Monday, August 04, 2025

Op-Ed

Trump’s Executive Order Criminalizing Houselessness Reveals a Familiar Dystopia

For years, mad and disabled people have been asking Americans to fight the criminalization of disability. Will they?
July 31, 2025

Demonstrators protest outside the U.S. Supreme Court in support of unhoused people as the Court hears the case of City of Grants Pass v. Johnson, in Washington, D.C., on April 22, 2024.SAUL LOEB / AFP via Getty Images

Americans love a Victorian asylum. As paranormal entertainment, they offer thrill-seeking with the assumption that the days are long gone when almost anyone could have you committed for almost any reason, often for life.

Yet for decades, academics, pundits, and politicians across the political spectrum have been openly calling for a return to the asylum. Now, a new executive order signed by Trump on June 24, 2025, proposes that states use civil commitment laws to disappear unhoused people, mad and disabled people, and (some) people who use drugs into long-term congregate institutions and coercive programs. Welcome back to the asylum.

Deploying a punitive approach to houselessness, substance use, and psychiatric disability, the executive order, aptly titled “ENDING CRIME AND DISORDER ON AMERICA’S STREETS,” paints a familiar picture of dangerous and undesirable vagrants that must be purged from society and forcibly cured for the sake of order. It reproduces a long-perpetrated false narrative that the root causes of houselessness are “serious mental illness and addiction,” rather than skyrocketing housing costs. The executive order ends federal support for harm reduction programs and the Housing First model, instead incentivizing states and localities to adopt or expand the law-and-order approach. It would also allow police to access the protected health data of unhoused people, contributing to the growth of carceral AI beyond its already expansive reach on disabled and mad people and their caregivers.

While the publication of the executive order has led to panicked coverage in the media and online, mad, disabled, and unhoused people have been sounding the alarm for years. “Disabled people have been telling you that the weaponization of disability against you was coming,” said disability advocate Imani Barbarin in a post calling out the overwrought reactions of those who have previously been largely silent on the ongoing scapegoatingabandonmentconfinement, and social murder of people with psychiatric and other disabilities.

The Dystopia Has Always Been Here

Online, this executive order has already been compared to the earliest chapters of the Nazi Holocaust, with some commentators drawing parallels to the “Aktion Arbeitsscheu Reich,” or Operation Work-Shy, which began in 1938 and targeted “anti-social elements” including alcoholics, the unemployed, and vagrants, among many other categories. This operation preceded Aktion T4, the Nazi euthanasia program that in 1939 ushered in the holocaust with the mass murder of disabled people.

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Disability Activists Bring Wisdom From the Pandemic to New Struggles Under Trump
White House rhetoric dehumanizes disabled communities, but activists continue to organize for access, care and justice. By Mara Mills , Harris Kornstein , Faye Ginsburg , Rayna Rapp , Truthout 
/NYUPress June 7, 2025

Public health educator Azrael Mae Ní Mháille, who is active in PWUD organizing (harm reduction activism led by people who use drugs), posted on July 25, 2025, in response to the executive order, saying: “Calls for a return of the violently ableist asylum system, or the continued restrengthening of the deeply racist post-emancipation anti-vagrancy laws, stop just short of calling for a return to legalized chattel slavery, or for a new Aktion T4.”

In the U.S., the birthplace of the eugenics movement that inspired Adolf Hitler, the rounding up and confinement of “undesirables” in asylums, institutions, and detention centers is what scholar Jess Whatcott terms carceral eugenics.

While the historical parallels are chilling, we need not look that far back. Efforts to bring the asylum into the community have been underway in the U.S. since the late 1990s, in the form of states’ involuntary outpatient commitment laws. These laws create civil courts that mandate treatment, with the threat of psychiatric incarceration for noncompliance with orders.

The provisions in the new executive order will be familiar to anyone tracking “anti-camping” legislation that has emerged in a number of states and over 100 cities over the last several years, with an involuntary psychiatric intervention component. At the forefront of these efforts is the Koch-funded Cicero Institute, a right-wing think tank led by venture capitalist Joe Lonsdale, who co-founded Palantir along with Peter Thiel.

Regressive measures like California’s Community Assistance, Recovery, and Empowerment (CARE) Act signed by Governor Gavin Newsom in 2022 enacted the CARE Court system, which compels people with psychiatric disabilities into treatment, and as Disability Rights California noted, creates a “new pathway to conservatorship.”

In New York, Mayor Eric Adams’ involuntary removals policy promotes similar approaches that disappear people with mental health differences from public and private spaces under the guise of treatment.

And little over a year ago, the Supreme Court’s ruling in Grants Pass v. Johnson further criminalized houselessness, giving cities the go-ahead to fine, ticket, and detain unhoused neighbors even when no shelter is available.

The executive order’s dystopic vision has always been here, driven by “carceral sanism” and “racial criminal pathologization” — language that Liat Ben-Moshe, one of the authors of this piece, coined to describe the varied ways in which the state pathologizes madness, disability, race, and class to justify disappearing and mandating people into prisons, psychiatric facilities, and other coercive systems that are simultaneously branded as care and public safety.


With housing and health care still considered privileges for the deserving and not rights in the United States, the scapegoating of disabled and unhoused people continues.

The various bans on sleeping outside have been described as a war on the unhoused, reminiscent of past wars on drugs and the war on poverty. They are about building out racial criminal pathologization infrastructure, alongside other forms of capture and confinement (the prison-industrial complex, ICE, and immigration detention).

It’s therefore important to consider the executive order alongside the budget reconciliation megabill that became law on July 4, 2025. This legislation advances a death-making necropolitics that is distinctly all-American. The megabill’s eugenicist provisions include $1 trillion in cuts to Medicaid that will strip 17 million Americans of health insurance and food assistance, leading to hunger, disablement, chronic illness, and preventable death. Hand in hand, it includes unprecedented funding for state-sponsored violence over the next four years: $75 billion for ICE and $150 billion for the military — the largest defense budget in U.S. history. Then there are the billions annually that successive administrations have pumped into the Israeli military machine to enable occupation, apartheid, and mass disablement and genocide in Palestine.

With public dollars pouring into the hands of the billionaires and the jaws of the military, police, and surveillance states, and with housing and health care still considered privileges for the deserving and not rights in the United States, the scapegoating of disabled and unhoused people continues.
Putting the Executive Order Into Perspective

This executive order deploys well-worn fascist tactics designed to instill fear and confusion into the populace. Critically, such orders only apply to the actions of the federal government. While the feds can give or withhold resources to incentivize states to follow certain carceral federal policies, many states are already pushing back on these new orders.

We can look to history for parallel horrors, but we can also find analogues for resistance. Prior to the early 1970s, most folks could be put away in an institution for life with virtually no due process. Deinstitutionalization was the outcome of decades of multi-faceted organizing and analysis by mad and disabled people and movements, and the activist parents, attorneys and policymakers connected to them. They successfully pushed through reforms that fundamentally altered a century of mental health policy, granting disabled people legal protections from arbitrary confinement. For now, the federal government cannot simply erase these momentous achievements, censor the lessons learned from closing down asylums, or eliminate states’ existing civil commitment laws and standards, eroding as they may be, at the stroke of a pen.


Prior to the early 1970s, most folks could be put away in an institution for life with virtually no due process.

Despite the well-worn argument that deinstitutionalization, or the closure of large institutions beginning in the mid-1950s in America and continuing through the 1980s, was a colossal failure, abandoning people in the streets and in prisons, it is important to remind that it was one of the largest decarceration movements in U.S. history — a success of activism, not its failure. Rather, a well-organized campaign of political haranguing and media narratives steeped in neoliberal racism has driven policies and priorities over decades that scapegoated this activism against criminal racial pathologization and have culminated in the present moment.

Time will tell how the ongoing dystopia unfolds. Will venture capitalists and private equity firms snake into “cradle to grave” services, as they have already done with other forms of carceral sanism and the prison industry? For example, GEO Care, the subsidiary of the for profit prison company GEO Group, already operates residential psychiatric treatment hospitals in such states as Florida, South Carolina, and Texas. Alternatively, perhaps billions will be extracted from taxpayers and spent on programs that provide no housing and little discernable on-the-ground impact, as with Newsom’s CARE Court — enacting the true “waste, fraud, and abuse” (as opposed to the false claims of waste, fraud, and abuse that Trump has been circulating).
Resistance Has Also Always Been Here

When a war is declared, it is not only about the money but the dispersal of weapons and the creation of scapegoat targets. This is why it is vital to heed what activists in the housing justice, mad justice, disability justice, abolitionist, and harm reduction movements have to say about this new executive order, and what this means for our movements now.

