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Monday, January 12, 2026




WestJet execs tried cramped seats on flight weeks before viral video sparked backlash

ByThe Canadian Press
Published: January 09, 2026 

A WestJet plane waits at a gate at Calgary International Airport in Calgary, Alta., Wednesday, Aug. 31, 2022. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Jeff McIntosh (Jeff McIntosh)

On a calm, cloudy day in Calgary last November, WestJet CEO Alexis von Hoensbroech stepped onto a plane bound for Toronto along with five other executives, the chairman of the board and several union representatives to try out the new, super-tight seating at the back of the cabin.

Sitting in rows 27 and 28 out of 31, the group gathered on the Boeing 737 at the request of unions officials who cited concerns around a new seat configuration that featured less legroom than ever on most economy seats — and went on to draw national attention after a video showcasing the tight fit for passengers went viral.

In a TikTok post by an Alberta woman that has racked up more than 1.1 million views, her parents can be seen squeezing into a row that leaves barely enough room to move their legs.

“Impossible to straighten out my knees to the front,” says her father in the Dec. 27 post.

“I’m going to be sharing my leg space with him,” adds her mother.


The online backlash and union response underscore questions of safety and comfort on WestJet narrow-body planes that can accommodate lower fares and more passengers — 180 — but potentially at the cost of traveller experience.

Fewer than six weeks earlier, the company’s chief executive occupied an identical seat to the TikTok user, and graciously offered to take the middle one, said Alia Hussain, who chairs the flight attendant union’s WestJet contingent.

Most executives who were on board “acknowledged that the seating configuration would present challenges” on longer trips and night flights due to the limited comfort and mobility," the union executive told members in a bulletin on Nov. 26 and obtained by The Canadian Press.

“At the same time, there was sentiment from WestJet leadership that, outside of longer flights, the configuration was generally acceptable.”

WestJet has not responded to questions about the Nov. 17 flight.

The Calgary-based company announced in September it would reconfigure the seating on 43 Boeing 737 jets to install an extra row and divide the cabin into more tiers. So far, 21 planes furnish the compressed configuration.

A dozen of the 22 rows in the planes’ economy class feature 28-inch pitch — the distance between one point on a seat and the same point on the seat in front — versus 29- or 30-inch pitches on most other carriers’ lower-tier seats. They also have what WestJet calls a “fixed recline design,” meaning they cannot be tilted back.

Workers and passengers have pushed back, warning that the cramped cabin curtails safety, particularly in the event of an evacuation, and hurts the customer experience.

“WestJet pilots believe this reconfiguration erodes the guest experience and devalues our brand,” said Jacob Astin, who chairs the WestJet contingent of the Air Line Pilots Association, in an emailed statement.

He noted that Transport Canada had approved the change, but said it nonetheless “reduces the superior safety margins of previous layouts due to increased cramping.”

No other large Canadian airline has 28-inch pitch seats.


WestJet has stressed that the overhauled layout allows for more affordable fares. More spacious rows are also available at a higher price.

“Because safety is so important to us, it’s worth noting as part of the reconfiguration the aircraft underwent an extensive safety and certification process. All modifications were completed in accordance with Transport Canada’s rigorous airworthiness standards and WestJet’s own high internal safety requirements,” said WestJet spokeswoman Julia Kaiser in an email.

“We are closely monitoring guest and employee feedback to assess the product’s performance, comfort and suitability.”

For cabin crew, the more confined environment can make it harder to clean after a flight, carry out emergency procedures such as helping with oxygen masks and have a comfortable commute to or from an upcoming shift, according to the Canadian Union of Public Employees.

The changes, which the union was not consulted on, may also aggravate passengers already frustrated by the flying experience generally, said Hussain.

“We are the face, we’re on the front line of this change where passengers are finding out about it as they board,” she said in a phone interview.

“We don’t need to be in a race to offer the least.”

The narrower rows put some WestJet cabins on a par with budget carriers such as Spirit Airlines, Frontier Airlines and Wizz Air, all of which sport 28-inch seats.

“At what point do we just all stand and hold onto a rubber ring handle?” asked one TikTok commenter.

