Sunday, September 07, 2025

At NatCon, an effort to make Christian nationalism a more inclusive movement

 FOR WHITE STR8 MALES 

(RNS) — Speakers and organizers alike worked to craft a vision for a Christian America that steers clear of anti-Catholicism and, especially, antisemitism.



Pastor Doug Wilson addresses the National Conservatism Conference, Sept. 4, 2025, in Washington. (RNS photo/Jack Jenkins)

Jack Jenkins
September 5, 2025

WASHINGTON (RNS) — During the “Bible and American Renewal” breakout session at this week’s National Conservatism Conference, Josh Hammer stood out as the lone Jewish person on the panel of otherwise conservative Christian activists: a pastor, the editor of an online Christian magazine and a self-described Christian nationalist.

Yet, it was Hammer who told an audience member that “America was founded as a Christian country.”

“I’ll be the first to say that,” Hammer added. “There is very little doubt in my mind about that.”

The exchange was a window into a curious dynamic that permeated “NatCon,” as attendees call the conference, where speakers and organizers alike worked to craft a vision for a stridently conservative Christian America that somehow steers clear of anti-Catholicism and, especially, antisemitism.

A right-wing gathering that was once considered fringe, NatCon now boasts among its alumni Vice President JD Vance and this year featured a number of Trump appointees and allies, including Russell Vought, Office of Management and Budget director; Kelly Loeffler, director of the Small Business Administration; and Steve Bannon, a longtime podcast host and former chief strategist for President Donald Trump.



Office and Management and Budget Director Russell Vought speaks during the National Conservatism Conference, Sept. 3, 2025, in Washington. (RNS photo/Jack Jenkins)

Hammer was hardly alone in appealing to America’s Christian roots at the three-day conference, held in downtown Washington from Sept. 2-4. Idaho Pastor Doug Wilson, a self-described Christian nationalist, declared from the main stage, “We were in fact a Christian republic at the founding.” At a breakout session on “The Threat of Islamism in America,” one panelist declared “we are a Christian nation,” and another titled his talk, “Creating Islamic Communities in Christian America.”

But those declarations were made even as speakers openly voiced concern about the potential fracturing of NatCon’s fragile right-wing coalition. In an opening plenary session, Yoram Hazony, the Jewish chairman of the Edmund Burke Foundation, said early supporters of NatCon skewed heavily Catholic, so he brought in more Protestants — only for Catholics to fret that the movement had, in turn, become anti-Catholic. He has since wanted to bring in more Orthodox Jewish leaders, but is facing a problem: a rise in virulent antisemitism on the right, especially after the attack by Hamas militants on Oct. 7, 2023, in southern Israel.

“I didn’t think it would happen on the right, and I was mistaken,” Hazony said. He pleaded with the group to avoid antisemitism, noting that he is still willing to negotiate disagreement about Israel’s policies as well as have an “honorable conversation” about rethinking “the relationship between Jews and Christians in America.”

Hazony didn’t detail what that relationship looks like, exactly, but several conference speakers appeared to navigate the divide by referring to shared “Judeo-Christian” principles. Vought declared that the U.S. was founded on “Judeo-Christian worldviews.” Gene Hamilton, head of America First Legal, similarly described the U.S. as a “country based on Judeo-Christian values,” and Loeffler referred to “the moral foundations that built this country” — namely, “Judeo-Christian values.”

What’s more, Southern Baptist theologian Albert Mohler insisted that a conservatism that honors “prophets and apostles and patriarchs” can “unite Jewish conservatives and Christian conservatives, Catholic conservatives and Protestant conservatives, Eastern Orthodox conservatives, all in a shared conservatism of principle and conviction, mutual respect and mutual assistance, mutual commitment and commitment to shared conservative principles.”



The Rev. Albert Mohler speaks during the National Conservatism Conference, Sept. 4, 2025, in Washington. (RNS photo/Jack Jenkins)

But more often, NatCon attendees seemed to mitigate their differences by trying to find common cause. Asked about the dynamic, Wilson derided antisemitism but acknowledged the tension between advocating for a Christian America and holding together a coalition that includes Jewish people.

“Jesus either rose from the dead or he didn’t — I’m a Christian,” he said.

But in the “political sphere,” Wilson said, there are pathways for extreme right Christians to find commonality with Jewish conservatives.

“I think it’s good for them to see that there are Orthodox Jews who hate pornography as much as they do,” he offered by way of example.

But in practice, the common enemy that emerged to unite Christian nationalists and Jewish allies at NatCon wasn’t pornography, but Muslims. Several speakers made a point to single out Zohran Mamdani, a Muslim American and leading New York City mayoral candidate.

“New York, our greatest city, is on the precipice of being run by a Zohran Mamdani — I think we realize that something has gone absolutely wrong,” Jack Posobiec, an alt-right political activist who has promoted Christian nationalism in the past, told the crowd. He then added: “As I stand here today, we are less than 10 years away from one of America’s great cities being run by a Muhammad.”

Jack Posobiec speaks during the National Conservatism Conference, Sept. 4, 2025, in Washington. (RNS photo/Jack Jenkins)

Steve Bannon addresses the National Conservatism Conference, Sept. 4, 2025, in Washington. (RNS photo/Jack Jenkins)

Posobiec was echoed later that day by Bannon, the onetime adviser to Trump. Referring to Mamdani, Bannon insisted “the existential threat to Israel — the Jewish people — is not in Tehran,” but rather “is right in New York City.” He then denounced Mamdani as “a Marxist and a jihadist,” while acknowledging Mamdani is likely to win the election.