“We are not helpless to prevent the worst of this,” wrote Ní Mháille. “In spite of the many who will willingly collaborate, there are those of us who will resist what is coming at the cost of our salaries, our reputations, our freedom, and our safety. We have seen what this leads to. We must refuse to be collaborative, compliant, nor complacent.”

Mad and disabled organizers have long been building and preparing for times like these, showing us how to build and deepen diffuse networks of collective care. One such organization is Project LETS, which is dedicated to creating “just, responsive, and transformative peer support collectives and community mental health care structures that do not depend on state-sanctioned systems that trap our folks in the medical/prison-industrial complex.” We the Unhoused, a podcast hosted by Theo Henderson, has tracked rising criminalization in Los Angeles and beyond for years, uplifting needed insights from unhoused and disabled organizers.

With or without executive orders, mutual aidharm reduction, and abolition efforts continue on the ground as they always have.

Note: For further insights and analysis of the executive order, as well as ideas on what communities can do now, we urge readers to turn to the Quick Guide to Trump’s New Executive Order by @neuroabolition and @projectlets.


This article is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), and you are free to share and republish under the terms of the license.


Leah Harris
Leah Harris is a writer and journalist whose work centers mad/disability justice and abolition. Their essays and journalism appear in Passengers Journal, Rooted in Rights, Truthout, Disability Visibility Project, and the anthologies The Mad Studies Reader, We’ve Been Too Patient: Voices from Radical Mental Health, and Disability Vulnerability (forthcoming 2026).


Liat Ben-Moshe
Liat Ben-Moshe is an activist-scholar working at the intersection of incarceration, abolition and disability/madness. She is an Associate Professor of Criminology, Law and Justice at the University of Illinois at Chicago, author of Decarcerating Disability: Deinstitutionalization and Prison Abolition (2020) and co-editor of Disability Incarcerated (2014). For more of her work, visit liatbenmoshe.com/

Trump’s Plan to Arrest Our Way Out of Homelessness Won’t Work; Just Ask Kentucky



In April 2024, the Kentucky legislature passed HB 5—the bill that paved the way for Kentucky to ticket and arrest people trying to survive outside. Then, homelessness rose 10%.


A row of tents is seen at The Hope Village, a secure tent encampment established for homeless people, on December 24, 2022 in Louisville, Kentucky.
(Photo: Jon Cherry/Getty Images)
OtherWords

Punishing people for being poor doesn’t make them less poor. And jailing someone who’s homeless doesn’t make them housed. But that’s exactly what President Donald Trump’s new executive order does: It makes criminals out of people trying to survive our nation’s housing crisis.

Only affordable housing and accessible healthcare will get people off the streets so they can live a stable life. Instead, Trump’s order calls for local and state governments to ticket and arrest people for living on our streets

These policies waste taxpayer dollars just to make our homelessness crisis worse. If you need a preview of how Trump’s disastrous order will play out, just look at my home state of Kentucky.

In April 2024, the Kentucky legislature passed HB 5—the bill that paved the way for Kentucky to ticket and arrest people trying to survive outside. These laws, labeled “camping bans,” are popping up across the country. They’re rooted in the myth that people choose to be homeless—and the only way to help is through jail or involuntary commitment.

Not only is this cruel and inhumane. It also doesn’t work.

Instead of distractions and dictatorial decrees rooted in stereotypes and stigma, we need real leadership on real solutions to homelessness, like higher wages, and rents people can afford.

In Louisville earlier this year, a pregnant woman in active labor was ticketed by police because she had no choice but to sleep outside. Law enforcement did not offer her help,

Fortunately, she was able to deliver a healthy baby. But she’s still housing insecure—and now burdened with a citation too. Her story proves that making criminals out of people who have nowhere to go doesn’t reduce suffering—it makes it worse.

So it’s not surprising that even with this new law in place, there was still an over 10% rise in homelessness in Kentucky just last year. Similarly, national rates continue to increase even as more cities and states pass “camping bans.”

I’m the director at VOCAL-KY, a movement of low-income people. I’ve gotten to know the folks living in Louisville’s shelters and on the streets. It’s not hard for me to relate. When I lost my housing, my family and I lived out of my car until we could get back on our feet.

We work day in and day out to support our neighbors who live outside by providing a safe space and connection to services. And the pregnant woman, Samantha, who was cited while in active labor, is now a part of our drop-in center community.

This is what compassion looks like—not citations that put struggling people further in debt or behind bars.

People living on our streets and in our shelters want services and housing, but there isn’t enough to go around. With this executive order, the Trump administration is diverting even more money toward arresting and jailing people—and away from the housing and care that urban, rural, and suburban America all need.

Instead of distractions and dictatorial decrees rooted in stereotypes and stigma, we need real leadership on real solutions to homelessness, like higher wages, and rents people can afford. The reality is most Americans are closer to becoming homeless than becoming billionaires.

But instead of investing in solutions, Trump and the GOP gave massive tax breaks to the ultra rich—including to some of the same people and companies who make billions off driving up rents—while cutting programs for low-income people. In all likelihood, next year we’ll see another record number of Americans in homelessness.

We need federal lawmakers to sign onto the Housing, Not Handcuffs Act and invest in communities by directing federal funds to support local solutions that address the root causes of homelessness, not just force people into jail or detention centers dressed up as treatment.

Trump’s plan to arrest our way out of homelessness won’t work, because it’s never worked. Only housing, care, and services will help people get back on their feet, and we need our policies and politicians to act on those solutions now more than ever.

Trump Pushes Policies That 'Treat Homelessness and Mental Illness as a Crime'

"Homelessness is a policy failure," said one ACLU leader. "Weaponizing federal funding to fuel cruel and ineffective approaches to homelessness won't solve this crisis."



Tents are set up on a sidewalk in "Skid Row" in Los Angeles, California on June 25, 2025.
(Photo: Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times via Getty Images

Jessica Corbett
Jul 24, 2025
COMMON DREAMS

Advocates for mental health and unhoused people blasted U.S. President Donald Trump on Thursday over his executive order titled "Ending Crime and Disorder on America's Streets."

Trump's order directs U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi to end policies that restrict the government from institutionalizing "individuals on the streets who are a risk to themselves or others." She must also work with other Cabinet members "to prioritize grants for states and municipalities that enforce prohibitions on open illicit drug use, urban camping and loitering, and urban squatting, and track the location of sex offenders."

As a White House fact sheet highlights, the order also "redirects funding to ensure that individuals camping on streets and causing public disorder and that are suffering from serious mental illness or addiction are moved into treatment centers, assisted outpatient treatment, or other facilities." Further, it ensures grant money does not "fund drug injection sites or illicit drug use."

In a statement to USA Today, which first reported on the executive action, White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt said that "by removing vagrant criminals from our streets and redirecting resources toward substance abuse programs, the Trump administration will ensure that Americans feel safe in their own communities and that individuals suffering from addiction or mental health struggles are able to get the help they need."

Meanwhile, National Coalition for the Homeless executive director Donald Whitehead Jr. declared that "everyone deserves a safe place to live."

Trump's policies, he said, "ignore decades of evidence-based housing and support services in practice. They represent a punitive approach that has consistently failed to resolve homelessness and instead exacerbates the challenges faced by vulnerable individuals."



The National Homelessness Law Center (NHLC) similarly called out the president for pushing policies that "treat homelessness and mental illness as a crime."

"Across America, sky-high rents are both the leading cause of homelessness and a primary cause of financial stress for most families," NHLC said. "Instead of helping people who are struggling to make ends meet, Donald Trump remains focused on backwards, expensive, and ineffective policies that make homelessness worse."

"The National Homelessness Law Center strongly condemns today's executive order, which deprives people of their basic rights and makes it harder to solve homelessness," the group added. "This executive order is rooted in outdated, racist myths about homelessness and will undoubtedly make homelessness worse."

Scout Katovich, senior staff attorney with the ACLU's Trone Center for Justice and Equality, tied the order to the Republican Party's broader agenda, saying that "from the so-called 'Big Beautiful Bill' that will strip healthcare from millions to this dangerous executive order, every action this administration takes displays remarkable disdain for the rights and dignity of vulnerable people."

"Pushing people into locked institutions and forcing treatment won't solve homelessness or support people with disabilities," she said. "The exact opposite is true—institutions are dangerous and deadly, and forced treatment doesn't work. We need safe, decent, and affordable housing as well as equal access to medical care and voluntary, community-based mental health and evidence-based substance use treatment from trusted providers."

