to prompt US president Donald Trump to pause his plans for new tariffs.


Traditionally, US Treasuries are seen as one of the world’s safest assets for investors. The United States government has long been regarded as a reliable and responsible borrower. That reputation has allowed the US to borrow at low costs for decades.

But the turbulence triggered by Trump’s “liberation day” tariff announcement caused wild swings in the US government’s borrowing costs. While some form of trade restrictions were anticipated, the scale and scope of the measures surprised markets and rattled bond investors.

The yield on the 30-year US Treasury, which moves inversely to the bond’s price, rose 60 basis points, to above 5%, following the tariff announcement. Rising yields for governments effectively mean they pay more interest on their debt. For the US, this was one of the largest moves within a single week since 1981, when the Federal Reserve (the Fed) implemented sharp interest rate hikes to combat inflation.

The volatility of bond markets and nervousness among investors seems to have been the catalyst for encouraging Trump to pause the higher tariffs for 90 days. Trump himself remarked that bond markets had become “a little bit yippy”.

So what exactly spooked them? Several forces seem to have combined to drive this sudden shift in sentiment.

First, bond prices are highly sensitive to inflation expectations. The introduction of broad-based tariffs was widely seen as inflationary. Both the tariffs and the threat of retaliatory measures from trading partners risked pushing up prices on everything from groceries to electronics.

The possibility of rising inflation pushed bond prices down, because inflation makes the fixed-interest payments from bonds less valuable over time.

Second, like any financial asset, bond prices are sensitive to investor demand. There are growing concerns that US Treasuries could face a “buyers’ strike” – a scenario where escalating trade tensions and geopolitical uncertainty make investors wary of holding American debt.

Instead, many are turning to politically neutral safe havens like gold and other precious metals. There are also signs that foreign buyers, particularly from Asia and the Middle East, are pulling back from US debt, a shift that could further weaken demand and raise government borrowing costs even more.

Finally, the actions (or perhaps more accurately, the inaction) of the Fed also helped to drag bond prices lower. During previous bouts of extreme market volatility, like in March 2020 at the onset of COVID lockdowns in the US, the Fed stepped in with a raft of measures designed to calm markets.

But this time, with inflation still running above the Fed’s 2% target, its options were far more limited. Any attempt to support bond markets risked fuelling inflation. The Fed’s silence this time around offered little reassurance to bond investors, who have come to expect soothing interventions during times of stress.
The nerves are here to stay

Bond market volatility is unlikely to be a one-off event. Instead, it may be a sign of deeper, more persistent worry among investors over the US fiscal outlook.

For years, the US has been able to borrow cheaply, even as its national debt climbed, because investors saw Treasuries as safe, reliable and backed by a strong and stable economy. Demand was so steady that interest rates stayed low, allowing the government to finance large deficits without much fuss.

But erratic policy and large fiscal giveaways such as unfunded tax cuts and politically motivated spending increases like massive increases to military spending, mean that confidence is starting to fray. US federal debt currently stands at 100% of GDP and experts expect that figure to rise to 118% over the next decade. This is greater than at any point in the nation’s history.

What’s more, these forecasts do not yet reflect the budget framework passed by the Senate in early April, which aims at extending and expanding tax cuts introduced in 2017. Senate estimates suggest that these measures will cost an additional US$1.5 trillion (£1.15 trillion) over the next decade.

However, the nonpartisan Committee for a Responsible Federal Budget (CRFB), projects that the plan could increase the national debt by US$5.8 trillion over the same period.

Rapidly rising debt levels, combined with higher borrowing costs, are placing increasing pressure on the government’s budget. According to CRFB figures, interest payments have nearly tripled since 2020, rising from US$345 billion to US$949 billion in the 2024 fiscal year.

It’s this kind of fiscal strain, and the bond market’s reaction to it, that is widely believed to have made Trump jittery enough to pause the latest round of tariffs.

Debt servicing costs now absorb around 14% of the federal budget, making it the second-largest expense after social security payments. These costs exceed national defence and Medicaid spending.

The US has long benefited from being able to borrow at a low interest rate, thanks to strong demand for its bonds. However, growing economic uncertainty and a worsening fiscal position mean that bond markets are likely to be more volatile and less forgiving going forward than they have been in the past.

If Trump remains wedded to tariffs as a key policy tool, this episode has given a clear sense of how bond markets might respond. The pursuit of policies that unsettle inflation expectations or deepen fiscal concerns will likely come at a high price for reckless governments.

Alex Dryden, PhD Student in Economics, Department of Economics, SOAS, University of London

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Government scientists are cleaning their own bathrooms as result of 'efficiency' plan


Photo by CDC on Unsplash

April 13, 2025

Federal scientists responsible for monitoring the health of West Coast fisheries are cleaning office bathrooms and reconsidering critical experiments after the Department of Commerce failed to renew their lab’s contracts for hazardous waste disposal, janitorial services, IT and building maintenance.

Trash is piling up at the Northwest Fisheries Science Center, part of the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, staffers told ProPublica. Ecologists, chemists and biologists at Montlake Laboratory, the center’s headquarters in Seattle, are taking turns hauling garbage to the dumpster and discussing whether they should create a sign-up sheet to scrub toilets.

The scientists — who conduct genetic sampling of endangered salmon to check the species’ stock status and survival — routinely work with chemicals that can burn skin, erupt into flames and cause cancer. At least one said they’d have to delay mission-critical research if hazardous waste removal isn’t restored.

The deteriorating conditions at Montlake stem from a new policy at the Commerce Department that says Secretary Howard Lutnick must personally approve all contracts over $100,000. NPR reported that the bottleneck has disrupted operations at many NOAA facilities.