Whether a return to the anti-Muslim sentiment — a flavor of vitriol that once helped bolster Trump’s 2016 election coalition — will be enough to help NatCon is an open question. But if this year’s gathering is any indication, it appears to be the chosen path forward for Christian nationalists hoping to expand their tent: In his own address, Wilson argued that while America was “deeply Christian and Protestant at the founding,” it also “did successfully adapt to the presence of Catholics and Jews.”

But accepting large numbers of Muslim immigrants in the U.S., he said, is a bridge too far.

“Millions of Muslims without any commitment to, or mechanism of, assimilation is another matter,” said Wilson, who has previously said that Muslims would be barred from holding office in his version of a Christian America. “There’s only so much white sand you can put in the sugar bowl before it isn’t the Sugar Bowl anymore.”



Pastor Doug Wilson attends the National Conservatism Conference, Sept. 4, 2025, in Washington. (RNS photo/Jack Jenkins)


At NatCon, a confusing resurgence of anti-Muslim sentiment


WASHINGTON (RNS) — NatCon’s negative focus on Islam makes for a potential preview of what conservatives will be concerned with in the next year.


Josh Hammer, right, addresses the National Conservatism Conference, Sept. 3, 2025, in Washington. (RNS photo/Jack Jenkins)

Jack Jenkins
September 3, 2025

WASHINGTON (RNS) — During a breakout session at this year’s National Conservatism Conference on Wednesday (Sept. 3), one group of panelists was asked an unusual question: Did they consider the U.S. to be a “Protestant tree” in which “Jews and Catholics are allowed, as birds, to nest in the branches”?

Josh Hammer, the only Jewish member of the panel, eschewed the arborial analogy but replied that he believes Jews and Catholics “have always been a part of the American story.” A “more interesting question,” he offered, is what Founding Fathers had to say about “Mohammedism” — a reference to Islam.

Fellow panelist William Wolfe, head of the Center for Baptist Leadership and a self-described Christian nationalist, interjected: “I’m happy to cut that branch off, Josh.”

The crowd burst into laughter.

The episode was one of several derogatory mentions of Islam at the conference, a three-day convening at a hotel in downtown Washington. Once considered a far-right fringe gathering and still deeply associated with Christian nationalism, NatCon, as it’s known among its regular attendees, has become a major waypoint in the conservative calendar. The ideas germinated here increasingly shape the ideological framework of the Trump administration, as speakers at past conferences have gone on to become MAGA stars, including Vice President JD Vance.

This year’s lineup had no lack of administration officials, from Office of Management and Budget Director Russell Vought to border czar Tom Homan.

NatCon’s negative focus on Islam, therefore, makes for a potential preview of what conservatives will be concerned with in the next year, especially in midterm election campaigns. Already, New York’s mayoral election in November has attracted dire predictions in conservative circles about the front-runner, Zohran Mamdani, and his Muslim faith, should he win.


William Wolfe speaks during the National Conservatism Conference, Sept. 3, 2025, in Washington. (RNS photo/Jack Jenkins)

The topic was a focus of the conference’s first panel on Tuesday, titled “The Threat of Islamism in America.” Ryan Girdusky, a onetime CNN commentator who was banned from the network last year after he jocularly implied that Muslim journalist Mehdi Hasan had ties to terrorist groups, was among the panelists. (“I hope your beeper doesn’t go off,” he said on air, in an apparent reference to the 2024 attack directed at Lebanon-based militant group Hezbollah, when beepers across the country, planted with explosive charges, suddenly ignited.)

At NatCon, Girdusky argued against mass immigration generally (“The best part of immigration is scarcity,” he said), and Muslim immigration in particular. Echoing a theme aired in speeches in recent months by Vance, Girdusky said Mamdani, a naturalized U.S. citizen, drew crowds at his rallies whose “ancestors did not come on the Mayflower. Most did not come on Ellis Island. Most didn’t come in the past 30 years.”

Another panelist, Wade Miller of the Center for Renewing America, a think tank founded by OMB Director Vought, was even more explicit. “Islam is anti-Christianity, authoritarian and against our entire constitutional order,” Miller said. He insisted the progressive left in the United States has embraced a “woke-Islamist alliance,” pointing to the pro-Palestinian activism that swept college campuses as Israel invaded the Gaza Strip. He later declared that “we are a Christian nation.”



Wade Miller speaks during the National Conservatism Conference, Sept. 2, 2025, in Washington. (RNS photo/Jack Jenkins)

Another CRA activist, senior fellow Nathan Pinkoski, warned that the U.S. could become like Europe, where, he argued, the continent’s “trashed civilizational immune system” allowed “Islamists to make inroads into European nations.”

Anti-Muslim sentiment is hardly new among American conservatives, nor is it unusual for it to appear at NatCon — the 2024 iteration of the conference also featured a talk on “The Islamic Supremacist Challenge to America.”

But when questioned about the urgency of their message, at least one of the panelists could give no rationale for the timing of their warnings, or why Islam was on the agenda at all. Miller said he wasn’t sure, guessing only that “maybe” it was because of recent U.S. strikes in Iran.