"But instead of investing in these proven solutions, President Trump is blaming individuals for systemic failures and doubling down on policies that punish people with nowhere else to go—all after signing a law that decimates Medicaid, the number one payer for addiction and mental health services," Katovich added. "Homelessness is a policy failure. Weaponizing federal funding to fuel cruel and ineffective approaches to homelessness won't solve this crisis."

As The Washington Post reported:
The executive order was issued as the Trump administration has slashed more than $1 billion in Covid-era grants administered by the Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration and is proposing to slash hundreds of millions more in agency grants.

"There's no question we need to do more to address both homelessness and untreated substance use disorder and mental health conditions in the U.S.," said Regina LaBelle, director of the Addiction and Public Policy Initiative at the Georgetown University Law Center and a former drug policy official in the Biden White House. "But issuing an executive order, while disinvesting in treatment and other funding that will help prevent homelessness and untreated health conditions, will do nothing to address the fundamental issues facing the country."

Trump's order comes after the latest federal figures showed a surge in homelessness, and the U.S. Supreme Court's right-wing majority ruled last year that local governments can enforce bans on sleeping outdoors, effectively criminalizing homelessness.
Threat of Nuclear War Is Rising, But Scientists Say the Public Can Change That

Scientists and others are calling on civil society to heed growing nuclear dangers and revive the anti-nuclear movement.
PublishedAugust 4, 2025
An estimated 1 million people rally for nuclear disarmament in Central Park, New York City, on June 12, 1982.Owen Franken / Corbis via Getty Images

Eighty years after two U.S. atomic bombs killed between 110,000 to 210,000 people in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Japan, public awareness of nuclear risks has fallen to new lows, said Laura Grego, senior scientist and research director with the Union of Concerned Scientists.

“I think people don’t know how terrible nuclear war would be,” Grego told Truthout on July 16 — 80 years to the day since the first-ever atomic detonation in New Mexico. The Trinity test was conducted just three weeks before the U.S. dropped two atomic bombs on Japan.

Brian Schmidt, an American-Australian astrophysicist who received the Nobel Prize for physics in 2011, pointed out that many of today’s nuclear weapons are far more destructive than the bombs used in the horrific Hiroshima and Nagasaki bombings. In contemporary arsenals, a single bomb can contain as much destructive power as was unleashed in all of World War II.

Currently, the world’s nine nuclear-armed nations are estimated to possess the destructive equivalent of 146,500 Hiroshima-sized bombs, many of which are ready to launch on short notice.

Schmidt told Truthout that even a “small” nuclear weapon could precipitate the use of a gigaton’s worth of nuclear arsenal being used, causing the collapse of civilization.

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Report: Global Nuclear Weapons Spending Surpassed $100 Billion Last Year
That’s enough money to feed 345 million people facing hunger and starvation for two years.  By Jon Letman , Truthout  June 13, 2025


“I think the public needs to be focused on asking our respective governments to lower the risk of nuclear war,” he said.


Nuclear Spending Is Rising as Arms Treaties Are Abandoned


Today, nuclear weapons spending is rising, nuclear-armed nations are modernizing and upgrading their weapons, and China is rapidly expanding its arsenal. Currently, the U.S. has seven modernization programs underway, is building two new nuclear weapons facilities, and replacing its entire intercontinental ballistic missile force with a new system that is 81 percent over budget. The U.S., which spends more on nuclear weapons than the other eight nations combined, is forecast to spend an average of $95 billion per year over the next decade, according to the Congressional Budget Office.

In contemporary arsenals, a single bomb can contain as much destructive power as was unleashed in all of World War II.

In recent years, nuclear threats have become increasingly common while diplomacy and dialogue are overshadowed by mistrust, conflict, and war. As reliance on nuclear weapons grows, there are fears of a new arms race and possible return to nuclear explosive testing. This comes as critical arms treaties have been abandoned or face an uncertain future.

In 2001, George W. Bush announced the U.S. would withdraw from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, and under Donald Trump, the U.S. has rejected or withdrawn from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty, the Open Skies Treaty, the (conventional) Arms Trade Treaty, and the 2015 Iran nuclear deal. The last remaining nuclear arms control agreement between the U.S. and Russia, the New START Treaty, will end in February 2026 unless it is renegotiated or replaced soon.

After World War II, the U.S., followed by the Soviet Union, invested heavily in developing nuclear weapons, with the U.K., France, China, and later Israel, India, Pakistan, and North Korea building their own bombs. In the mid-1980s, global nuclear arsenals peaked at just over 70,000 warheads. Arms control treaties and diplomacy succeeded in reducing those numbers to roughly 12,200 today, nearly 90 percent of which are possessed by Russia and the United States.

While some argue that nuclear deterrence provides safety and security, many in the arms control and scientific communities believe that the threat of nuclear war has never been higher. In the first six months of 2025, five nuclear-armed countries (Russia, India, Pakistan, Israel, and the United States) have engaged in military hostilities or outright war, increasing the risk of nuclear war by accident, miscommunication, or design.
Warnings and Solutions

Last month, on the Trinity test anniversary, an assembly of more than a dozen Nobel Prize laureates and some 60 nuclear experts gathered for three days of discussions at the University of Chicago to come up with practical, actionable steps that can be taken now to reduce the risk of nuclear war.


The world’s nine nuclear-armed nations are estimated to possess the destructive equivalent of 146,500 Hiroshima-sized bombs.

In a press conference, the group presented a two-page declaration for the prevention of nuclear war signed by 120 Nobel laureates representing six disciplines and at least 45 nuclear experts. Among their recommendations was a call for every nation to publicly recommit to all nonproliferation and disarmament objectives and obligations, to reiterate commitment to the nuclear explosive test moratorium, and for Russia and the U.S. to enter into immediate arms control negotiations. They also called on scientists, academics, civil society, and communities of faith to “create the necessary pressure on global leaders to implement nuclear risk reduction measures.”

Speaking at the university, Cardinal Silvano Maria Tomasi, an adviser to Pope Leo XIV said, “The Trinity explosion taught us what we are capable of destroying. The task before us now is to rediscover what we are capable of preserving and building.”

The choice of venues was intentional as the University of Chicago was where key steps in the Manhattan Project were achieved, where the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists was founded, and where the symbolic Doomsday Clock was created to communicate threats to humanity and the world. Today, the clock is set at 89 seconds to midnight — the closest it has ever been to global catastrophe.
Headed in the Wrong Direction

Alexandra Bell, president and CEO of the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists, points out that the Chicago assembly wasn’t the first time Nobel laureates have called for leaders to rein in nuclear dangers. But now, after decades of “slow, tedious, difficult progress” to create restraints to prevent a nuclear catastrophe, the world has reached a reckoning point: “Those [structures] are crumbling and we seem to be heading in the wrong direction,” she says.

Although we have the diplomatic and political tools as well as the historical background to reduce risks, Bell says today’s leaders lack the necessary ambition and will. This raises the question: Will our luck hold out?

“The odds are not in our favor,” she says.


The last remaining nuclear arms control agreement between the U.S. and Russia, the New START Treaty, will end in February 2026 unless it is renegotiated or replaced soon.

Yet even in the face of nuclear peril, she understands why people seem more concerned about the price of eggs. In addition to so many other concerns, Bell says, people still need to care about nuclear war because the threat has never gone away. She insists that ordinary people do have a role to play and can have an impact by pressuring elected officials or simply starting a conversation with each other.

“This affects all of us,” says Bell. “And if we get the nuclear problem wrong, nothing else matters.”
More Weapons, More Risks

In a time of growing geopolitical tension and instability, when international norms are under stress, competition between nuclear weapon states means greater nuclear risks, says Mallory Stewart, executive vice president at the Council on Strategic Risks.

Stewart told Truthout that it’s important to dispel the perception that nuclear risk reduction is an esoteric, political issue only for experts, and bring an end to public complacency: “It would be nice if the public felt some agency to say, ‘It’s not as simple as arms racing. It’s not as simple as might makes right. There is a deeper threat to humanity.’”


“The Trinity explosion taught us what we are capable of destroying. The task before us now is to rediscover what we are capable of preserving and building.”

“Growing reliance on nuclear weapons and modernization or more weapons will just lead to more weapons and modernization on the other side,” Stewart says.
Understanding and Engagement

James McKeon, a program officer for nuclear security at the Carnegie Corporation of New York, encourages people to educate themselves about arms control, nonproliferation, or the basics of nuclear technology. “It’s no more complicated than any other scientific topic,” he says, pointing to resources that clearly explain the science, history, and policies of nuclear issues.

McKeon says we need new ways for artists, writers, and creative individuals to think about nuclear policy. An engaged citizenry, he says, is more likely to reach out to elected officials and understand that the risk of nuclear weapons hasn’t gone away and is compounded by new technologies.