ProPublica spoke to three Montlake employees who described what it was like to work there as, one by one, service contracts expire and aren’t renewed. People are running around looking for compost bags and wondering who will empty out the female sanitary waste containers in the bathrooms, they said. The floors are getting dirty and workers have no access to vacuums or mops. Some scientists have bought their own soap and cleaning supplies.

Nor can people escape by working from home: the Trump administration has increasingly ordered federal workers to return to the office five days a week. At Montlake, that policy will apply to everyone by April 21.

“It’s making our work unsafe, and it’s unsanitary for any workplace,” but especially an active laboratory full of fire-reactive chemicals and bacteria, one Montlake researcher said.

Press officers at NOAA, the Commerce Department and the White House did not respond to requests for comment.

Montlake employees were informed last week that a contract for safety services — which includes the staff who move laboratory waste off-campus to designated disposal sites — would lapse after April 9, leaving just one person responsible for this task. Hazardous waste “pickups from labs may be delayed,” employees were warned in a recent email.

The building maintenance team’s contract expired Wednesday, which decimated the staff that had handled plumbing, HVAC and the elevators. Other contacts lapsed in late March, leaving the Seattle lab with zero janitorial staff and a skeleton crew of IT specialists.

During a big staff meeting at Montlake on Wednesday, lab leaders said they had no updates on when the contracts might be renewed, one researcher said. They also acknowledged it was unfair that everyone would need to pitch in on janitorial duties on top of their actual jobs.

Nick Tolimieri, a union representative for Montlake employees, said the problem is “all part of the large-scale bullying program” to push out federal workers. It seems like every Friday “we get some kind of message that makes you unable to sleep for the entire weekend,” he said. Now, with these lapsed contracts, it’s getting “more and more petty.”

The problems, large and small, at Montlake provide a case study of the chaos that’s engulfed federal workers across many agencies as the Trump administration has fired staff, dumped contracts and eliminated long-time operational support. Yesterday, hundreds of NOAA workers who had been fired in February, then briefly reinstated, were fired again.

Local management had new service contracts ready to go ages ago, Tolimieri said. The delay from headquarters means employees will struggle to get repairs for their computers or basic building maintenance; the aging elevators at Montlake already break so often that Tolimieri joked it would be easier to send notices on the occasions when they did work.

The fisheries center employs more than 350 people, most of whom work at Montlake. The rest are scattered across several research stations in Oregon and Washington.

Staff at the center conduct research and provide scientific advice for policies on sustainable fishing and endangered species, including a population of orcas in Puget Sound. They test seafood after oil spills to ensure the fish are safe to eat. Their work helps restore native salmon populations and support regional farming.

NOAA is “so uncontroversial,” said the Montlake researcher who’s worried about hazardous waste disposal. Employees are just “trying to do weather reports and give people good seafood.”

The researcher said lab workers are trained in basic lab safety, so the chemicals are properly stored, handled and placed into appropriate waste containers after use. But there’s a limit to how much chemical waste can be kept on site. And the contractors who left were experts on handling emergencies like large chemical spills or serious toxic exposures.

If those contractors don’t return soon, the researcher said, the lab may need to delay or pause important research.

That could include chemical-intensive lab work like testing sea lions, killer whales and walruses from Alaska for environmental contaminants, Tolimieri said.

“For a bunch of people who are screaming about efficiency,” he said, referring to the administration’s efforts to downsize the federal government, “they’ve done the most inefficient things possible.”
Trump’s economic policies could cause 'something worse than a recession': Wall St. insider


President Donald Trump in the White House on April 8, 2025
April 14, 2025
ALTERNET

Many economists, liberal and progressive as well as conservative and libertarian, are warning that President Donald Trump's steep new tariffs could help push the United States into a recession.

The liberal anti-tariffs voices include Paul Krugman and Robert Reich, while right-wing opponents of the tariffs often note the late Milton Friedman's warning that tariffs were terrible for both businesses and consumers.

During a Sunday, April 13 appearance on NBC News' "Meet the Press," billionaire hedge fund manager Ray Dalio noted that a recession is a very real possibility if Trump goes ahead with his tariffs. But Dalio, founder of the Wall Street firm Bridgewater Associates, emphasizes that the dangers posed by Trump's tariffs go way beyond a recession — and could lead to wars and military conflicts.

"Right now," Dalio warned, "we are at a decision-making point and very close to a recession. And I'm worried about something worse than a recession if this isn't handled well…. We are going from multilateralism, which is largely an American world order-type of thing, to a unilateral world order in which there’s great conflict."

Asked for more specifics, Dalio elaborated, "To be very specific, the value of money, internal conflict that is not the normal democracy as we know it, and international conflict in a way that is highly disruptive to the world economy and could even be a military conflict, just as these breakdowns have occurred before."

Dalio went on to cite some "big forces through history that drive everything." And they include: (1) the money-credit-debt economic cycle," (2) "internal conflict" because of "differences in wealth and values," and (3) the "great world order."

Dalio told NBC News, "So far, (the tariffs have been) very disruptive…. We have a new order that began in 1945, a new monetary order and a new geopolitical order. And these go in cycles that can be measured — and I worry about the breakdown of that kind of order."
A Roman governor ordered Jesus’ crucifixion – so why did Christians blame Jews for centuries?