However, the new configuration also carves out more space for 36 “extended comfort” seats with 34-inch pitch and 12 premium seats with 38-inch pitch, both of which yield bigger profit margins.

In December, WestJet paused a move to install the controversial seats on a big slice of its fleet amid pushback, but also “to support our operations during the peak winter travel season,” said spokeswoman Julia Brunet in mid-December. “We plan to resume reconfiguring our all-economy aircraft in the spring.”

Consumer rights advocates said carriers must ensure that travellers can fit in their seats.

“If the airline is unable to do so, it would be a case of involuntary denial of boarding, and I would encourage passengers to hold WestJet accountable for such incidents as a breach of contract,” claimed Air Passenger Rights president Gabor Lukacs.

“There is also a question of being able to assume ‘brace’ position that is required in the case of an emergency landing,” he added.

“WestJet is testing Canadian passengers how far we can be pushed.”

Marie-Justine Torres, press secretary for Transport Minister Steven MacKinnon, said Transport Canada ensures that cabin reconfigurations comply with safety standards “and will take appropriate action if those standards are not met.”

Comfort, passenger experience and accessibility fall under the purview of the Canadian Transportation Agency, which sets the rules around “accessible and respectful” travel, she said in an email.

“We encourage passengers to raise their concerns with WestJet.”

This report by The Canadian Press was first published Jan. 9, 2026.

Christopher Reynolds, The Canadian Press. With a file from David Baxter in Ottawa

Sunday, January 11, 2026

Canada, Stop Using the US to Launder Complicity With the Gaza Genocide

Canada, despite claiming to have imposed an arms embargo, continues to fuel the violence unabated, its factories producing fighter jet components, explosives, and munitions that move through US channels directly into the assault.


Members of the Palestinian diaspora, supported by the local Muslim community and activists, rally for Gaza on March 10, 2024, in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada.
(Photo by Artur Widak/NurPhoto via Getty Images)
Common Dreams


For decades, Canada has carefully cultivated a global reputation for principle, human rights, and moral clarity. However, that image is now cracking, and cracking fast. For too long, Canada has cloaked its inaction and complicity, rather spectacularly, behind political correctness. But as the global crises grow more brutal—and more visible—it has become harder for Canada to maintain this facade.

Canadians and people around the world are catching on to the gap between what the country claims to stand for and what it actually does. That gap is just impossible to ignore when it comes to the situation in Gaza. Since October 2023, Israel’s military campaign in Gaza has killed over 80,000 Palestinians—and that figure represents only the confirmed deaths, excluding those trapped beneath the rubble. Experts have estimated that nearly 600,000 total Palestinians have lost their lives, including thousands of children, and nearly 2 million more have been displaced, an overwhelming portion of the strip’s population.



With Global Attention on Venezuela, Israel Intensifies Assault on Gaza, Lebanon




United Nations experts and international human rights organizations have increasingly raised alarms, calling this horrific massacre what it is: a genocide. Gaza now lies beneath 68 million tons of rubble, roughly the weight of 186 Empire State Buildings—enough debris to spread 215 pounds over every square inch of Manhattan. Meanwhile, the United States continues to ship to Israel, and Canada, despite claiming to have imposed an arms embargo, continues to fuel the violence unabated, its factories producing fighter jet components, explosives, and munitions that move through US channels directly into the assault.

The latest Arms Embargo Now report documents hundreds of shipments of Canadian-made fighter jet components, explosives, and propellants flowing through US facilities to Israel. Shipping data, contract records, ports of exit, and delivery timelines confirm that Canadian military goods are directly sustaining Israel’s assault on Gaza. Between late 2023 and mid-2025, over 360 shipments of Canadian aircraft parts reached Lockheed Martin’s F-35 assembly plant in Fort Worth, Texas. Analysis of commercially available shipping data revealed that at least 34 shipments were forwarded from US facilities directly to Israeli military bases and defense firms. Canadian explosives and propellants, including the M31A2 triple-base propellant and TNT, transshipped through the Port of Saguenay, Quebec, were routed through US munitions plants to produce bombs and artillery shells used in Gaza.