Robert Latiff is a retired major general in the Air Force who teaches weapons ethics and how new technology impacts the laws of armed conflict at Notre Dame University. “There is absolutely no ethical argument for nuclear weapons,” he says. He prefers not to call them “weapons” because they can’t be used to fight a war. “They’re more devices of terror than they are weapons,” he says. “Fight a war with nuclear weapons and what do you have left?”

Latiff points to George H. W. Bush’s 1991 Presidential Nuclear Initiatives which took unilateral action to remove U.S. tactical nuclear weapons from Europe and South Korea. He says that with moral courage, a U.S. president could again have a huge impact on nuclear policy.
Climate of Fear

Wole Soyinka, a Nigerian playwright and recipient of the 1986 Nobel Prize for literature, also came to Chicago to grapple with how to reduce nuclear risks. “We do have an enhanced climate of fear right now,” he told Truthout.


This affects all of us. And if we get the nuclear problem wrong, nothing else matters.

“It isn’t only global warming that we are witnessing. There’s a certain heating up of, shall we say, human and social relationships and national interaction,” says Soyinka. He describes a “disturbing escalation of violence” and a “kind of demonic sweep of leadership” in which politicians blithely declare, “if necessary, I will use an atom bomb,” and display what he calls “boastful, arrogant, hubristic body language” and terms like “little rocket man” and “obliterating unilaterally.”

Since 2009, the African continent has been designated a nuclear-weapon-free zone under the Treaty of Pelindaba. Africa is often left out of the nuclear conversation, but it was in the colonized Algerian Sahara that France conducted 17 nuclear weapons tests in the 1960s over the protests of African nations.

“If there is an atomic war in Ukraine, even Africa would be affected. We probably see that reflected more and more in the literary arts as well as the graphic arts,” Soyinka says. “Many people still believe that political leaders are people of common sense and that has never happened. My imagination has gone over and beyond that, and I wake up sometimes wondering what will be the next global conflagration.”
Uprooting the Nuclear Order

Laura Grego from the Union of Concerned Scientists warns that when the U.S. military makes war plans, it doesn’t include the full spectrum of what would happen in a nuclear war, saying, “I think they don’t want to know the answer because it’s terrible.”

Grego told Truthout that military expectations for nuclear war can be found in National Academies reports, which she believes likely undercount the long-term effects of radioactive fallout, possibly by as much as a factor of 10. Nuclear winter, major disruptions to agriculture, and mass starvation are long-term consequences of nuclear war that are usually not counted by military planners, Grego says. “We’re running risks that we don’t fully understand.”


We’re a democracy and our responsibility is to make sure our policies align with our democratic values, with our hopes for the world, hopes for a long-term future for our children that is healthy, secure, and sustainable.”

The Nobel declaration calls on all nations to increase investment and cooperative research on the environmental, social, military, and economic impacts of nuclear conflict, and to support a UN Independent Scientific Panel on the Effects of Nuclear War.

Grego is also concerned about the expanding role of nuclear weapons. “Russia has recently changed their nuclear policy to say that they’re meant to deter nuclear powers that are helping a non-nuclear adversary,” she says, adding that the role of nuclear weapons should be reduced and that by investing heavily in modernization, we are disincentivizing the reduction of nuclear weapons. Investing in nuclear weapons, she says, indicates we expect them to be around for another 80 years.

“We need to find a way to wean ourselves off the reliance of [nuclear weapons],” Grego says, noting that the leader of a major nuclear-armed country could transform the world by eliminating nuclear weapons with a verified plan and encouraging others to join them. Doing so, however, would surely mean facing powerful, determined opponents who are invested in maintaining the status quo. Grego hopes global leaders will demonstrate a commitment to political courage over simply seeking unilateral security advantages.

In her interactions with members of Congress, Grego says they report almost never hearing their constituents bring up nuclear weapons. It’s not enough for the public to be scared or angry at how we’ve organized our security, she says. “We do need to further engage. We’re a democracy and our responsibility is to make sure our policies align with our democratic values, with our hopes for the world, hopes for a long-term future for our children that is healthy, secure, and sustainable.”


This article is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), and you are free to share and republish under the terms of the license.

Jon Letman  is a freelance journalist on Kauai. He writes about nuclear weapons, militarism, human rights and the environment in the Asia-Pacific region and beyond. Follow him on Bluesky.




Israel Bans Palestinians From Gaza Sea, Cutting Off Yet Another Food Source

As Palestinians endure unbearable starvation, the sea was the last place where fresh food might be found.

By Sara Awad
August 4, 2025

Palestinians bathe in the Mediterranean as temperatures soar in Gaza City, on June 9, 2025.Majdi Fathi/ NurPhoto via Getty Images

The Israeli military has imposed a full blockade on Gaza’s sea from north to south, preventing fishers, swimmers, and all other Palestinians from entering the last remaining source of relief from this genocide.

The Israeli military’s Arabic-language spokesperson, Avichay Adraee, announced the total maritime closure on July 12, 2025: “We remind you that strict security restrictions have been imposed in the maritime area adjacent to the Strip, and entry into the sea is prohibited.”

This new restriction is designed to make the situation in Gaza even more unbearable amid unprecedented starvation and famine. “The IDF will respond to any violation of these restrictions,” Adraee threatened. “We urge fishermen, swimmers, and divers to refrain from entering the sea. Entering the sea along the Strip exposes you to danger,” the warning adds. Even approaching the shoreline is now forbidden by the Israeli military. Are they going to ban the air next? If they could, they absolutely would

Israel had already attacked people trying to steal moments of normalcy. On June 30, 2025, Israel bombed the seaside Al-Baqa Café, killing more than 30 people who were attempting to get a moment of respite away from the war, until a rocket came and destroyed everything.

This latest restriction is a deliberate attack on Palestinian fishing infrastructure and the local food sources that provide Gaza’s markets with fish. People are now effectively prohibited from fishing to feed themselves and their families amid this catastrophe.

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Since March 2025, Israel has blocked lifesaving humanitarian aid from entering Gaza, aside from a few rare and meager shipments. According to the UN World Food Programme, Gaza’s markets are facing a total depletion of food supplies. However, our fishers are taking risks in order to feed their fellow Palestinians through one last remaining local food source.

The fishing industry was a main source of income for many people who were trying to secure a livelihood amid the deprivation of war. Even before the restrictions, not much was available — just a modest catch in accordance with Israel’s imposed fishing limits — but it was a local source of sustenance that might have helped Palestinians survive as fresh food vanished from markets.

Maher Al-Amoudi, a 37-year-old Palestinian fisherman, described his fishing experience before the latest restrictions were put in place. “I used to catch fish and sell them to people in Gaza’s seaport,” Al-Amoudi said.

“After the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza’s seaport, I rushed immediately to check my fishing supplies,” he recalled. “I was shocked by the devastation. Boats were burned, fishing nets were totally destroyed, all my fishing equipment was unusable.” Now, Al-Amoudi is prohibited from practicing his right to fish — a right that once sustained both his family and his broader community.

Gaza’s fishers were used to facing risk and even death long before the war. But after October 7, with Israel imposing harsh restrictions on fishing zones, the Mediterranean Sea turned into a deadly trap, with Israeli soldiers potentially shooting at anyone who was trying to catch fish. “Even if we chose to take a risk, we were only allowed to go 100 meters, and even in that area, soldiers opened fire towards us,” said Al-Amoudi.

On July 19, five Palestinian fishers were detained by Israeli forces near Gaza City while fishing about 100 meters offshore. The Palestinian Information Center said that “Israeli vessels threw some of the fishermen into the sea after detaining them, while the others were taken to an unknown location,” based on reporting from Zakaria Bakr, coordinator of the Fishermen’s Committees at the Union of Agricultural Work Committees. Bakr also reported that the Israeli forces opened fire toward the shoreline.

By stealing the sea, Israel has taken Gaza’s last food source. As Palestinians live through this unbearable starvation, the sea was the last place where fresh food might be found, but after the last full blockade in July, this hope of eating fresh food has shattered.

Mohammed Al-Naffar, a 66-year-old Palestinian, is one of many who depended on fish as a source of nutrition. “I used to buy sardines every week to feed my body with protein,” Al-Naffar said. He is an elderly man, tired and hungry from ongoing starvation. “My body has lost all nourishment throughout this war,” he added. Fish is not a luxury for him — it is a last lifeline sustaining his fragile health.

Al-Amoudi and thousands of other fishers are now without a livelihood. This ban, he said, is not just another restriction; it is about preventing Palestinians from securing the most basic human dignity. Many are now jobless and hopeless. “No money, so how could I offer the least to my children?” Al-Amoudi asked, his voice heavy with anger.