‘Ecce Homo’ (Behold the Man), by 19th-century painter Antonio Ciseri, depicts Pontius Pilate presenting Jesus to a crowd in Jerusalem.
 Tungsten/Galleria d'Arte Moderna via Wikimedia Commons Nathanael Andrade

April 12, 2025

It’s a straightforward part of the Easter story: The Roman governor Pontius Pilate had Jesus of Nazareth killed by his soldiers. He imposed a sentence that Roman judges often inflicted on social subversives – crucifixion.

The New Testament Gospels say so. The Nicene Creed, one of Christianity’s key statements of faith, says Jesus “was crucified under Pontius Pilate.” The testimony of Paul, the first person whose preaching in the name of Jesus Christ is preserved in the New Testament, refers to the crucifixion.

But over the past 2,000 years, it was common for some Christians to deem Pilate almost blameless for Jesus’ death and treat Jews as responsible – a belief that has shaped the global history of antisemitism.

Throughout medieval times, Easter was often a dangerous time for Jewish communities, whom Christians targeted as “Christ-killers.” This perception was integral to the hate that motivated mass violence in Europe as late as the 19th and 20th centuries, including pogroms in Russia and even Nazi genocide.

Why did Christian teachings practically let Pilate off the hook? Why did many Christians allege Jews were to blame?
The Gospels’ story

In the Gospels, the first four books of the New Testament, Pilate believes Jesus innocent of any crime. In some of them, he even proclaims so in public.

But the chief priests of the ancient Jewish temple at Jerusalem see Jesus as a charismatic and popular Jewish preacher who challenges their authority. They have Jesus arrested and tried before Pilate during the week of Passover.
‘Jesus Before Pilate, First Interview,’ by 19th-century painter James Tissot.Gandvik/Brooklyn Museum via Wikimedia Commons

Pilate schemes for Jesus’ release, but a riotous crowd clamors for his death. Pilate caves and decides to crucify Jesus, whom Christians believe rose from the dead three days later.

Any reader of the Gospels knows the sequence, though it varies somewhat in each of them. The earliest Gospels, composed at least a generation after Jesus’ death, blamed the chief priests and attending crowd for persuading Pilate to have Jesus crucified. The Gospel of John, written some decades after the other three, portrayed Jews in general as responsible, and so did much of early Christian literature.

One account, written in the mid-second century or later, and not included in the New Testament, even claimed that Jesus’ crucifixion was not ordered by Pilate. Instead, it blamed Herod Antipas, the Jewish ruler of Galilee – the region where Jesus grew up. Other texts from after the first few centuries A.D. said that Pilate became a Christian.
Roman history

Scholars have long debated the historical facts of Jesus’ trial. In my 2025 book, “Killing the Messiah,” I do too.

The Gospel testimonies capture the basics of criminal trials before Roman judges, which were held in public. Judges posed questions to prosecutors and defendants, and had ample power to decide whether a person was innocent or guilty and impose a punishment.

Writers who lived in the Roman Empire portrayed judges as capricious, unaccountable or swayed by menacing crowds. The Gospels reflect this attitude by making Pilate appear bullied into condemning an innocent man

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An illustration from the 14th century shows Pontius Pilate washing his hands to absolve himself as Christ is beaten before crucifixion.
Heritage Art/Heritage Images via Getty Images

But from a historian’s viewpoint, there is a crucial problem with the Gospels’ description. Roman judges could and sometimes did face removal from office, property confiscation, exile or even death for executing clearly innocent people. In other words, it seems unlikely that Pilate would have proclaimed Jesus guiltless, but then conceded to pressure and condemned him anyway.

Other ancient writers describe Pilate as someone who was not above offending the Jews of Judaea. According to the first-century Jewish philosopher Philo and the historian Josephus, Pilate had his soldiers carry objects that honored Roman emperors into Jerusalem, which Jewish residents saw as sacrilegious. When crowds protested, he sometimes backed down. But his soldiers attacked an agitated crowd that opposed Pilate’s use of Temple money to build an aqueduct. They also massacred an insurrection of Samaritans – people who also claimed descent from Israelites.

Pilate did not cave to hostile crowds indiscriminately, or do whatever the chief priests wanted. Since Roman prefects like him had to coordinate with Jewish priests to govern Jerusalem, he likely viewed people who incited social disturbance against them as subversive. Jesus would have fit in that category, but neither Philo nor Josephus provides examples of Pilate killing people after acquitting them.

Growing divide

Why, then, did Pilate have Jesus crucified? As many scholars have argued, the simple answer would be that he believed Jesus committed some sort of sedition – not that the crowd simply pressured Pilate into doing so.

Yet, when the Gospels were composed a generation after the crucifixion, they portrayed Pilate as convinced of Jesus’ innocence. As more time passed, other works of ancient Christian literature shifted accountability from Pilate to Jews.


A mosaic showing St. Paul, one of the earliest apostles who preached after Jesus’ death, in the Basilica of San Vitale in Ravenna, Italy.Reserveacc/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

The experiences of Jesus’ early followers help explain this shift. They, like Jesus himself, were Jewish, and they considered him a heaven-sent Messiah. But over the course of the first and second centuries, they increasingly separated themselves from other Jews, until they began to see themselves as members of a non-Jewish movement: Christianity.

In Roman authorities’ eyes, the Christians were troublesome, and they sometimes faced prosecution and capital punishment. In addition, Rome had inflicted atrocities and punitive measures upon Jews after insurgencies – further motivating Jesus’ followers to distance themselves. Their literature became increasingly hostile toward Jews.

Historians and biblical scholars continue to debate why Pilate condemned Jesus. Was it for suggesting that he was the Messiah, or, in Pilate’s wording, “King of the Jews”? Did Jesus incite a crowd disturbance at the Temple during Passover – or were officials worried he could, even inadvertently? Were Jesus and his followers engaged in armed insurrection?