Nonetheless, Islam was a recurring component of the larger discussion of immigration. Bo French of Fort Worth, Texas — who chairs the Tarrant County Republican Party and has himself been accused of anti-Muslim comments — said he came to the Islamism panel out of concern that the U.S. will end up with an influx of Muslim immigrants such as countries in Europe, especially the United Kingdom, have experienced. “I think we’re probably 10 years behind where they are, but I think it is accelerating,” French said.

Hammer, senior editor-at-large at Newsweek, also tied his concern to immigration but insisted the issue is of immediate importance. “I think that Islamic immigration should be zero today,” Hammer told RNS. “It is a pressing concern.”


Muslims represent around 1% of the U.S. population, according to Pew Research, and the Trump administration has dramatically restricted immigration in various ways that include banning entry from many Muslim-majority countries. A 2022 poll from the Public Religion Research Institute found that while a slim majority of white evangelicals believe the U.S. should “prevent people from some Muslim majority countries from entering the U.S.,” majorities of every other religious group polled said the reverse.

Trump courted Muslim votes in his 2024 presidential campaign, capitalizing on Muslim disenchantment with the Biden administration’s support for Israel.

Miller acknowledged the growing Muslim interest in Republican ideas in his panel presentation, saying, “Some on our side … insist that we should see Islam and Muslims as political allies,” he said. But Muslims, he summed up, “are not our friends.”


The degeneracy of Christian nationalism and the demolition of culture

(RNS) — Trump's assault on art and culture is only outdone by his debasement of his fellow humans.



Rigoberto Gonzalez’s “Refugees Crossing the Border Wall into South Texas.” Photo by Difference Engine/Wikimedia Commons


Phyllis Zagano
August 29, 2025

(RNS) — The United States exists in a new-old universe. After nearly 250 years of democracy, it seems infected with totalitarianism, racial superiority, anti-communism and all the petrified theories advanced by another populist politician, Adolph Hitler.

Donald Trump did say he would be a dictator on day one.

History will be the judge, but things look rather bleak right now for the democracy side of the equation.

Take art and culture.


During the 12 years of Hitler’s corruption of the concepts of law and order, he also attacked what we now call “creatives” and cultural institutions. The backlash against artistic Modernism had begun earlier in Germany’s Weimar era, but the Führer fully enforced his own ideas of what comprised art. He banned “degenerate art”: Bauhaus, Cubism, Dada, Expressionism, Fauvism, Impressionism and Surrealism. And the regime supported only official painters, sculptors, architects, writers and even actors.

Things are trending in the same direction in the 21st-century United States. Trump, having gotten himself elected chair of the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts, has vowed to end “woke political programming” at Washington’s premier arts venue.

As an example of what this means, the Kennedy Center hosted a screening this week of “The Revival Generation,” a documentary about a “nationwide campus revival movement” drawing Gen Z Americans. Billed as a “call to faith and a message of hope” that “(c)aptures a spiritual awakening among today’s youth,” the program included a one-hour worship service with “a local worship collective.”

Next Trump ordered a review of exhibits at the Smithsonian Museums that has sent curators scrambling to “fix” exhibits Mr. Trump finds too woke. The list of things needing repair at the National Museum of African American History and Culture, the National Portrait Gallery and the National Museum of the American Latino focuses on mentions of race, slavery, immigration and sexuality.

The artwork that offends the curator-in-chief is not Cubism or Dadaism or Impressionism. Unlike Hitler, Trump has not put Picasso, Duchamp and Monet on the banned lists. Rather, it is Rigoberto Gonzalez’s extraordinary “Refugees Crossing the Border Wall into South Texas.”

The list goes on. Some of it is, well, edgy. But it is not of the order of “Immersion (Piss Christ),” Andres Serrano’s 1987 photograph of a crucifix submerged in a container of his own urine. Despite an outcry from politicians who tried to defund its sponsors, the piece won an award in a competition partly sponsored by the National Endowment for the Arts. Ronald Reagan was president then.

If only Trump would confine his new strictures to art and culture, his populism would be an affront only to the pursuit of beauty. But they cross several lines, assaulting truth as well.

As several mainline faith leaders and the U.S. Catholic bishops have pointed out, the derisive oppression of poor immigrants by members of the current administration is sickening. That some administration officials continue to publicly espouse Christian ethics is mind-boggling.

Government spokespeople bend the truth and present an alternate reality. Then, there are the humorless bureaucrats who can change numbers to suit the master’s will. The administration is efficient and punctual, and its leader can do no wrong.

The American republic is aiming for a head-on collision with democracy, and not incidentally is becoming an enigma, if not a laughingstock, to the rest of the free world.

It has to stop.


EVEN THE CRITICS OF PATRIARCHY ARE PATRIARCHS

After challenging Doug Wilson, podcaster’s confession shakes anti-patriarchy movement


“Women have been declaring the damage for years,” she said. “But something about a man holding the mic — even when it was women survivors talking into it — made the warnings more palatable to people who were steeped in Christian patriarchy.”



(FāVS News) — Podcast host Peter Bell’s admission came shortly after a Moscow, Idaho, community event where he and others spoke about the impact of Wilson’s teachings.