When the evacuation orders began in October 2023, Israeli soldiers ordered Palestinians to flee toward coastal areas. For displaced families, the sea is not a place for rest, it is a place for living. They go to the sea to leave behind tent heat, the suffocating war atmosphere, and their own anger. They turned to the sea as a place to escape, a place to breathe when it seems even breathing is prohibited. The sea was our last hope — and even hope has been stolen.


Copyright © Truthout. May not be reprinted without permission.



Sara Awad is an English literature student, writer, and storyteller based in Gaza. Passionate about capturing human experiences and social issues, Sara uses her words to shed light on stories often unheard. Her work explores themes of resilience, identity, and hope amid war circumstances.
Israel Is Imprisoning Florida-Born Cousin of American Slain by Settlers

Israeli officials have barred the 16-year-old from contacting his family for months as they hold him without trial
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By Sharon Zhang
August 1, 2025

For the second day in a row, Israeli forces raid the village of Al Aqaba in the West Bank city of Tubas and arrest a number of residents on June 20, 2025. Since October 7, 2023, Israeli raids in West Bank cities and refugee camps have intensified, causing the displacement of tens of thousands of Palestinians.Wahaj Bani Moufleh / Middle East Images via AFP

The family of a Palestinian American child whose cousin is slain American Sayfollah Musallet is begging for his release from Israeli prison, where he has been held for nearly six months in pre-trial detention over allegations of throwing rocks.

Mohammed Zaher Ibrahim was 15 when Israeli authorities imprisoned him, and turned 16 in Israeli detention, his family told news outlets this week. Israeli authorities blindfolded and arrested him at his family’s home in the occupied West Bank in February. Mohammed and his family deny his charges.

Israeli authorities have reportedly denied his family any access to Mohammed, not even a phone call. But U.S. consulate officials told his family that they have visited him in prison, Al Jazeera reports. The family only gets tidbits of information, from the U.S. embassy, other children who have seen him at the prison, or from video footage of his court appearances.

The family says that he has contracted scabies, an infection in which mites burrow into the skin and lay eggs, and that he has lost over a quarter of his weight while in prison.

“When you can’t visit him and you can’t get a phone call from him, what do you know? We don’t know if he’s dead,” the boy’s father, Zaher Ibrahim, told Al Jazeera. “There’s nothing we know.” He said that he is concerned that Israeli authorities may use torture to obtain evidence against Mohammed, as is a common practice used on children by Israeli officials.

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Mohammed is being held at Megiddo Prison, a facility notorious for Israeli abuses. Another Palestinian child detained there by Israeli authorities died earlier this year, after being “systematically starved,” Defense for Children International-Palestine reported. Walid Khalid Abdullah Ahmad was just 17 and was also being held in pre-trial detention when he died. He was the first documented Palestinian child to die in Israeli detention.

Mohammed is first cousins with Sayfollah Musallet, a 20-year-old U.S. citizen who was beaten to death by Israeli settlers last month. His family has demanded a U.S.-led investigation into his death, but the U.S. has declined. Like other Israelis who have killed American citizens, Musallet’s killers have not faced any consequences, nearly a month from his death.

Mohammed was born in Florida and lives with his family, who split their time between the occupied West Bank and Palm Bay, Florida, The Guardian reports.

In March, the family sent a message to U.S. Rep. Mike Haridopolos, a Republican who represents Palm Bay, hoping to get support, saying that they have “exhausted all efforts locally here in Israel.” The Republican’s office replied, saying that the embassy told them that Israel was “following standard procedures.”

“It’s obvious we get swept under the rug. And as far as getting help or investigations or some type of justice, we don’t know,” said Mohammed’s uncle, Zeyad Kadur, per Al Jazeera. “Eight Americans have been killed in the last 19 months. Where is our place in line? Are we number nine?”
Op-Ed

Bush Lawyers’ Legal Arguments for Guantánamo Bay Paved the Way for CECOT

El Salvador’s notorious Centro de Confinamiento del Terrorismo (CECOT)

The Bush administration denied prisoners the right to due process. Now, Trump is doing the same.
August 1, 2025
An American flag flies behind barbed wire fencing at the Office of Military Commissions building on June 27, 2023, at Guantánamo Bay, Cuba.Elise Swain / Getty Images

After months of outrage and denouncements from judges, lawmakers, and the general public, 252 Venezuelans sent from the U.S. to a prison in El Salvador have finally been released. For six months, those imprisoned at El Salvador’s notorious Centro de Confinamiento del Terrorismo (CECOT) were denied core human rights, including the right to due process. Former prisoners said they were subject to cruel and inhumane treatment, including state-sanctioned torture. Though Trump has taken the denial of due process to a further extent than recent administrations, he is justifying his deportation strategy using legal frameworks established by the George W. Bush administration during the so-called “war on terror.”

In May, NPR interviewed Berkeley law professor John Yoo about President Donald Trump’s decision to send deportees to CECOT. The decision to specifically interview Yoo was, of course, significant. As Deputy Assistant Attorney General for the Office of Legal Counsel during the George W. Bush presidential administration, Yoo authored a series of legal opinions now infamously known as the Torture Memos. These memos facilitated the Bush administration’s program of torture and indefinite detention during the war on terror by arguing for its legality. According to Yoo, Bush possessed incredibly expansive emergency powers to deal with people who threatened national security. Such people were not protected by the Geneva Conventions, and if they were sent to the U.S. naval base in Guantánamo Bay, they had no access to habeas corpus rights and could be imprisoned indefinitely without trial.

As Ailsa Chang, the host of Yoo’s recent NPR interview, pointed out, these arguments are eerily similar to Trump’s policy against people his administration is sending to CECOT. In fact, one of Trump’s first moves towards accelerating deportations was to expand the migrant detention center in Guantánamo, taking advantage of the site’s legal isolation that Yoo constructed for the purposes of waging an all-out “war on terror.” As Chang notes, Trump also used the Alien Enemies Act to justify expanded presidential power to remove supposedly “dangerous” people from the country and imprison them indefinitely with no legal recourse. Members of the Trump administration also say they’re looking into suspending habeas corpus altogether, with Secretary of Homeland Security Kristi Noem going so far as to incorrectly define habeas corpus as “a constitutional right that the president has to be able to remove people from this country.”

Despite the obvious similarities between the two presidents’ actions, Yoo claimed in his interview that these connections are “superficial,” and that what Trump is doing cannot be compared to Bush’s war on terror. Yoo said that he himself was arguing for expanded presidential powers as strictly wartime measures, while Trump is falsely claiming the pretense of a “war” against violent gang members. Yoo also claimed that, in his memos, he never denied anyone who set foot in the U.S. their habeas corpus rights, only those who were captured abroad. Trump, on the other hand, has deported people on U.S. soil with no due process.

Overall, despite how closely Trump is following the war on terror blueprint for superseding legal processes, Yoo seemed troubled by Trump’s actions. “I think the circumstances and the context of what we’re talking about after 9/11 and this are very different,” he said.

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Yoo is not the only U.S. official who has distanced himself from Trump’s ever-expanding presidential power despite contributing to such an interpretation. Take Alberto Gonzales, who served as Bush’s Attorney General and supported Yoo’s legal interpretations. The Republican has openly criticized Trump as “the most serious threat to the rule of law in a generation,” and opted to support Kamala Harris in the 2024 election. In an interview with PBS discussing the danger of Trump’s push against the rule of law, interviewer Amna Nawaz, like Chang with Yoo, pointed out the parallel between Trump and Bush’s “abuse of executive power” that Gonzales enabled. In response, Gonzales argued that the differentiating factor was Trump’s habit of “surrounding himself with loyalists” who give him the answer he wants to hear, as though the Torture Memos did not serve the same purpose.

Trump’s legal framework built on Bush’s to push presidential power and further suppress habeas corpus rights.

Indeed, even in trying to mark this difference, Gonzales could not deny the similarities were still present, saying, “I was very loyal to President Bush.” He could only distinguish between the Trump and Bush legal teams using a character assessment: “Nonetheless, hopefully, you have lawyers in place that make a good faith attempt to interpret the law and are honest with the president saying, ‘You don’t have the authority to do this.’”

Jack Goldsmith, who served as Assistant Attorney General for Bush, similarly distinguishes between Trump and Bush’s legal approaches with claims of good faith interpretation on Bush’s side. While he did admit in a May op-ed in the New York Times that Trump’s “claims of untouchable national security authority echo arguments made after the Sept. 11 attacks by George W. Bush’s administration,” the difference Goldsmith identified in another piece is that the Office of Legal Counsel, which he, Yoo, and Gonzales worked with, “has been basically set aside and the White House is interpreting law.”