But regardless of the answer, as I argue in my book, responsibility for the crucifixion lies with Pilate – not the chief priests and the Jewish crowd at Jerusalem.

Nathanael Andrade, Professor of History, Binghamton University, State University of New York

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
A $421 million verdict against Blue Cross exposes how insurers try to control doctors

Photo by Alexander Mils on Unsplash
April 12, 2025
ALTERNET

Reporting Highlights

Shortchanged: Blue Cross Louisiana OK’d mastectomies and breast reconstructions for women with cancer but refused to pay a hospital’s full bills. For some claims, it paid nothing.

Exceptions: 
Blue Cross denied payments for thousands of procedures involved in breast reconstruction. But it approved special deals for treatment for executives’ wives.

Verdict: 
A jury found Blue Cross liable for fraud and awarded the hospital $421 million. The insurance company denied wrongdoing and has appealed.

These highlights were written by the reporters and editors who worked on this story.


On a late afternoon in November 2017, Witney Arch told her 1-1/2-year-old son to stop playing and come inside. Upset, he grabbed her right breast when she picked him up. She experienced a shock of pain but did not think it was anything serious. A week later, however, the ache had not subsided. After trips to several doctors, a biopsy revealed that Arch had early-stage breast cancer. Her surgeon told her that it was likely invasive and aggressive.

By the end of January, she had made two critical decisions. She would get a double mastectomy. And she wanted her operation at the Center for Restorative Breast Surgery in New Orleans, a medical facility renowned for its highly specialized approach to breast cancer care and reconstruction. The two surgeons who founded it had pioneered techniques that used a woman’s own body tissue to form new breasts post mastectomy. The idea of a natural restoration appealed to Arch. “I don’t judge anybody for getting implants, especially if you’ve had cancer,” she said. “But I felt like I was taking something foreign out of my body, cancer, and I did not want to put something foreign back in.”

Arch was a 42-year-old preschool teacher for her church, with four young children, living in a suburb of New Orleans. The 1-1/2-year-old had been born with Sturge-Weber syndrome, a rare neurological disorder. Caring for him consumed her life. By nature upbeat and optimistic, Arch felt blessed that her son’s act of defiance had led to an early diagnosis. “We’re going to pray about this and we’re going to figure it out,” she told her husband.

Arch asked her insurer, Blue Cross and Blue Shield of Louisiana, for approval to go to the center for her care, and the company granted it, a process known as prior authorization. Then, a week or so before her surgery, Arch was wrangling child care and meal plans when she got a call from the insurer. The representative on the line was trying to persuade her to have the surgery elsewhere. She urged Arch to seek a hospital that, unlike the center, was in network and charged less. “Do you realize how much this is going to cost?” Arch remembered the agent asking. Arch did not need more stress, but here it was — from her own health plan. “I feel very comfortable with my decision,” she replied. “My doctor teaches other doctors around the world how to do this.” Over the next year, Arch underwent five operations to rid herself of cancer and reconstruct her breasts.

Arch did not know it at the time, but her surgery would become evidence in a long-running legal fight between the breast center’s founders, surgeons Frank DellaCroce and Scott Sullivan, and Blue Cross, Louisiana’s biggest health insurance company, with an estimated two-thirds share of the market. DellaCroce and Sullivan had repeatedly sued the insurer, alleging that it granted approvals for surgery but then denied payments or paid only a fraction of patients’ bills. They pointed to calls like the one Arch received as proof of the company’s effort to drive away patients. The aggressive legal attack, they knew, was fraught. Litigation against the $3.4 billion company would take a long time and a lot of money. The chances of winning were slight. “You fight dragons at great peril,” DellaCroce would tell friends. But this September, after 18 years and several defeats in court, jurors found Blue Cross liable for fraud. They awarded the center $421 million — one of the largest verdicts ever to a single medical practice outside of a class-action lawsuit. In a statement, Blue Cross said it “disagrees with the jury’s decision, which we believe was wrong on the facts and the law. We have filed an appeal and expect to be successful.”

Frustration with insurers is at an all-time high. The December fatal shooting of United Healthcare CEO Brian Thompson allegedly by Luigi Mangione serves as an extreme and tragic example. Doctors and insurers are locked into a perpetual conflict over health care costs, with patients caught in the middle. Doctors accuse insurance plans of blocking payments for health care treatments that can save the patients’ lives. Insurance companies insist they shouldn’t pay for procedures that they say are unnecessary or overpriced. It is easy to emerge from an examination of the American health care system with a cynicism that both sides are broken and corrupt.

However, interviews with scores of doctors, patients and insurance executives, as well as reviews of internal documents, regulatory filings and academic studies, reveal a fundamental truth: The two sides are not evenly matched. Insurance companies are players in the fight over money, and they are also the referees. Insurers produce their own guidelines to determine whether to pay claims. When a doctor appeals a denial, insurers make all the initial decisions. In legal settings, insurers are often given favorable standing in their ability to set what conditions they are required to cover. Federal and state insurance regulators lack the resources to pursue individual complaints against multibillion-dollar companies. Six major insurers, which include some of the nation’s largest companies, cover half of all Americans. They are pitted against tens of thousands of doctors’ practices and large hospital chains.