“Sons of Patriarchy” podcast logo and host Peter Bell. (Courtesy images)

Tracy Simmons
September 4, 2025

(FāVS News) — Days after challenging Pastor Doug Wilson to a public debate, Peter Bell, producer and host of the podcast “Sons of Patriarchy,” made a social media confession that has forced a reckoning within the community he helped build around exposing abuse in patriarchal churches.

Bell, whose podcast investigates Wilson’s Moscow, Idaho-based church movement, said in a since-deleted Aug. 23 Facebook post that he struggled with pornography addiction for nearly two decades, was fired from multiple jobs for lying and experienced marital separation during his podcast’s first season last year.

The confession came shortly after Bell appeared at a Moscow community event Aug. 8 at the Kenworthy Performing Arts Center, where he and others spoke about the impact of Wilson’s teachings. The podcast producers scheduled their first Moscow visit to coincide with Grace Agenda, a weekend conference hosted by Wilson’s Christ Church that serves as a major recruiting event for the church. After the Kenworthy event, Bell and “Sons of Patriarchy” staff approached Wilson at the conference, and Wilson agreed to a one-on-one conversation with the podcast host, who has spent months documenting abuse allegations within Wilson’s Communion of Reformed Evangelical Churches.

Bell acknowledged to FāVS News that the timing of his Facebook post was deliberate.

“With the recent airing of the CNN interview with Doug Wilson” — a profile that examined Wilson’s Christian nationalist movement and connections to U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth — “our team began receiving far more media inquiries, survivor stories and ‘interest’ after Doug agreed to a one-on-one with me,” Bell said in an interview.

“This compounded with the kinds of messages we were receiving, mostly coming from women, who were praising me. They wanted to let me know that they wished their husbands could be like me, their sons would grow up to be like me, and their pastors cared like me,” Bell said. “I couldn’t handle the praise, knowing that if those who were messaging us knew the truth about me, maybe they’d be less inclined. I had told parts of it before, but I needed everything out there.”


A crowd attends a “Sons of Patriarchy” live event at the Kenworthy Performing Arts Center, Aug. 8, 2025, in Moscow, Idaho. (Photo by Tracy Simmons/FāVS News)

The confession sparked tension within the “Sons of Patriarchy” team. Bell’s co-host and majority owner of the podcast, Sarah Bader, responded with a social media statement distancing the team from Bell’s post.

“He did not run this post by the team. And we are holding him to account for it,” Bader posted. “We apologize to our survivor community for his actions and are putting measures and controls into place so that it can’t happen again.”

RELATED: Doug Wilson agrees to debate ‘Sons of Patriarchy’ after dueling events in Moscow, Idaho

In Bell’s confession, he revealed he had been “addicted to porn for a little less than 20 years” and continues to struggle “to this day.” He also said he was “fired from two or three full-time ‘secular’ jobs … for lying, and covering up other things, in rather large ways” and was “kicked out” of ministry positions for dishonesty.

The issues led to separation from his wife during the production of his podcast’s first season just about a year ago, Bell wrote. The couple has since reconciled.

“I write it both to get it off my chest, to give Doug Wilson and his people the dirt they’re probably looking for, and to dissuade anyone from thinking I’m the ‘anti-patriarchy’ hero they might think I am,” Bell wrote in the Facebook post, which garnered hundreds of comments. “There was this picture/aura forming about and around me, that I was the ‘anti-patriarchy hero’ so many in these circles were looking for.”

The confession particularly stung trauma survivors who trusted Bell with their stories of abuse within patriarchal church systems, several alleged survivors wrote on social media. As Bell interviews women who have left these environments, his admission raised questions about his fitness for the role.

“I totally and completely understand if survivors no longer desire to be interviewed by me,” Bell said. “My goal isn’t to get someone behind a microphone — my goal is for them to be heard.”


Peter Bell, left, and Doug Wilson, right. (Video screen grabs)

However, Bell defended his continued involvement.

“I haven’t had the chance to interview survivors” since the confession, he said, “but to be transparent, it hasn’t changed much. I didn’t change after the confession. I said what I said because I’ve already come to terms with everything.”

Bell described how leaders can maintain public ministries while struggling privately — an insight that parallels cases his podcast has investigated.

The issue of pastors struggling with pornography while maintaining public ministries has been a recurring theme in allegations documented by “Sons of Patriarchy.” Tim Meshginpoosh, a longtime observer of these churches, wrote in a Substack post that when such issues have surfaced, “the response of the elders was soft, and when the marriages blew up, the wife got blamed, shunned, and ostracized.”

Bell said churches often handle these issues differently based on one’s status.

“A high-ranking leader with decades of experience and beloved by the congregation? You get a slap on the wrist, a cover-up and pass right on through,” Bell said. “A no-name member who will put a blot on your reputation? You’ve got two choices: Make sure no one ever hears about it and your ‘sterling’ reputation is saved … or, strike them down with the fury of the Lord as an example to those watching.”

Patterns of institutional response Bell described played out in reaction to his own disclosure. Bader’s response seemed to split the podcast’s following, with some calling her statement “woke” while others said they appreciated her consideration for triggered survivors.

Meshginpoosh questioned whether Bell should have been the face of the anti-patriarchy effort given his recent struggles.