Why is Canada so determined to continue funneling weapons parts and ammunition to the US, unquestioningly, even as it allows itself to be used as an accessory to Israel’s genocide and deepens dependence on a country that has openly entertained annexing Canada?

The report further shows that many of these controlled military components were transported from Canada to the United States as cargo on commercial passenger flights, departing from major airports such as Toronto Pearson and Montréal-Trudeau. These components support both new aircraft production and ongoing maintenance, keeping Israeli F-35s operational during the Gaza assault, while the use of civilian airlines blurs the line between ordinary passenger travel and an active military supply chain. Every shipment appears to flow through a calculated, politically engineered pipeline fueling war.

This evidence exposes a stark truth: Public assurances by Canadian officials are incompatible with reality. Former Foreign Affairs Minister Mélanie Joly promised that Canada would not allow “any form of arms or parts of arms” to reach Gaza, directly or indirectly. Her successor, Anita Anand, repeated similar commitments. Yet the shipments continue. Canada has not stopped sending arms; it has simply outsourced accountability.

The government’s defense relies on the so-called US Loophole: Military exports to the United States are exempt from Canada’s permit requirements and human rights assessments. Once in US hands, Canada claims no responsibility for where the arms go next. However, international law does not vanish because weapons cross a border. The Arms Trade Treaty prohibits authorizing transfers when there is a substantial risk of facilitating serious violations of humanitarian law. Knowledge, foreseeability, and contribution still matter.

The pattern of misrepresentation is clear. From December 2023 to January 2024, officials, including former Prime Minister Justin Trudeau and GAC Assistant Deputy Minister Alexandre Lévêque, claimed no arms exports or permits had been issued to Israel, a statement contradicted by nearly $30 million in new export permits. Early 2024 saw a pivot to “non-lethal” exports, with night-vision goggles and protective gear cited to obscure lethal shipments of bomb accessories and explosives. Parliamentary motions and public statements claiming a halt to arms exports were largely symbolic, leaving the vast majority of existing permits intact.

By 2024-2025, claims that exports were restricted to “defensive” uses, such as the Iron Dome, or would not reach Gaza, were impossible to verify and did not prevent Canadian-made components from being incorporated into Israeli munitions. The government’s narrative meandered endlessly, offering Kafkaesque explanations that dissolved accountability into legalistic semantics.

If Canada were truly innocent, it would have promptly and publicly refuted the findings of the Arms Embargo Now report. Instead, it has responded with silence. Even after Member of Parliament Jenny Kwan introduced Bill C-233 in September 2025 to close the US loophole and impose meaningful parliamentary oversight on arms exports, the bill has been left to languish untouched. This legislation offers a straightforward safeguard to prevent Canadian weapons and components from being routed through the United States to fuel conflicts abroad, yet the government refuses to move.

If this were merely bureaucratic oversight, and if sending arms indirectly to Israel were not the objective, why has there been no momentum on a measure so clearly aligned with transparency and human rights? Why is Canada so determined to continue funneling weapons parts and ammunition to the US, unquestioningly, even as it allows itself to be used as an accessory to Israel’s genocide and deepens dependence on a country that has openly entertained annexing Canada? And why do weapon components and ammunition continue to flow even as Canadian representatives and humanitarian delegates are barred from entering the occupied West Bank, prevented from witnessing conditions on the ground themselves?

At this point, one can only wonder how much longer Canada’s moral facade can plausibly endure. As Aldous Huxley once observed, “The greatest triumphs of propaganda have been accomplished, not by doing something, but by refraining from doing.” This appears to be the goal here. The government has offered no coherent defense, only theatrical explanations in which responsibility dissolves into process and legality is reduced to paperwork. There is no counterstrategy, no rebuttal, and no attempt at persuasion. There is only silence, complexity, and delay.

Perhaps the unspoken calculation is that this response will be enough. After all, when public schools report alarming declines in reading and comprehension skills, critical engagement becomes harder to sustain. If citizens struggle to parse policy documents or follow supply-chain evidence, denial need not be convincing; it merely needs to be exhausting. In such an environment, ignorance becomes not a failure of governance, but a quiet line of defense.