The Blue Cross trial provides a rare opportunity to expose in detail the ways that health insurance companies wield power over doctors and their patients. Blue Cross executives testified that the breast center charged too much money — sometimes more than $180,000 for an operation. The center, they said, deserved special attention because it had a history of questionable charges. But the insurer’s defense went even further, to the very meaning of “prior authorization,” which it had granted women like Arch to pursue surgery. The authorization, they said in court, recognized that a procedure was medically necessary, but it also contained a clause that it was “not a guarantee of payment.” Blue Cross was not obliged to pay the center anything, top executives testified. “Let me be clear: The authorization never says we’re going to pay you,” said Steven Udvarhelyi, who was the CEO for the insurer from 2016 to 2024, in a deposition. “That’s why there’s a disclaimer.

From 2015 through 2023, the Baton Rouge-based insurer paid, on average, less than 9% of the charges billed by the breast center for more than 7,800 individual medical procedures — even though it had authorized all of them. Thousands of such claims were never paid at all, according to court records. Testimony revealed that the health plan never considered thousands of appeals filed by the center. Corporate documents showed Blue Cross executives had set up secret processes for approving operations and reimbursing the clinic and its doctors that resulted in reduced fees and payment delays. One lucrative strategy: A national-level policy allowed Blue Cross Louisiana to take a cut of any savings it achieved in paying the breast center on behalf of patients covered by out-of-state Blue Cross companies, meaning the less the insurer paid out, the more it earned.

In Sullivan’s words, the insurer was hypocritical, “morally bankrupt.” Blue Cross had stranded many of the center’s patients with high bills, amounts that it had absorbed over the years. On several occasions, though, Blue Cross executives had signed special one-time deals with the center, known as single case agreements, to pay for their wives’ cancer treatment. To Sullivan, it seemed the insurer was willing to pay the center when patients had connections but would fight when patients did not.

Blue Cross declined to comment on any individual cases but said in a statement that single case agreements were “common in the industry” and were available to all members when needed to access out-of-network providers.Chapter 1
The Center

Nobody would take the breast center and its adjoining hospital as an ordinary medical establishment. The two facilities take up a city block along St. Charles Avenue, the thoroughfare famous for its streetcars, Mardi Gras parades and Queen Anne mansions. Patients access the complex — created by merging a former law office, funeral home, car dealership and Dunkin’ Donuts — by driving around back where a porte cochere leads into a soaring atrium. Light pours in through windows set in the high ceiling. Arrangements of white orchids are scattered among comfortable couches and chairs. Here, women consult with doctors to plan their treatment. Surgeries are performed at the 39-bed hospital, which has an Icee machine in a family room. New-age music plays softly throughout the building. Rooms are designed to be as homey as possible, with medical gear hidden away and seascapes by a local artist hanging on the wall. One patient’s husband referred to it as a “spa-spital.”

The idea of combining the luxury feel of an upscale plastic surgery practice with the mission-driven zeal of a medical clinic came to DellaCroce and Sullivan while they were young surgeons. The two grew up in Louisiana. Sullivan spent much of his childhood in Mandeville, a suburb of New Orleans on the north side of Lake Ponchartrain, his dad employed in the oil and gas industry. His mother wanted him to be a priest or a doctor. “I definitely was not going to become a priest,” he said. DellaCroce’s father worked at the paper mill in West Monroe in the state’s northern neck. His mother, a nurse, gave him an appreciation for medicine as a career that was “meaningful and challenging.”

They became friends while working at the Louisiana State University medical center, where they earned the nickname “the Sushi Brothers” for their favorite lunch. They were drawn to microsurgery and breast reconstruction because it was an emerging field that was innovating and improving care. Both men became board-certified in plastic surgery. Sullivan, 60, is the hard-charging businessman, stocky, direct and blunt. DellaCroce, 58, with a ponytail, goatee and soft drawl, is more the diplomat, patient and cerebral. The pair have lectured around the world and written numerous medical journal articles.

They opened their first office in 2003 in a single room rented from a fellow doctor at what was then known as Memorial Medical Center, the hulking private hospital in New Orleans. They performed operations at facilities throughout the region but found that most gave little consideration to their patients’ comfort. They wanted to build a different kind of hospital. “Can we give them that little bit of extra without breaking the budget to make the experience less awful? Can’t make it great, but can you make it less awful?” DellaCroce explained. “Can you attend to the human side of this patient and give them the added value of peace and confidence?” Hurricane Katrina set back their construction plans, and the new edifice, named the St. Charles Surgical Hospital, did not open its doors until 2009. It boasts of being the only hospital in the country devoted solely to care for breast cancer patients who have received mastectomies. The center does not provide radiation or chemotherapy treatments. The majority of patients come from out of state.

Women seeking to have their breasts restored after a mastectomy face two paths. Some choose a relatively straightforward surgical procedure using implants filled with silicon or another gel. The center specializes in the other option, what’s known as autologous tissue reconstruction, where a woman’s own fat is taken from one part of the body, like the bottom or the stomach, and used to rebuild the breast. The procedure requires a longer recovery time, but the new breasts become part of the body.

The transplant surgery is lengthy and complex. Operations can last up to 12 hours with big medical teams involved. One surgeon performs the mastectomy while another creates a new breast by knitting together layers of fat and tissue. Concentration is intense. The surgeons stare through glasses with microscopes to connect new blood vessels with a needle that’s thinner than an eyelash, using thread less than half the width of a human hair. DellaCroce and Sullivan invented techniques, for example, allowing tissue to be taken from multiple sites when a woman did not have enough fat in one part of her body for a full restoration.