“The concern I have — it was way too soon,” Meshginpoosh said in an interview. “He recorded the first season while he was still separated from his wife. … If you have that kind of recent past, you need to take some time to do the hard work.”

Meshginpoosh also noted a tactical disadvantage, should there be a debate with Wilson.

“If you’re going to go up against Wilson, you’re going to have a hard time grilling him about the Steven Sitler disaster if you’re trying to pick up the pieces of multiple integrity fails on the job and a 20-year porn addiction,” he said

The Sitler case has long been a source of controversy for Wilson. In 2005, Sitler, a student at New St. Andrews College, a private college founded by Christ Church, confessed to molesting multiple children. Sitler pleaded guilty to lewd conduct with a minor and was sentenced to prison. Wilson wrote a letter to the sentencing judge describing Sitler as “most responsive” and “completely honest” and asking for leniency, according to a Southern Poverty Law Center report — despite Wilson’s own writings advocating death penalties for such crimes. Wilson officiated Sitler’s wedding, and Sitler was eventually found to have sexually abused his infant son, leading to legal protections.

Cases like Sitler’s are what “Sons of Patriarchy” was created to expose. But some worried Bell’s confession overshadowed that mission. Author Sarah Stankorb, who has covered Wilson’s movement and was on stage at the Moscow event, wrote in a statement to Baptist News Global that the confession was problematic in its timing.

“I worry, in light of Peter Bell’s post, we’re losing the thread,” Stankorb wrote. “It blindsided a lot of survivors and other advocates whose trust is already fragile. It also has created a huge distraction from the work of making Wilson’s impact visible.”

Stankorb also noted a troubling pattern in responses to abuse allegations.

“Women have been declaring the damage for years,” she said. “But something about a man holding the mic — even when it was women survivors talking into it — made the warnings more palatable to people who were steeped in Christian patriarchy.”


Bell acknowledged uncertainty about his continued role as the podcast’s host, saying he serves “at the behest of the volunteers and those who support the work.” He suggested Bader could lead the podcast.

“Whether or not I lead this podcast in the future has no bearing on my own personal desire to see movements founded and influenced by Doug Wilson to be toppled,” he said. “This is personal for me, and I care, regardless of a microphone being in front of me or not.”

However, supporters believe the “Sons of Patriarchy” mission remains vital. Meshginpoosh said the podcast serves as a “force multiplier” for survivors who have waited years for someone to advocate for them.

“Ultimately, they are doing good work,” he said. “They are exposing the abuses and systemic dynamics within the Presbyterian/Presbyterian-ish world. I want SoP to continue to do good work.”

Attempts to reach Bader for comment were unsuccessful.



Source: Socialist Project

It has been 26 years since Hugo Chávez first assumed the presidency of Venezuela in 1999. Since then, Venezuela has gone through enormous ups and downs, and mostly downs since Nicolas Maduro took over from Chavez following his death in 2013. Given Venezuela’s current challenging situation, what lessons can be drawn from the Bolivarian Revolution for future revolutionary projects? And what is the meaning of the Bolivarian project in the larger context of Latin American politics in the 21st century more generally? What do these lessons mean for socialist organizing and activism today? Gregory Wilpert is a German-American sociologist and journalist who has covered Latin America extensively for a wide variety of publications. He holds a Ph.D. in sociology (Brandeis University, 1994) and is the author of the book Changing Venezuela by Taking Power: The History and Policies of the Chávez Government (Verso Books, 2007)Email

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Gregory Wilpert is a German-American sociologist, journalist, and activist who has covered Venezuela extensively for a wide variety of publications. He holds a Ph.D. in sociology (Brandeis University, 1994) and is author of the book, Changing Venezuela by Taking Power: The History and Policies of the Chávez Government (Verso Books, 2007). He is co-founder of the website Venezuelanalysis.com, was director of the teleSUR English website, and host and managing editor for The Real News Network. Currently he works as deputy editor at the Institute for New Economic Thinking.

 

Source: Waging Nonviolence

Over the past year, a wave of mass protests has swept through the capitals of some African states. From Nairobi to Lagos, Accra to Dakar, angry protesters have marched to the sound of exploding tear gas shells and live bullets to rail against hunger and inequality while demanding an end to IMF austerity. From June to August this year, the movement rose again with tens of thousands exploding onto the streets in Kenya, while hundreds of activists turned up at an anniversary event in Lagos, Nigeria to reflect and map out next steps.

Provoked by deep economic frustrations and lack of opportunities, these youth-led protests have shaken Africa’s aging ruling classes to their bones, making a forceful argument for a new social pact, anchored on a paradigm of national sovereignty, inclusive growth and social welfare.

These digitally-organized and decentralized Gen Z uprisings are not copycats of the youth-led movements of the 1990s and early 2000s — even though the issues that are fueling them are broadly the same. Rather, through new organizing methods, the Gen Z uprisings are reshaping the landscape of civic engagement while also showcasing the incredible power and dynamism of Africa’s youth.

This is seen in the sheer scale of turnout at these protests, in the raw courage displayed in the face of blood-curdling repression and in the use of social media as an organizing tool for social change.

Last year’s youth uprising in Kenya, which used the hashtag , is the most emblematic of this new form of youth-led activism. The movement was provoked by a raft of tax increases proposed by President William Ruto on several basic consumer products, including sanitary pads, and it was organized almost entirely on social media.