Notably, however, Goldsmith also distinguishes the Trump administration by claiming “the basic rule appears to be if the president wants to do something, it’s lawful.” Again, while the extent may be greater than the Bush administration’s, the idea that Bush’s legal team did not craft the arguments to serve him best politically is seriously flawed and misleading at best. This was acknowledged by some of Bush’s lawyers themselves. During the formation of the war on terror legal framework, one legal advisor warned Yoo of the “desire to identify legal authority establishing the right of the United States to treat the members of the Taliban Militia in the way it thinks best” rather than the way the law permits. Indeed, during the Bush administration, Yoo expressed that “no treaty” and no law by Congress could limit the president’s power. Contrary to Yoo’s recent claim that he never denied anyone who set foot in the U.S. their habeas corpus rights, this included indefinite detention and torture of even U.S. citizens arrested on U.S. territory, such as Jose Padilla.

Of course, characterizing these similarities between the Bush and Trump regimes as “superficial” is a convenient narrative for these lawyers to adopt. Whether these lawyers are being intentionally misleading or truly believe their own words, the reality is that the war on terror’s legal framework, the very one they built, serves as the foundation of Trump’s deportation strategy. While the differences are noteworthy, they should not distract from this fact, but serve to demonstrate how Trump’s legal framework built on Bush’s to push presidential power and further suppress habeas corpus rights.

The very fact that Trump is exploiting Guantánamo’s legally unique nature, the one Yoo and Gonzales contributed to creating, demonstrates this reality. So does the Trump administration’s declaration of several gangs and cartels as terrorist organizations. The war on terror model of indefinite detention with no due process rests on the narrative of keeping the country safe from terrorists. As Yoo argued in the Torture Memos, once a person was determined to be affiliated with a certain organization, that person was not protected under international human rights law nor were they eligible for a U.S. trial. Of course, once an organization is recognized as a terrorist group, the accusation of affiliation that spurns an arrest does not necessarily need to be true. This was certainly the case in Guantánamo, where many people were swept in simply for being in the wrong place at the wrong time. It remains true in the Trump era, where simply having a tattoo landed people in CECOT. Now that those allegations of torture are coming in from former CECOT prisoners, the parallels only become more impossible to deny.

By classifying these similarities as “superficial” and distancing themselves from Trump by claiming that the Bush administration’s legal framework was made in good faith, Bush’s former legal team once again avoids accountability for the harm they have caused. The fact that they may disagree with Trump’s application of the war on terror model does not negate the fact that these men are significantly responsible for constructing it. The combination of expansive presidential emergency power, securitization of certain classes of people, and the denial of their human rights is a powerful force in the hands of a leader who wants to imprison people without interference. It is exactly the power that Bush’s lawyers helped put in his hands, and now, Trump has seized it as well.

This article is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), and you are free to share and republish under the terms of the license.


Razan Bayan

Razan Bayan is a scholar-activist and a PhD student in Peace Studies and History at the University of Notre Dame. She researches the history and collective memory of state violence against Muslims during the War on Terror.

Bipartisan US Push Tries to Label Democratic African Government as “Terrorist”

The UN treats the Polisario as the legitimate representative of the Western Sahara people. The US is now vilifying it.

PublishedAugust 2, 2025

The delegate of the Polisario Front in Madrid, Jadiyetu El Mohtar, waits at Terminal 4 of the Adolfo Suarez Madrid-Barajas Airport, on January 20, 2025, in Madrid, Spain.Carlos Lujan / Europa Press via Getty Images

Washington’s designation of armed groups as Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTO) has always been politicized, but it may now reach a new level of absurdity thanks to a bipartisan resolution in the U.S. House of Representatives introduced by Joe Wilson (R-South Carolina) and Jimmy Panetta (D-California) targeting the Frente Polisario, the government of Western Sahara, officially known as the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic. Morocco, an important U.S. ally, invaded Western Sahara in 1975 on the eve of its independence from Spain and currently occupies nearly 80 percent of the territory, while the Polisario appears to govern roughly 40 percent of the Western Saharan population in the liberated zones and in refugee camps in western Algeria.

According to the UN Security Council, terrorism is defined as:

…criminal acts, including against civilians, committed with the intent to cause death or serious bodily injury, or taking of hostages, with the purpose to provoke a state of terror in the general public or in a group of persons or particular persons, intimidate a population or compel a government or an international organization to do or to abstain from doing any act.

Most nations, including the United States, have traditionally only applied that label to irregular forces. But the U.S. has broken with that practice in recent years, with Washington designating Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) — the largest branch of the country’s armed forces — as a terrorist group. Since the IRGC controls major sectors of Iranian industry, colleges, and other non-military institutions, large segments of the Iranian population, as a result of military conscription or simply taking classes and going to civilian jobs at IRGC-affiliated institutions, are now deemed to have terrorist affiliations.

The Houthis of Yemen, who constitute the de facto government of three-quarters of that country’s population, have also been labeled a Foreign Terrorist Organization by the United States, thereby complicating desperately-needed relief efforts to starving Yemenis who live under Houthi-governed areas.

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This new legislation targeting the Polisario — which would classify as a terrorist group the entire ruling body of a nation-state which has been recognized at various points by more than 80 countries and is a full member state of the African Union — may constitute the most extreme politicization of the FTO designation to date.
50 Years of Occupation and Resistance

Morocco invaded Western Sahara in 1975, just prior to the territory’s scheduled independence from Spain in direct defiance of a landmark ruling by the International Court of Justice and series of United Nations resolutions. The Security Council unanimously called on Moroccan forces to immediately withdraw from the territory and allow the people of Western Sahara to determine their own destiny. However, both France and the United States, wanting to support the pro-Western king and wary of a leftist revolutionary movement coming to power, prevented the Security Council from enforcing its mandate.

The Polisario, which had been fighting Spain for independence, was forced to then fight off the Moroccan invaders. By 1982, they had liberated most of the country. However, the United States and France dramatically increased their assistance to Morocco’s conquest, reversing the Polisario’s gains and created a military stalemate. In 1991, the Polisario agreed to a ceasefire in return for Morocco accepting a UN-supervised referendum on the fate of the territory. Morocco never allowed the referendum to go forward, however. They were again supported by the U.S. and France, which blocked the UN from forcing Morocco to proceed with the plebiscite, which most observers believe would have resulted in an overwhelming majority supporting independence.

After nearly three decades of futile diplomatic efforts, sporadic nonviolent resistance in the occupied territory, and ongoing Moroccan violations of the ceasefire, the Polisario resumed the armed struggle in November 2020.

The following month, during the final weeks of his first administration, Donald Trump made the United States the first country to formally recognize Morocco’s annexation of Western Sahara. In return, Morocco gave in to U.S. pressure to recognize Israel, becoming one of the nations to break with the longstanding Arab League position of refusing to establish formal diplomatic relations until Israel withdrew from occupied Arab territories, including the Golan Heights, West Bank, and Gaza Strip.

While Biden did not formally endorse Trump’s decision, he allowed it to stand. U.S. government maps under Biden began depicting Western Sahara as part of Morocco, with nothing delineating the two. Reports by the State Department and other federal agencies, which until then had treated Western Sahara as a separate entity, began including the territory as a part of Morocco. While the administration claimed it still supported the UN-led peace process, its recognition emboldened the Moroccans to take an even more hardline posture, arguing that U.S. recognition essentially resolved the issue.

In 2023, Israel became the second country to recognize Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara, no doubt encouraged by the precedent of the world’s most powerful nation breaking with the UN’s longstanding prohibition against recognizing the expansion of territory by military force.
Rules Don’t Apply

During the 50 years of resistance against Moroccan occupation forces, the Polisario has never engaged in any acts of terrorism. They have formally ratified the Geneva Conventions and their protocols and they are a party to the African Union’s Convention on Counter-Terrorism.

The United Nations recognizes the Polisario as the legitimate representative of the Western Sahara people and the African Union recognizes Western Sahara as a full member state. Neither they nor any other credible international legal entity classify the Polisario as a terrorist group.

Supporters of Morocco’s autocratic monarchy have tried to link the Polisario — which is a democratic, secular, moderately left-leaning liberation movement — with Islamist groups like Hezbollah, in addition to the Iranian government. This is a ludicrous claim, especially as the U.S. State Department has found no indication that the Polisario has any operational ties with such entities. Moreover, I have spoken to Polisario leaders who have been quite explicit that their interpretation of Islam is more liberal than the model espoused by Iran’s leaders.