One afternoon last fall, DellaCroce strode into a cavernous operating room to check on a patient. On the table in front of him, a woman lay covered in curtains of blue surgical cloth, only her torso exposed. Earlier in the day, a surgical oncologist had removed her right breast as part of a mastectomy to treat her cancer. Later, another surgeon had taken flaps of fat from her stomach and interlaced them with blood vessels to create a new breast to replace the lost one. Now, in the fifth hour of surgery, a physician’s assistant leaned over her midsection, closing an incision along her side with some final stitches. Nurses hurried around the space, preparing to wrap up the operation. Paul Simon’s “You Can Call Me Al” played in the background. The smell of burnt flesh hung in the air. A blue light signaled that the new arteries were successfully pumping blood. “Wow, that woman looks really good,” DellaCroce told the physician’s assistant. “Nice job.”

There is no denying that the center’s high-end treatment means high costs. The median charge for an operation and hospital stay is about $165,000. DellaCroce and Sullivan hired consultants to review other well-regarded practices, who advised them their prices were competitive with their peers. “We weren’t asking to be paid Lebron James, best of the best, even though we feel we’re in the top 1 or 2% of the country,” Sullivan said. “We just wanted something fair.”Chapter 2
Blue Cross and Blue Shield

It is one of the quirks of the American health care system that insurers almost never pay the prices for procedures demanded by doctors and hospitals.

To understand why requires a tour of the grand bargain at the heart of the health insurance system. Insurance companies negotiate with hospitals and doctors to discount reimbursements on medical procedures, like office visits or MRI scans. Providers who sign these contracts are in network. Insurance companies like in-network doctors because they can budget for health expenses and set premiums accordingly. Doctors and hospitals agree to be in network because they get a steady stream of insured patients.

DellaCroce and Sullivan held contracts with insurers that resulted in average payments to the center’s doctors in the $20,000 to $30,000 range. But DellaCroce and Sullivan never came to an agreement with Blue Cross. That made them an exception in Louisiana — the insurer is so dominant that 97% of local physicians and hospitals are in network. DellaCroce and Sullivan said the company was not offering them enough money — in some cases not even enough to cover the cost of the surgeries, they argued in court documents. The doctors and their hospital remained out of network, meaning they charged Blue Cross the full price for their procedures.

Such charges are controversial. Insurance companies and many health experts say they are too often inflated and untethered from actual costs. Physicians and hospitals say their fees are justified, reflecting the true price of medical care. In the end, insurers — especially in states like Louisiana, with few competitors — use their market power in negotiations to set reimbursements at what they want to pay, not what doctors charge.

At Blue Cross, Dwight Brower was charged with reviewing the bills from the breast center. He had worked as a physician at a small family practice in Baton Rouge and then at a local hospital before joining Blue Cross as a medical director. He helped oversee prior authorizations. While many patients assume that an approval means an insurer will pay for an operation, it is simply a recognition that a procedure is medically necessary. Federal law mandates that private insurers cover breast restorations for women who undergo mastectomies because of cancer or genetic risk. And patients, in general, are allowed to choose their own doctors.

However, since the center was out of network and had no contract with the insurer, Blue Cross determined how much it would pay for the treatment, and Brower believed that the breast center’s bills were exorbitant. “I did not think that they were reasonable,” he would later testify. Surgeons doing lung transplants or brain surgery rarely billed Blue Cross more than $50,000 for their work. Why should DellaCroce and Sullivan get so much more? “Don’t get me wrong. The surgeons at the center are extremely skilled,” he acknowledged. The operations were often lengthy. “But so are open-heart surgeries,” he said. “Relative to some of the other extremely complicated surgeries done by other surgeons in other areas of the body, it just seemed like their fee schedule was extremely high.”

Blue Cross Louisiana executives testified that they did not even consider doctors’ invoices when making decisions on what to reimburse because such charges were “unregulated” and “nonstandard.” Instead, they paid “an amount we establish” — unless the doctor’s bill was cheaper. In the end, the insurer said it settled on reimbursing the breast center about the same as in-network doctors performing similar operations, even though DellaCroce and Sullivan did not benefit from having patients referred to them. In practice, that meant the insurer paid out a fraction of the breast center’s bills. Of the 7,837 medical procedures in dispute in the lawsuit, involving 1,680 patients, Blue Cross paid about $43 million on invoices totaling $500 million. Some 60% of the claims weren’t reimbursed at all. The difference between the bill and the payment could be striking. For example, in the case of Arch, Blue Cross paid $8,580 out of $102,722 for one operation. For another, it paid $3,190 out of $34,975.

Executives said the Blue Cross reimbursements were fair, designed to keep premiums low for the nearly 2 million Louisianans who depended on the insurer to cover their health care. Paying the breast center’s full fees would add to its customers’ burden, they said. “If we were to just agree to any rates or any prices set by physicians or any providers, it would cause cost to be exorbitantly high for both the plan and for members particularly, because we wouldn’t be able to forecast or make sure those plans are actually sound,” said Curtis Anders, the vice president of provider networks for Blue Cross. “Premiums would increase.”

For many out-of-network doctors, payments lower than their invoices are an infuriating part of doing business. They absorb the costs, or pass them on to their patients, a practice known as balance billing that can result in medical debt. DellaCroce and Sullivan were the rare physicians with the tenacity to fight. The center collected money from both insurers and patients — but it carried the unpaid portion of invoices on its books. That amount grew every year as it battled Blue Cross.