“Social media platforms especially TikTok, X (formerly Twitter) and Facebook have been pivotal in mobilizing and directing the struggle, countering state propaganda” said Okaka Npap, a 34-year-old activist from Kayole, Nairobi, who played roles in organizing the protest last year.

Lacking formal structures, social media became the command center of the uprising. Organizers utilized social media to build support, pass information, organize and direct the actions on a daily basis. The creativity of celebrities, bloggers and TikTokers who leveraged their online influence was crucial in provoking mass participation. They helped create “an atmosphere where even those [who were] apolitical felt called to act,” Npap added.

At its height, the movement brought tens of thousands of protesters to the street, showcasing the incredible organizing prowess of young people. Protesters rallied not only against the finance bill but against neoliberal austerity, corruption and authoritarianism. On June 25, 2024, Kenya’s youth breached the parliament in an incredible display of collective rage that set alarm bells ringing among elite circles across the continent. Ruto was forced to withdraw the hated finance bill but this did nothing to pacify the movement, which at that stage was calling for the president’s resignation.

The same pattern can be seen in the  protests that erupted in Nigeria from Aug. 1 to Aug. 10, 2024. Similar to the #EndSARS protests that were provoked by police brutality in 2020, the  protest against fuel subsidy removal, hunger and hardship could be described as a digitally organized revolt. It originated from a call on Twitter and TikTok in June 2024 for Nigerians to consider shutting down the country for 10 days in August. The call came as the anti-finance bill protest in Kenya was unfolding. As a result, it resonated with many young Nigerians who were frustrated with the cost-of-living crisis.

“Nigerians felt they have had enough from a government that cares so little about them and is more interested about how to enrich big business men and other members of the ruling class,” said Adaramoye Micheal, one of the organizers who is now standing trial for treason.

As the weeks rolled by, this call began to gain traction as people commented and engaged with the call on social media. By the first week of July, the government, which had managed to avoid any significant opposition since it came to power in May 2023, could no longer ignore the unfolding situation. Then came the threats and intimidation from the government, ruling party officials and thugs, the police and the army, but all these only stiffened the resolve of young people to go ahead.

Decentralized and ‘leaderless’

In both Kenya and Nigeria, the Gen Z uprisings broke out in an atmosphere of political stasis where the old traditional forces of struggle, like trade unions and political opposition parties, had either retreated from the frontlines or been discredited by their politics.

For example, the movement in Kenya erupted outside of the influence of the country’s political opposition, because its collaborationist politics don’t sit well with young people, who desire a clean break with the status quo. In the case of Nigeria, the protest erupted after the youth had watched in frustration as the country’s powerful trade unions dragged their feet for over one year without fighting back against Tinubu’s neoliberal reforms. As early as June 2023, the country’s leading trade union federation, the Nigeria Labor Congress, called a general strike against Tinubu’s inauguration day declaration that he would remove a crucial oil subsidy, but the union soon backtracked and called it off.

Therefore, the Gen Z uprising unfolded in a context defined by a deep mistrust of leadership, hence the decentralized nature of these movements and their lack of formal coordinating structures. Instead, local volunteers, often made up of inexperienced but impassioned youth, were the heartbeat of the protests both in Nigeria and Kenya. They played the most important roles at the community levels: determining how daily protests were organized and funds were raised to print leaflets, placards, banners and provide other logistics. They also mobilized legal and medical aid to support protesters when they were arrested or injured.

“No single leader meant no easy target for the state,” Npap added. “That is how we managed to survive amidst the attacks of the police and state-sponsored goonism and terrorism, like what we witnessed recently including weaponization of rape and shoot-to-incapacitate orders.”

Rather than a handicap, the Gen Z protests’ decentralized leadership contributed to the movement’s resilience and its ability to re-emerge on the street in the face of repression. Lacking centralized leadership didn’t mean a lack of coordination. Experienced activists were always available to offer guidance.

The role of civil society organizations and socialist groups in strengthening these uprisings cannot be discounted, even though they are rarely acknowledged in the mainstream media. In Nigeria, young activists from the Democratic Socialist Movement, Youth Rights Campaign, Joint Action Front, the Take it Back movement and several other civic groups played important roles in several cities in providing coordination for the struggle.

In Kenya, several civic groups and activists, including the Kongamano La Mapinduzi and Revolutionary Socialist League, among others, also played important roles. Apart from immersing themselves in organizing tasks, the role of socialists and activists in the movement was, according to Npap, to “provide ideological understanding for the uprising.”

“Political education equips the recipients with the tools to effectively analyze their society and form their own conclusions on what is working and what is not, and who or what is responsible for what is not working” added Mwalimu Mitemi wa Kiama, an activist and member of Kongamano La Mapinduzi. Political education equips Gen Z “with the agency, as active citizens, to try and find solutions as well as plan and execute civic or political actions that will address what they perceive as needs fixing.”

Resilience 

Another significant attribute of the Gen Z uprising is its remarkable resilience. One year after they erupted, these movements remain strong despite the inexperience of the young organizers and scale of state repression they have suffered.

At least 23 protesters were killed during the protest in Kenya last year. Yet this didn’t stop tens of thousands of young Kenyans from re-emerging on the street again this year on the anniversaries of the protests against the 2024 Finance Bill and the Saba Saba pro-democracy protest several decades ago.