Even former U.S. National Security Adviser John Bolton, one of the most extreme critics of Iran, recently noted that allegations of Iranian influence on the Polisario were groundless. Similarly, former U.S. Secretary of State James Baker said the Polisario-governed refugee camps and liberated zones of Western Sahara have “exercised a degree of democracy, maintained a high literacy rate, and never resorted to terrorism.”

The Western Saharan liberation struggle is unified, democratic, has never questioned Morocco’s right to exist, and has never targeted civilians, yet they are still being denied their right to self-determination and are now being labeled as terrorists.

As with the Russian and Israeli annexations of neighboring territories, Morocco’s 1975 annexation of Western Sahara is a flagrant violation of international law. As long as civilians are not targeted, it is not terrorism for a people to engage in armed resistance to a foreign belligerent occupation.

Morocco’s claim on Western Sahara is rejected by the United Nations, the International Court of Justice, the African Union, and a broad consensus of international legal scholars that consider the region a non-self-governing territory that must be allowed self-determination. The Sahrawis have a distinct dialect, kinship system, dress, cuisine, and colonial history and have no desire to live under the rule of their autocratic neighbor.

Unlike the Polisario-controlled areas, those living in the Moroccan-occupied parts of Western Sahara suffer under brutal repression. Human Rights WatchAmnesty International and other reputable human rights groups have documented widespread suppression of peaceful pro-independence activists by Moroccan occupation forces, including torture, beatings, detention without trial, and extrajudicial killings.

If the effort to get the Polisario classified as a Foreign Terrorist Organization succeeds, it would jeopardize the U.S.-backed United Nations peace process. U.S. officials could no longer be part of the negotiations if one of the parties is labeled a terrorist group.

And, as with the FTO designation against the Houthis, the 170,000 Sahrawi civilians living in Polisario-governed refugee camps would no longer be able to receive much of their desperately needed humanitarian aid. It would criminalize many of the interactions and transactions on which the refugees are dependent to survive.

The irony is that the establishment of a democratic secular Arab nation like the Polisario-led Western Sahara is what the U.S. government has long claimed to support. In reality, however, they are siding with a conservative and repressive monarchy against those very same forces of democracy and secularism.

One possible motivation for pursuing an FTO designation is that it would likely lead the United States to place strict sanctions on the Polisario’s two biggest supporters — Algeria and South Africa — on the grounds that they were “state sponsors of terrorism.” Algeria is the last of the left-leaning secular nationalist Arab governments that once dominated the region and is a historical rival of the U.S.-backed Moroccan monarchy. And the Trump administration has been going after South Africa, a leading power in the Global South challenging U.S. hegemony, since its return to the White House, including makign false charges of a “genocide” against that country’s relatively well-off white minority.

Targeting the Polisario also underscores how Washington’s opposition to Palestinian rights is not really about concerns over terrorism or Israel’s security. The Western Saharan liberation struggle is unified, democratic, has never questioned Morocco’s right to exist, and has never targeted civilians, yet they are still being denied their right to self-determination and are now being labeled as terrorists.

By labeling the Western Saharan nationalist movement as terrorist, it makes it easier for Washington to ignore the flagrant double standards in its policies of opposing Russia’s expansionism in Ukraine as a violation of the “rules-based international order” while defending Morocco for doing the same thing.

Terrorism is a real threat in North Africa, the Middle East, and elsewhere. Yet Washington’s willingness to label a popular movement and even a recognized government as a “terrorist organization” simply for pursuing their recognized right to national self-determination through legal means further underscores how politicians are willing to manipulate legitimate concerns about terrorism in order to undermine longstanding international legal principles.

This article is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), and you are free to share and republish under the terms of the license.

Stephen Zunes is a professor of politics and director of Middle Eastern studies at the University of San Francisco. Zunes is also the co-author, with Jacob Mundy, of Western Sahara: War, Nationalism, and Conflict Irresolution (Syracuse University Press, 2023).


Supporting the people of Western Sahara

AUGUST 2, 2025

By Sally Hobbs

At a time when the long history of colonial land theft is at the fore with the unimaginable level of suffering being experienced in Gaza, the case of Western Sahara may be going under the radar. Fifty years ago the Saharawi were driven from their own land by  Morocco which unlawfully annexed the Western Saharan territory as the Spanish colonial power abandoned it. Since then, Western Saharan people have been living in refugee camps in the Algerian desert, in the most inhospitable conditions for human life. Last week, the temperature was 48 degrees C.

Connections in our area have a long history and we have a really exciting present-day project. I was one of the founders of Levenshulme Woodcraft Folk in the 1990s, alongside other local parents, at a time when there was virtually nothing for local children to do outside school times. During the 1990s and 2000s, we formed strong links to the camps, hosting children’s visits here three times  – the Mayor showed the children around the Town Hall on one visit; the local paper displayed a full page photo of local kids and Saharawis at our local baths; Gerald Kaufmann MP was also featured on the steps of the baths, welcoming them, and we went on many trips, including camping in Wales.

The experience was definitely very enriching for many local children, as well as for our visitors. Over the years, some parents and now grown-up children including my own have visited the camps and participated in projects there and in the annual Western Sahara marathon organised by Sandblast. 

Since these visits, one of the children who stayed with our community here, Fatimalu, is now a grown woman with children in the camps. She is leading a truly transformational project; she has successfully built and is developing vegetable and tree-growing in the Sahara desert, to enable the refugees – who rely on food aid, with a recent WHO report expressing growing concern at the high levels of malnutrition there – to access fresh, home grown fruit and veg in the most inhospitable place imaginable. Grow Hope Saharawi is now a registered charity supporting this project with local directors from our area.

Fatimalu will be accompanying this group, together with two teachers from Sandblast Charity, who work with these young people, focusing on English language learning, creative and performance arts.  The group are here as part of a longer visit to London and to the 100th Anniversary International Woodcraft Folk camp in Nottingham. 

The context is ever more urgent. Over 43% of nations recognise Saharawi Democratic Arab Republic as an independent country, and there has been a UN mandate to hold a referendum of all Saharawi citizens since 1991, reaffirmed most recently in 2019.

Despite this, no referendum has taken place and numerous Western countries – Spain included – are now supportive of the occupying Morocco’s claim. Morocco has now put forward proposals for some autonomy for Western Sahara in a devolved region under Moroccan control.  

In a recent visit to Morocco, UK Foreign Secretary David Lammy described the proposal as the most “credible, viable and pragmatic solution” for ending  the dispute. Stakes are high; lucrative trade deals are in prospect, particularly infrastructure projects with the forthcoming World Cup in 2030 to be hosted  by  Morocco, Spain and Portugal.

Since then, the UK Minister Hamish Falconer reaffirmed that the government will continue to support the UN-led political efforts to reach a just, lasting, and mutually acceptable political solution based on compromise. But there is no clarity about what that compromise might mean for Western Saharans, and in particular for the 170,000 and generations of displaced and refugee Saharawi. Their position is and always has been precarious, dependent on international aid and Algerian support. The potential for these stateless families to become hostages to the decisions of colonial negotiations is great.  It is ever more important to press for government backing to the UN resolution and to raise awareness of the situation.

Please raise the profile of the Western Saharan dispute and put forward resolutions in branches and trade unions and press MPs to confirm:

–       continued support for Saharawi people’s democratic rights

–       protect the human rights and self-determination of the Saharawi people

–       and increase UK humanitarian support for the refugees.

Donate to Grow Hope Saharawi using this link.

Sally Hobbs is a Palestine supporter and activist in Manchester.

Image: https://freesvg.org/anonymous-flag-of-western-sahara. Licence: CC0 1.0 Universal CC0 1.0 Deed

Palestinian Statehood Is Not a Political Bargaining Chip

The UK and Canada have added conditions — but no arms embargoes — to their recognition of a Palestinian state.
PublishedAugust 2, 2025
A man holds up the Algerian (L), Lebanese (top) and Palestinian flags during a pro-Palestinian demonstration against Israel's actions and the ongoing famine in the Gaza Strip, and to welcome the released activists of the Freedom Flotilla vessel Handala at the Place de la République in Paris, France, on July 29, 2025.
BERTRAND GUAY / AFP via Getty Images

British Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s announcement on July 29 that the U.K. will formally recognize a Palestinian state was a moment of stunning clarity — just not the moral kind. That’s because the proclamation came with a huge caveat: The U.K. will only move forward with its plan in September if Israel fails to agree to a ceasefire with Hamas. Never mind that Palestinians have been demanding the right to self-determination for decades; it took Israel committing a genocide and stoking a starvation crisis in Gaza for the U.K. to acknowledge that, perhaps, Palestinians deserve a seat at the United Nations, too. What better illustration of the arbitrary nature of borders — and Israel’s legacy as a British colonial project — than for a Western power to wield the promise of statehood as a political bargaining chip?