DellaCroce and Sullivan were convinced that Blue Cross had singled them out for their obstreperousness, but they had no proof. Then, during a phone call one day, an employee for the center was talking to a Blue Cross representative to obtain a prior authorization. The representative let slip that the request required special handling. The breast center’s doctors were flagged on an internal roster. It was called the targeted list.Chapter 3
Discoveries

On Dec. 8, 2023, several dozen attorneys and paralegals from Chehardy Sherman Williams, one of New Orleans’ top law firms, were celebrating their annual holiday party. They had gathered in a private dining room with gilded mirrors and shimmering chandeliers at Arnaud’s restaurant, a bastion of Creole cuisine in the heart of the French Quarter. The waiters served shrimp remoulade, prime rib and turtle soup. Small talk filled the air.

Suddenly, several attorneys’ cellphones buzzed as they all received the same email, a message from the lawyers for Blue Cross. It contained discovery for the case, more than 42,000 pages of internal documents, emails and policies. Matthew Sherman, one of the attorneys representing the center, turned to a colleague. “Can you believe this?” he asked. It was like something from a John Grisham novel, the kind of thing he and his friends had joked about at law school, a document dump at Christmas time. By long tradition, many of New Orleans’ biggest law firms hold their holiday parties on the same Friday afternoon in December. Afterward, rival attorneys from around town gather for drinks under a flag of truce at a local bar. Sherman realized there would be no afterparty this year. Nor much of a holiday vacation.

The delivery of the documents was a Christmas gift nearly 20 years in the making. DellaCroce and Sullivan’s first lawsuits against Blue Cross, involving 88 breach-of-contract claims filed in a Louisiana civil court beginning in 2006, were dismissed because of a federal court ruling regarding jurisdiction. A second lawsuit, which lasted from 2010 through 2017, resulted in limited discovery and a two-day trial in federal court. Jurors found that Blue Cross had failed to tell the center how much it would pay for procedures, but they also ruled the center had not been financially harmed. A judge dismissed the remaining claims.

DellaCroce and Sullivan launched their third lawsuit in February 2017 with a novel legal theory: They accused Blue Cross of fraud. They contended that for years the insurer had issued prior authorizations without the intention of paying the actual bills. Their lawyers had sought the targeted list during discovery to help prove the case. Blue Cross denied it existed.

But now, as Sherman and fellow attorney Patrick Follette began poring over the thousands of documents, they came upon a spreadsheet that said “Targeted Provider List.” The first names on the list were DellaCroce and Sullivan. It was labeled “confidential” and dated June 2007 — about a year after the pair had filed their first lawsuit against Blue Cross alleging nonpayment. More digging turned up other documents. There was a “blocked” list that also featured the two doctors.

A corporate policy document provided what DellaCroce and Sullivan considered the most revealing explanation for Blue Cross’ financial motivation. Blue Cross insurers are independent companies that operate under a common set of rules, similar to franchisees in a fast-food chain. When a person covered by Blue Cross in their home state receives treatment in another state, the Blue Cross where the treatment occurs pays the provider and then recoups the cost from the home-state plan. What the attorneys discovered was that Blue Cross Louisiana would receive a share of any savings it could generate for the home-state plan. Say, for instance, Blue Cross Alabama was facing a bill of $5,000 for a procedure. If Blue Cross Louisiana instead paid $1,000, it saved the Alabama plan $4,000. The policy allowed Blue Cross Louisiana to earn 16% of the savings — in this scenario, $640.

For DellaCroce and Sullivan, the revelations cemented their belief that Blue Cross was a bad corporate actor more interested in power and control than health care. The percentage fee incentivized the insurer to pay the doctors as little as possible. The bigger the savings, the more Blue Cross made. “It’s win-win,” DellaCroce said. “That’s their pay day.”

As the trial approached, Blue Cross attempted to settle the case. DellaCroce and Sullivan refused the offer as too low.Chapter 4
The Trial

On the afternoon of Sept. 5, 2024, the case — St. Charles Surgical Hospital, L.L.C. and Center for Restorative Breast Surgery, L.L.C. v. Louisiana Health Service & Indemnity Company D/B/A Blue Cross/Blue Shield of Louisiana, Blue Cross & Blue Shield of Louisiana, Inc. and HMO Louisiana, Inc. — opened in Division C of the Orleans Parish Civil District Court, a high-ceilinged room with dark brown benches and tables, fake marble columns and fluorescent lights. James Williams, the chief litigator for the hospital, had already impressed the 45 potential jurors by memorizing all their names and backgrounds during jury selection. Now, he stood up and placed a football on the plaintiff’s table in front of the 12 chosen to try the case, which included a third grade teacher, a movie stunt double and a hotel manager. He warned them that they would hear a lot of “insurance talk” from Blue Cross. “I’m going to ask you, ladies and gentlemen on the jury, keep your eye on the ball. Keep your eye on what this case is about,” Williams told them. “If they start saying things like, ‘Well, oh, we paid them what we thought was fair, 9%,’ keep your eye on the ball, right?”

Over 10 days — interrupted by a two-day break to allow a hurricane to pass across Louisiana — Williams made his case that Blue Cross had defrauded his clients by making promises to pay but failing to deliver.

Much of Blue Cross’ defense had relied on the notice that a prior authorization was no guarantee of payment. The insurer had not committed fraud, it said, since it never explicitly promised the center to reimburse anything. Udvarhelyi, the former CEO, had insisted on that. But on the stand, Blue Cross witnesses provided a more nuanced explanation. They acknowledged that the disclaimer was not meant as a general excuse to free the company from paying bills. A prior authorization “usually” resulted in a payment, testified Brower, who reviewed the center’s bills. He said that the notice was intended for specific situations. For instance, Blue Cross would not cover a woman who dropped out of her insurance before the operation. Nor would it pay anything if a patient had not met her deductible. But otherwise, Brower said, Blue Cross intended to compensate for a procedure that it had authorized. “It’s inappropriate for us as a company to approve a code and then turn around and deny it,” Brower said.