“Since colonial times, the Kenyan state has used repression to silence the people quite effectively, but Gen Z is proving to be a different breed,” Kiama said. “The more the state represses them through abductions, extrajudicial murders and brutalization in the streets, the more the movement grows.”

The numbers in the streets on these movement anniversaries, on June 25 and July 7 this year, were unlike any seen in Kenya before, with protests in 27 counties. Thirty-one Kenyans have been shot dead by police over the months of June and July — with hundreds injured by bullets and batons, and hundreds arrested and charged with terrorism — but the people keep coming.

Although the momentum in Nigeria is much slower, the movement has exhibited a remarkable resilience despite the killing of over 20 protesters in what Amnesty International described as “Bloody August.”

“The repression by the security forces has emboldened the movement for more actions,” said Osugba Blessing, a 30-year-old female baker who participated in the protest. “I was part of the protesters harassed and beaten at the Lekki toll gate by the Nigeria police last year, but that has never stopped me from calling out the government for its anti-poor policies.”

Over the past year, the  protests have overcome their spontaneous origin. They have morphed into an organized movement through the creation of WhatsApp groups linking activists and organizers from different communities and regions together. This trend is more pronounced in Nigeria’s economic capital of Lagos where the chapter of the movement continues to hold digital congresses on WhatsApp and Zoom to plan demonstrations, especially to campaign for the release of the over 1,400 protesters incarcerated nationwide in the aftermath of the protests.

This is in addition to the campaign pushing to drop treason charges against Adaramoye Micheal and 10 others. As a result, the movement in Lagos has re-emerged on the streets at least four times since the nationwide protest last year. Every time the 11 activists on trial appeared in court served as opportunities for the movement to take the streets.

This has kept the movement alive and active despite repression. Due to its resilience, the  movement recently secured the support of notable figures in the global labor and socialist movements, like former members of the British parliament, Jeremy Corbyn and Dave Nellist, for the campaign to free the activists on trial.

Taking stock and moving forward

Now more than a year old, the Gen Z movement has served notice to the continent’s ruling classes. “The 2024 protests changed Kenya forever,” Kiama explained. “Kenyans will no longer take it lying down as the political class and the business elite loot the country mercilessly.”

But the Gen Z protests in Nigeria and Kenya have not won any of the far-reaching changes they envisioned. For instance, despite the widespread call for Ruto to quit, he remains firmly in power and even carried out vicious repression against protesters this year. Similarly, in Nigeria, last year’s protests were followed by the intensification of the very same neoliberal reforms the protests were against.

This might give an impression that the protest achieved nothing, but as Npap observed, “Movements don’t always win in one round. This was a rupture. Now the youth are more organized, more radicalized and less trusting of this elite pact. In that sense, it was not a failure, it was a beginning.”

This beginning was recognized by activists during a public symposium organized recently in Lagos to mark the first anniversary of Nigeria’s protests. The symposium recognized that while the protests last year affirmed the rights of the Nigerian people to freedom of assembly, the core demands on the cost-of-living crisis are yet to be won. The meeting, therefore, closed with a renewed resolve by activists to unify and mobilize for a new round of action. They intend to reactivate the demand for a reversal of fuel price hikes, while also taking advantage of the forthcoming 2027 general elections to present a political alternative to bad governance in the country.

“We must not relent. Our goal is a new form of society where life is better for the mass majority of the people,” said Michael Lenin, who is standing trial on charges of treason due his role in the protest last year.

On June 18 last year, 29-year-old Kayole resident, Rex Kanyike Masai, was shot and killed by police, becoming the first victim of the brutal crackdown that has lasted until now. The accurate number of those killed, injured or disappeared during the 2024 anti-finance bill protest remains controversial, as new findings show deliberate coverup by Kenyan police.  

In the meantime, the task of seeking justice for victims has fallen on Npap and a network of activists, even as they frequently have to go underground for fear of their own safety. Nonetheless, they have succeeded in organizing activities — like night vigils, court solidarity, legal support and press briefings — which have succeeded in forcing a court inquest. Justice is still far off, Npap says, but they won’t be discouraged.

“For every comrade silenced, a thousand more will rise,” he added.

 

Source: Jacobin

From the beginning of the Israeli response to Operation al-Aqsa Flood on October 7, 2023, it was clear that the Zionist state had launched a war deadlier and more destructive than all its previous wars. This was the result of the interaction between the most extremist government in the history of that state and the most serious attack launched by an armed Palestinian organization in the history of Palestinian resistance. Unfortunately, what I predicted in my first commentary on the events, just three days after the Hamas-led operation, has come true to the letter:

Operation al-Aqsa Flood has reunited an Israeli society that was suffering from a deep schism and a serious political crisis. It has empowered Benjamin Netanyahu and his colleagues on the far right of the Zionist movement to drag the Zionists of the opposite political side with them in preparation for a war that is increasingly and alarmingly taking on the hallmarks of a genocidal war. This begins with their imposition of a total blockade, including electricity, water, and food, on the entire Gaza Strip and its population of close to two and a half million. It is a flagrant and extremely serious violation of the laws of war, confirming that the Zionists are preparing to commit a crime against humanity of the highest caliber.