In light of all this, recognition of the State of Palestine now reads like a scripted apology: Yes, we see your suffering, we hear your cries, but don’t worry, we’ll keep arming your oppressor through the US. Meanwhile, Canadian factories quietly churn out fighter jet parts, explosives, and munitions that fuel Israel’s assault on Gaza. As Joseph Heller observed in Catch-22, “The enemy is anybody who’s going to get you killed, no matter which side he’s on.” It is a brutal reminder that, regardless of what the government says, Canada’s military industry has reduced Palestinian lives in Gaza to expendable instruments, sacrificed to preserve contracts, alliances, and profit. Words without action are meaningless; they are a costume of virtue, while the violence continues unabated.

Canada’s reputation cannot survive on statements alone. It rests on the belief that credible evidence of mass harm would prompt action. That belief no longer holds. The facts are documented. The loopholes are exposed. The silence is deliberate.

History will not remember Canada for its statements or parliamentary motions. It will remember the arms it allowed to flow, the civilians killed with its components, and the moral compromise it has embraced. Canada’s rhetoric of principle is a veneer, one that is cracking as a majority of Canadians now demand recognition of Israel’s genocide in Gaza. Behind this veneer lies complicity, deliberate and undeniable.


Our work is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 3.0). Feel free to republish and share widely.


Anne Kamath
Anne Kamath is an activist from Windsor, Ontario whose work began over 20 years ago in opposition to the Iraq and Afghanistan wars. Currently, she serves as one of the organizers of CODEPINK Ontario, where a central focus of her advocacy is supporting the Land Back movement and Indigenous sovereignty. Her two decades of organizing reflect a sustained commitment to peace, justice, and decolonization.
Full Bio >

Umer Azad
Umer Azad is a software engineer by profession and a volunteer with CODEPINK and the Palestinian Youth Movement (PYM). He previously served as the regional social media expert for Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), where he worked on digital outreach, exposing voter fraud, and documenting human rights violations.
Full Bio >

Saturday, January 10, 2026

ICYMI

Environment: Up to 4,700 tonnes of litter flows down the Rhine each year




Springer Nature





The river Rhine is estimated to carry between 3,000 and 4,700 tonnes of macrolitter — pieces of litter larger than 25 millimetres in size — towards the North Sea every year, according to research published in Communications Sustainability. The upper estimate, extrapolated from the results of 12 months of continuous monitoring in collaboration with citizen scientists in Cologne, is more than 250 times higher than some previous estimates, and suggests that long-term physical litter collection is a crucial monitoring method for estimating how much litter rivers transport.

Manmade litter negatively affects the environment, human health, and crucial infrastructure such as drainage systems. Rivers play a key role in transporting litter into other aquatic and marine environments, but there has so far been little long-term observation of the quantity of litter transported by rivers.

Leandra Hamann and colleagues used a floating litter trap anchored in Cologne to monitor the litter carried by the Rhine between 19 November 2022 and 18 November 2023. The trap captured litter floating on the surface and submerged up to 80 centimetres below it, and each day filtered approximately 0.08% of the mean daily river flow. Any captured litter larger than 1 centimetre in size was collected, weighed, and categorised.

Over the year, the trap captured 17,523 pieces of litter with an estimated total mass of around 1,955 kg (excluding water weight). Around 70% of the individual pieces were made of plastic, but these pieces accounted for only around 15% of the overall mass of litter. The authors identified 56% of the items captured as originating from private consumers, with around 28% of items being food or drink related. Other major sources of litter included fireworks (10.7% of all items) and cigarette-related waste (6.5%).

The authors then extrapolated their results to estimate that annually, the Rhine carries between 3,010 and 4,707 tonnes of litter to the North Sea each year, of which between 446 and 697 tonnes is plastic. These estimates for plastic are between 22 and 286 times more than previous estimates based on single-day litter observations. The authors say that their results show that realistic estimates of river litter are best made with long-term continuous monitoring methods which physically collect the litter.

In a separate Comment piece, Dilek Fraisl and colleagues argue that citizen science projects worldwide could help gather large quantities of the data used by the UN to monitor the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The termination of the Demographic and Health Surveys formerly backed by the United States Agency for International Development has left a major shortfall in this data, but the authors argue that as many as 60% of the SDG indicators reliant on household survey data could be supported by citizen science. They say that, “especially in turbulent times”, official statistics should rely on citizen science as well as government-run surveys and monitoring, and that as such we need to invest more in citizen science.