Over the years, the center had appealed thousands of reimbursements for being too low. It hired additional employees to manage the paperwork. At the trial, Blue Cross revealed that it had never considered any of the appeals — nor had it ever told the center that they were pointless. “An appeal is not available to review an underpayment,” acknowledged Paula Shepherd, a Blue Cross executive vice president. The insurer simply issued an edict — the payment was correct.

This was the core of the case. The insurer set the rules. The insurer set the prices. Doctors could appeal to a state insurance regulator. But if that failed, and it often did, the only recourse was a long, costly lawsuit.

Williams summed up for the jury the center’s treatment at the hands of Blue Cross: “Our payments are slow pay, low pay or no pay.”

In countering those arguments, Blue Cross witnesses explained that the insurer was committed to paying for Louisianans’ health care and keeping costs low. As a nonprofit, it directed any excess revenue from operations back into the business. (Udvarhelyi, the CEO, did acknowledge that his salary, over $1 million, included bonuses that depended on hitting revenue targets and increasing membership.)

Brian West, a Blue Cross executive who monitored payments, said the center had engaged in “egregious” billing practices. “They are bad actors in the billing world,” he said. But company witnesses offered only a handful of examples. Sometimes the center mistakenly coded its bills in a way that appeared to charge for four separate breast reconstructions in a single operation. In other cases, the center asked for payment for two surgeons in the room at the same time. But Blue Cross, following Medicare guidelines, would pay two surgeons only 20% more than the reimbursement for a single surgeon.

Blue Cross did not accuse the center of any intentional miscoding — but the sloppy billing led to additional scrutiny, the company’s witnesses said. The targeted list, a witness testified, had been created especially for the center, requiring all prior authorization requests to bypass normal routes for a special review by company doctors. The blocked list meant that each bill from the center received a manual scrub by payment specialists before reimbursement. Blue Cross acknowledged the careful checking often resulted in the need for more information from the center, which could result in slower processing of claims. But the lists, executives insisted, were not designed to reduce payments. “Basically, no harm was done,” said Becky Juncker, who was involved in approving surgical procedures.

Company witnesses explained that the 16% received in saving money for out-of-state Blue Cross insurers was a fee to cover the costs of handling adjustments of the claim — though they were not able to explain why Blue Cross did not charge a flat fee for its services.

Blue Cross also defended itself against the accusation that it had paid nothing for 60% of the charges for individual procedures. Witnesses said the insurer had followed industry practice in bundling charges to make a single payment for an operation. An attorney for the center noted that it had never agreed to take bundled payments — Blue Cross had imposed them.

As to the calls to women like Arch? That was an effort to save members money. “Our medical area would reach out to our members who were utilizing out-of-network providers to help them understand the, I would say, the financial implications,” said Shepherd, the Blue Cross executive vice president, in a deposition. “It could be financially catastrophic to a member to have an out-of-network claim that they are financially responsible for. It’s a huge difference.”

In summing up the case, Kim Boyle, the lead attorney for the company, told jurors that Blue Cross had not committed fraud. It had acted to ensure the company and its members paid a fair price for the center’s services, she said. “There’s no scheme. There’s no plot. There’s no mafia. There are no Blue Cross employees of Louisiana that are sitting in some smoke-filled room in Baton Rouge, plotting against these plaintiffs on St. Charles Avenue in New Orleans,” Boyle said. “It’s fiction; it’s fancy; it’s completely made up.”

On Sept. 20, at 1:57 p.m., Judge Sidney H. Cates IV sent the jurors to deliberate. The center attorneys retreated to a nearby hotel to await the verdict. About two hours later, they were summoned back to Division C. Williams put his head down and swore. He worried that such a quick return in the legally complex case meant victory for Blue Cross.

The center’s lawyers paid close attention to Cates as he reviewed the jurors’ decision. It was a two-page form. If the jurors found in favor of Blue Cross, the judge would have no reason to read on. Cates flipped to the second page: The jurors had found Blue Cross liable for fraud. “Please express in dollars the total monetary compensation, if any, Blue Cross owes the hospital and the center for the damages,” Cates said, reading from the verdict. “Net damages, $421,488,633.” The center’s lawyers stood and shook hands as the insurer’s attorneys prepared to leave the courtroom.

DellaCroce was in surgery at the hospital, having expected a longer deliberation. Sullivan was in the courtroom to hear the verdict. Afterward, jurors approached and thanked him for his work. He teared up. “We would have given more if we had been asked for more. That’s how egregious the fraud was,” Juliet Laughlin, a 58-year-old property manager who served as forewoman, later said. “There had been wrong done.”

Blue Cross has appealed the verdict. A health insurance trade group has warned that the finding sets a dangerous precedent. If allowed to stand, insurance companies in Louisiana may find themselves forced to pay whatever price is demanded by out-of-network doctors — which in turn could raise health insurance premiums across the state, the Louisiana Association of Health Plans said in a statement.

For DellaCroce and Sullivan, the verdict was vindication. They had refused to sign contracts they thought unfair. They had rejected settlement offers they thought too low. The trial had revealed Blue Cross’ domineering behavior. “Fundamentally, I think their problem was that we were doctors who had control,” DellaCroce said. “That was regarded as a threat.”

In the months since the judgment, Blue Cross has not changed its practices, the doctors said. It has not approached with an offer that would bring the hospital in network. It still issues prior authorizations for women’s surgeries. And it still pays only a fraction of the billed fees.

Freelance photographer Daniella Zalcman contributed reporting.