Since the establishment of the state of Israel, the Zionist right has dreamed of completing the 1948 Nakba with a new mass expulsion of Palestinians from the lands of Palestine between the river and the sea, including the Gaza Strip. There is no doubt that they now see what happened last Saturday as a shock that will allow them to drag the rest of Zionist society behind them in realizing their dream in the Gaza Strip first, while awaiting the opportunity to implement it in the West Bank.

The seriousness of what befell Israel last Saturday is likely to mitigate the deterrent effect of Hamas’s hostage-taking, unlike what occurred in previous rounds of confrontation between the movement and the Zionist state. It is very likely that this time, the latter will not be satisfied with anything less than the destruction of the Gaza Strip to an extent exceeding anything we have witnessed to date, in order to reoccupy it at the lowest possible human cost to Israel and cause the displacement of most of its population to Egyptian territory, all under the pretext of completely eradicating Hamas from it.

This did not require a unique power of prediction; it was plainly visible to anyone who wanted to see and was not blinded by ideology, emotions, or illusions. Three days later, on October 13, 2023, less than a week after the tragedy began, Raz Segal, a professor of Holocaust and genocide studies at Stockton University in the United States (and an Israeli citizen), published a bombshell article in the progressive American magazine Jewish Currents, commenting on what had started unfolding in Gaza under the title “A Textbook Case of Genocide.” Segal pointed to the stark reality of the proliferation of statements by Israeli officials that indicated an explicit intent for genocide, coupled with the indiscriminate killing of Gazan civilians and calls, as well as measures, aimed at their displacement.

Since the first days of Israel’s war on Gaza, the “war of narratives” has been raging feverishly, parallel to the horrific military onslaught. It took weeks, even months, before the debate shifted from the suitability of comparing Operation al-Aqsa Flood to the pogroms of Jews in European history, all the way to the Nazi Holocaust, to the suitability of applying the concept of “genocide” to what the state of Israel has been doing in the Gaza Strip.

A year after the invasion began, condemnations of what was happening in Gaza as genocide began to multiply, whether issued by law organizations, human rights organizations, or scholarly groups. These include, among others, charges issued by the International Criminal Court and the International Court of Justice, reports issued by Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, the UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in the Palestinian territories occupied since 1967, and more recently, by two Israeli organizations: the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories (known as B’Tselem) and Physicians for Human Rights.

The most recent resounding position in this regard is the resolution issued by the International Association of Genocide Scholars on August 31, which was supported by 86 percent of those who voted among its five hundred members. The recognition that what is happening in Gaza is genocide has become so sweeping that the debate has now shifted, from the accusation that the genocide label is tendentious to the accusation that the rejection of this label itself belongs to the category of genocide denial (which also includes Holocaust denial). This accusation was forcefully made by Daniel Blatman, an Israeli historian specializing in the history of the Holocaust and a professor at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, in a Ha’aretz article on July 31 entitled “The Victim Identity Israel Built Over Generations Now Fuels Its Denial of Genocide in Gaza.”

One of the most deplorable examples of denial is an article published in the Jerusalem Post by Israeli lawyer Nitsana Darshan-Leitner, president of the Israel Law Center (Shurat HaDin), which defends the Zionist state before the International Criminal Court. The article, published on July 28, may have contributed to inciting Blatman to write his own. In it, the lawyer vociferously responds to Omer Bartov, also a professor of Holocaust and genocide studies, teaching at Brown University, who had published a July 15 New York Times article entitled “I’m a Genocide Scholar. I Know It When I See It.”

The deplorable message in Darshan-Leitner’s article reaches its peak when she criticizes Bartov’s description of Israel’s actions as genocide, arguing that it “cheapens” the term and “erases the unique horror” of internationally recognized genocides, among which the author mentions what happened in Bosnia. The fact is that the Bosnian genocide, during the Bosnian War in the first half of the 1990s, killed approximately 30,000 people and displaced approximately one million non-Serbs out of a total of 2.7 million (i.e., 37 percent of the total).

So what about what’s happening in Gaza, where the direct death toll has so far reached approximately 64,000 (not counting the unknown dead under the rubble and indirect deaths, which far outnumber direct ones) and the displacement of approximately two million out of a total 2.2 million population (i.e., more than 90 percent)? How can this horrific outcome “cheapen” the concept of genocide and “erase its unique horror” compared to what happened in Bosnia?

The truth, which is becoming increasingly difficult to deny, is that the ongoing genocide in Gaza, both in terms of its proportion of the total population and in terms of the degree of brutality of the perpetrators, has already gone down in history as one of the most horrific instances of genocide the world has seen since World War II. This genocide is the work of an industrialized state whose technological distinction, backed by the most powerful state on earth, has enabled it to distinguish itself in its barbarism.

Author’s translation from Arabic of his column published in the London-based daily Al-Quds al-Arabi on September 2, 2025.Email

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Gilbert Achcar grew up in Lebanon. He is a Professor of Development Studies and International Relations at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London. His books include The New Cold War: Chronicle of a Confrontation Foretold. Morbid Symptoms: Relapse in the Arab Uprising; The People Want: A Radical Exploration of the Arab Uprising; The Clash of Barbarisms; Perilous Power: The Middle East and U.S. Foreign Policy; and The Arabs and the Holocaust: The Arab-Israeli War of Narratives. He is a member of Anti-Capitalist Resistance.