Litter in the Rhine river: Some 53,000 items of litter flow past Cologne daily


A citizens science project led by the University of Bonn, conducted in partnership with an environmental non-profit organization, has calculated a greater-than-expected volume of litter in the Rhine.



University of Bonn

RheinKrake 

image: 

The amount of litter floating in the Rhine is up to 200 times greater than previously believed. This finding was made by University of Bonn researchers in collaboration with litter clean-up organization K.R.A.K.E. e. V.

view more 

Credit: Image: Volker Lannert/University of Bonn




The amount of litter floating in the Rhine is many times larger than previously believed. Researchers from the University of Bonn, the University of Tübingen and the Federal Institute of Hydrology (BfG) partnered with the Cologne-based non-profit pollution-fighting organization K.R.A.K.E. to collect and classify macro litter in a floating litter trap—the only one of its kind in Germany—over a period of 16 months. Extrapolation models based on the observed volume indicate that roughly 53,000 items of macro waste debris float past Cologne on the Rhine river every day. Disposable plastic products make up a large proportion of the litter found in the Rhine. The findings have now been published in the scientific journal “Communications Sustainability.”

It is impossible to quantify exactly how many tonnes of anthropogenic litter are in our oceans, but estimates suggest it is several millions. And more litter is added every year. A large part of this volume flows into the oceans via rivers. “The estimate of these large scale assessments are very difficult to do and we need reliable field data,” says Dr. Leandra Hamann from the Institute for Organismic Biology at the University of Bonn, who has since moved to the University of Alberta in Edmonton, Canada. “In previous studies, visual macro litter observation was a common method to get a reliable ballpark estimate of the actual litter volume, but this has only been done occasionally in the Rhine. In the past, this has mainly involved watching the litter floating past from a bridge. In this case you can easily imagine that some debris will go unnoticed and some things are floating deeper down. Now, we are using a more reliable, continuous and long-term monitoring process.”

Some 20,000 bits of waste collected in 16 months

Partnering with Katharina Höreth of the University of Bonn Department of Geography, Nina Gnann of the Department of Geosciences at the University of Tübingen and the Cologne-based non-profit organization K.R.A.K.E. e. V., Dr. Hamann supervised the citizen science part of the litter trap project in which the researchers and volunteers from the organization systematically collected and classified macro litter floating in the Rhine over a 16-month period. This was done using the “RheinKrake”—a floating litter trap installed in 2022 near the Zoobrücke bridge in Cologne. Spanning three meters of the river, the litter trap captures individual items of debris and garbage which are larger than one centimeter, down to a depth of 80 centimeters. RheinKrake initiator Nico Schweigert discussed the project background: “The idea behind the RheinKrake was to reduce the amount of litter that ends up in the Wadden Sea nature reserve and other places, while raising awareness among the responsible authorities. So we contacted the University of Bonn right at the start about gathering scientific data on the swimming litter being carried along.” A long measurement period was a highly important project feature, as well as measurements being taken day and night.

Relying on a host of volunteers, between September 2022 and January 2024 20,339 macro waste items were collected and classified in accordance with international standards, falling into 183 litter categories within nine material types. Extrapolated to the total volume, this amounts to approximately 53,000 pieces of litter passing through Cologne per day in the linear scenario. This corresponds to a total weight of 2,169 tons per year. Weighted scenarios reach values of up to 3,391.8 tons of waste per year in the Rhine in Cologne. “Extrapolated to the entire Rhine, this is 22 to 286 times higher than previous estimates from other studies,” says Hamann.

“Plastic accounts for 70% of macro litter items, but less then 15% by weight—the weight difference being attributable to textiles, glass, ceramics and other man-made materials polluting our waters.” Analysis reveals that consumer items are the main source of macro litter, comprising over 50 percent of the total. Such items include wooden sticks used in fireworks, glass bottles and plastic caps from beverage bottles. The team often finds fragmented items, for example made of foamed or unfoamed plastic, where it is no longer possible to tell what it originally was without closer study.