Starmer’s announcement followed on the heels of France’s more direct promise to acknowledge a Palestinian state, the first G7 country to do so. “This recognition, a major decision by France, is also a call,” said French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot during a UN summit on July 28. “It is a call to the Israeli government. Listen to the indignation that is swelling around the world. Grasp the hand that is being offered to you to get out of this deadlock. Open your eyes to the aspirations of your neighbours to live in peace and security with you. Call a ceasefire. Lift the humanitarian blockade on Gaza.” Unlike the U.K., France’s choice doesn’t hinge on negotiations with Israel.

Then, on July 31, Canada announced it would join the U.K. and France in recognizing an independent Palestinian state — but only if the Palestinian Authority commits to certain reforms, and if Hamas releases all Israeli hostages and agrees to “play no role in the future governance of Palestine.” Canada also said that any future Palestinian state would have to be demilitarized, even as it continues to ship arms to Israel.

This wave of announcements by three G7 nations marks a major break from the U.S. position on Palestine, and a turn toward the international consensus: Most members of the UN — 147 out of 193 countries — have already recognized Palestinian sovereignty. On July 31, Barrot released a statement, signed by the foreign ministers of 14 other countries, calling on more nations to formally recognize Palestine.

This growing diplomatic push is far too little, too late. The Israeli parliament is dead-set on annexing the occupied West Bank, where Israeli settlers have also increased their campaign of targeted violence against Palestinians. Increased recognition at the UN won’t put a stop to Israel’s genocide in Gaza or resurrect the more than 60,000 Palestinians killed since October 7, 2023 — an official death toll that’s likely a significant undercount. Still, Israel is strongly opposed to the proposal, with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu claiming that recognizing a Palestinian state “rewards Hamas’s monstrous terrorism.” (It bears repeating that Hamas is not in the West Bank.)

Related Story

Starmer Slammed for Threatening to Withhold UK Recognition of Palestinian State
Starmer announced he would only recognize a Palestinian state if Israel doesn’t agree to a ceasefire.  By Sharon Zhang , Truthout July 30, 2025


Offering statehood with strings attached makes a mockery of Palestinians’ fundamental right to self-determination under international law — a mockery that has been ongoing for decades. In 1916, during World War I, the U.K. and France agreed to divvy up the Ottoman Empire’s territories in the Middle East, assigning separate spheres of influence to their respective imperial powers through the Sykes-Picot Agreement. Six years later, the UN’s predecessor, the League of Nations, issued the British Mandate for Palestine, granting the U.K. governance over the lands that now comprise Israel, the West Bank, and Gaza. In 1947, the UN General Assembly passed a resolution calling for the division of the U.K.-administered lands into a “Jewish state” and an “Arab state”; after the British Mandate expired the following year, Zionist militias began violently expelling more than 750,000 Palestinians from their homeland, in an event known as the Nakba, or “catastrophe” in Arabic.

This is just a broad summation of many years of violence and injustice. But I recount these events now because they get at the heart of the current genocide and the half-hearted attempts by Western nations to put a stop to it. Israel and the U.S. have consistently portrayed history as beginning on October 7, 2023, when Hamas militants attacked Israel. In reality, imperial Western powers have long played God with international borders, in acts of arrogance totally divorced from the realities on the ground and always aimed at preserving their own geopolitical power. The UN’s broken promise of a two-state solution in 1947 was insufficient then, and it’s even less politically feasible now. As Yousef Munayyer, a senior fellow at Arab Center Washington, D.C., where he heads the Palestine/Israel Program, wrote in Foreign Affairs in 2019, “The only alternative with any chance of delivering lasting peace: equal rights for Israelis and Palestinians in a single shared state.”

While the U.K., Canada and France all pay lip service to a two-state solution, each country’s ongoing supply of military equipment to Israel undermines their stated goal of peace. An analysis from Middle East Eye found that, even after the Labour Party-controlled government partially suspended arms exports to Israel in 2024, the U.K. approved $169 million of military equipment in three months. The U.K. also continues to ban the activist group Palestine Action under anti-terrorism laws, despite strong international opposition. “We are concerned at the unjustified labelling of a political protest movement as ‘terrorist’,” UN experts said on July 1. “According to international standards, acts of protest that damage property, but are not intended to kill or injure people, should not be treated as terrorism.” A U.K. judge has allowed Palestine Action’s co-founder to challenge the group’s proscription in court, stating that the ban’s potential “chilling effect” on political speech could cause “considerable harm to the public interest.”

Still, despite the U.K.’s repressive measures to censure support for Palestine, formal opposition to the ruling Labour Party’s support for Israel’s war is growing. On July 24, former Labour Party leader Jeremy Corbyn and independent parliament member Zarah Sultana announced they’re forming a new political party to “take on the rich and powerful.” Corbyn laid out the party’s agenda in a recent op-ed in The Guardian, writing, “Labour has failed to deliver the change the British people deserved. Refusing to scrap the two-child benefit cap. Taking support away from disabled people. Providing political and military support to Israel as starving Palestinians are shot in the street. From the moment this government was elected, it has inflicted suffering and injustice at home and abroad.”

As the Labour Party fails to represent workin-class interests in the U.K., it engages in empty “gesture politics” in the Middle East. Formal UN recognition is the bare minimum; tepid commitments to Palestinian statehood must be backed by material action. Without halting the flow of arms to Israel, the latest announcements are part of the same imperial playbook, in which the U.S. and its European allies have long gotten to circumscribe the sovereignty of others.

THE WORST OF THE WORST

Korean Scientist With Green Card Detained for a Week and Denied Access to His Lawyer


"If the Constitution doesn't apply to somebody who's lived in this country for 35 years and is a green-card holder... the Constitution doesn't apply to anybody who's been in this country for less time than him," said an attorney representing the scientist.


U.S. federal agents working for Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) detain immigrants at the Jacob K. Javits Federal Building's U.S. Immigration Court in New York, New York, Thursday, July 24, 2025.
(Photo Dominic Gwinn/Middle East Images/AFP via Getty Images)

Brad Reed
Jul 29, 2025
COMMON DREAMS

A permanent U.S. resident has been held in detention for the last week without apparent explanation and without access to legal representation, The Washington Post reported on Tuesday.

According to the Post, 40-year-old Tae Heung "Will" Kim was detained by immigration officials at the San Francisco International Airport on July 21 after returning from attending his brother's wedding in Korea. In the week since his detention, he has still not been released despite being a green-card holder who has lived in the United States since the age of five.

Eric Lee, an attorney representing Kim, said he has been unable to contact his client and that Kim's only past brush with the law came back in 2011 when he was ordered to perform community service over a minor marijuana possession charge in Texas.

A spokesperson for U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP) seemed to suggest in a statement to the Post that this past instance of marijuana possession was enough justification to detain and deport Kim.

"If a green-card holder is convicted of a drug offense, violating their status, that person is issued a Notice to Appear and CBP coordinates detention space with ICE [Immigration and Customs Enforcement] ERO [Enforcement and Removal Operations]," they said. "This alien is in ICE custody pending removal proceedings."

Lee told the Post that he reached out to CBP to ask whether his client had protections under the Fifth and Sixth Amendments of the United States Constitution that guarantee rights such as the right to an attorney. In response, the CBP official simply told Lee, "No."

"If the Constitution doesn't apply to somebody who's lived in this country for 35 years and is a green-card holder—and only left the country for a two-week vacation—that means [the government] is basically arguing that the Constitution doesn't apply to anybody who's been in this country for less time than him," Lee said.

Lee added that it would be particularly uncommon for immigration officials to deport his client based solely on a 2011 marijuana possession charge given that Kim had successfully petitioned to seal the offense from his public record after fulfilling his community service requirements. Because of this, Lee said that Kim's case should easily clear the waiver process that allows officials to overlook past minor offenses that could otherwise be used to justify stripping people of their permanent legal resident status.

Prior to his detention, Kim was pursuing a PhD at Texas A&M University, where he was doing research to help develop a vaccine against Lyme disease.

Immigration enforcement officials under the second Trump administration have been particularly aggressive in trying to deport students who are legally in the United States.

Turkish-born Tufts University student Rümeysa Öztürk was detained for months earlier this year after she was apparently targeted for writing an editorial in her student newspaper critical of the school's refusal to divest from Israel. Russian-born Harvard University scientist Kseniia Petrova, meanwhile, is currently facing deportation after she was charged with allegedly smuggling frog embryos into the United States.