Study leads to action recommendations

The researchers have derived a number of action recommendations based on the obtained data. “Disposable products account for 40% of the collected litter—more than half of which is plastic,” relates Katharina Höreth, “but reusable products made up less than 8%; the rest was not clearly identifiable.” Making bottles and packaging part of the deposit scheme could reduce the amount of litter in rivers on a sustained basis.

Another thing revealed by the RheinKrake project is that macro litter volume varies greatly at different times in the year, ranging from around 70 to over 2,700 litter items per trap emptying. “On New Year’s Day, for example, the Rhine carries away remains of fireworks,” says Nina Gnann, “and we have also observed garbage left behind on the banks of the Rhine being washed into the river when water levels rise.” This could be avoided to a significant extent, the researchers have pointed out, by targeted cleanup campaigns and making sure that trash bins are emptied before the water level rise.

Institutions involved and funding secured:

The University of Bonn, the University of Tübingen, K.R.A.K.E. (“Kölner Rhein-Aufräum-Kommando-Einheit,” or “Cologne Rhine Cleanup Command Unit”) and the Federal Institute of Hydrology were involved in the project. The volunteering organization K.R.A.K.E. provided resources. The boat used by K.R.A.K.E. to transport people and waste from the shore to the waste collector was provided by Rheinau Marina in Cologne. Aside from this assistance, K.R.A.K.E. operates on a self-funded basis through donations.

Friday, January 09, 2026

Litter In The Rhine River: Some 53,000 Items Of Litter Flow Past Cologne Daily

The amount of litter floating in the Rhine is up to 200 times greater than previously believed. This finding was made by University of Bonn researchers in collaboration with litter clean-up organization K.R.A.K.E. e. V. CREDIT: Volker Lannert/University of Bonn



January 9, 2026
By Eurasia Review

The amount of litter floating in the Rhine is many times larger than previously believed. Researchers from the University of Bonn, the University of Tübingen and the Federal Institute of Hydrology (BfG) partnered with the Cologne-based non-profit pollution-fighting organization K.R.A.K.E. to collect and classify macro litter in a floating litter trap—the only one of its kind in Germany—over a period of 16 months. Extrapolation models based on the observed volume indicate that roughly 53,000 items of macro waste debris float past Cologne on the Rhine river every day. Disposable plastic products make up a large proportion of the litter found in the Rhine. The findings have now been published in the scientific journal “Communications Sustainability.”

It is impossible to quantify exactly how many tonnes of anthropogenic litter are in our oceans, but estimates suggest it is several millions. And more litter is added every year. A large part of this volume flows into the oceans via rivers. “The estimate of these large scale assessments are very difficult to do and we need reliable field data,” says Dr. Leandra Hamann from the Institute for Organismic Biology at the University of Bonn, who has since moved to the University of Alberta in Edmonton, Canada. “In previous studies, visual macro litter observation was a common method to get a reliable ballpark estimate of the actual litter volume, but this has only been done occasionally in the Rhine. In the past, this has mainly involved watching the litter floating past from a bridge. In this case you can easily imagine that some debris will go unnoticed and some things are floating deeper down. Now, we are using a more reliable, continuous and long-term monitoring process.”
Some 20,000 bits of waste collected in 16 months

Partnering with Katharina Höreth of the University of Bonn Department of Geography, Nina Gnann of the Department of Geosciences at the University of Tübingen and the Cologne-based non-profit organization K.R.A.K.E. e. V., Dr. Hamann supervised the citizen science part of the litter trap project in which the researchers and volunteers from the organization systematically collected and classified macro litter floating in the Rhine over a 16-month period. This was done using the “RheinKrake”—a floating litter trap installed in 2022 near the Zoobrücke bridge in Cologne. Spanning three meters of the river, the litter trap captures individual items of debris and garbage which are larger than one centimeter, down to a depth of 80 centimeters. RheinKrake initiator Nico Schweigert discussed the project background: “The idea behind the RheinKrake was to reduce the amount of litter that ends up in the Wadden Sea nature reserve and other places, while raising awareness among the responsible authorities. So we contacted the University of Bonn right at the start about gathering scientific data on the swimming litter being carried along.” A long measurement period was a highly important project feature, as well as measurements being taken day and night.

Relying on a host of volunteers, between September 2022 and January 2024 20,339 macro waste items were collected and classified in accordance with international standards, falling into 183 litter categories within nine material types. Extrapolated to the total volume, this amounts to approximately 53,000 pieces of litter passing through Cologne per day in the linear scenario. This corresponds to a total weight of 2,169 tons per year. Weighted scenarios reach values of up to 3,391.8 tons of waste per year in the Rhine in Cologne. “Extrapolated to the entire Rhine, this is 22 to 286 times higher than previous estimates from other studies,” says Hamann.

“Plastic accounts for 70% of macro litter items, but less then 15% by weight—the weight difference being attributable to textiles, glass, ceramics and other man-made materials polluting our waters.” Analysis reveals that consumer items are the main source of macro litter, comprising over 50 percent of the total. Such items include wooden sticks used in fireworks, glass bottles and plastic caps from beverage bottles. The team often finds fragmented items, for example made of foamed or unfoamed plastic, where it is no longer possible to tell what it originally was without closer study.


Study leads to action recommendations

The researchers have derived a number of action recommendations based on the obtained data. “Disposable products account for 40% of the collected litter—more than half of which is plastic,” relates Katharina Höreth, “but reusable products made up less than 8%; the rest was not clearly identifiable.” Making bottles and packaging part of the deposit scheme could reduce the amount of litter in rivers on a sustained basis.

Another thing revealed by the RheinKrake project is that macro litter volume varies greatly at different times in the year, ranging from around 70 to over 2,700 litter items per trap emptying. “On New Year’s Day, for example, the Rhine carries away remains of fireworks,” says Nina Gnann, “and we have also observed garbage left behind on the banks of the Rhine being washed into the river when water levels rise.” This could be avoided to a significant extent, the researchers have pointed out, by targeted cleanup campaigns and making sure that trash bins are emptied before the water level rise.

Wednesday, January 07, 2026

BC Premier Eby says Canada should build refineries, not pipelines, after Venezuela attack
January 06, 2026

B.C. Premier David Eby, speaks during an announcement for new funding to support victims of crime, in Surrey, B.C. on Friday, Nov. 28, 2025. 
THE CANADIAN PRESS/Ethan Cairns (ETHAN CAIRNS)

British Columbia Premier David Eby says Canada should prioritize building more oil refinery capacity over new export pipelines amid the threat that Venezuelan oil could begin to displace Canadian crude in U.S. refineries.

The premier was responding to recent calls from the Alberta government to expedite new pipeline infrastructure from the oilsands to the B.C. coast, following the American capture of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and the Trump administration’s stated plans to take control of that country’s vast oil resources.

“I, like many Canadians, am glad to see the back of Mr. Maduro,” Eby told reporters Tuesday, referring to the ousted Venezuelan leader as a “terrible man” and a “tyrannical dictator.”

But the economic risk that is posed by a potential glut of Venezuelan crude displacing Canadian heavy oil at U.S. Gulf Coast refineries would be better mitigated by refining more oil domestically, Eby said.

“If we’ve got tens of billions of dollars to spend, I think we should spend it on a refinery, and we should develop oil products for Canadians and for export, instead of being reliant on American and Chinese refineries to do it for us,” the premier said ahead of his departure on a planned trade mission to India later this week.


“We’ve got to stand on our own feet here, and building that capacity and jobs in our country is something we should be talking about as opposed to shipping raw resources out as quickly as possible,” he added.

The premier reiterated his opposition to building new oil pipelines through northern B.C., and said the existing Trans Mountain pipeline to Burnaby is not at full capacity and could be expanded further within its existing right of way.

“If we’re going to do public investment into our resources here in Canada, I think it might be time to pivot that discussion to a refinery,” he said. “We still buy oil products from the United States.”

More than 90 per cent of Canada’s oilsands exports are currently shipped to the U.S. for refining, according to data from the Canada Energy Regulator.

Venezuela boasts the world’s largest proven reserves of crude oil, primarily in the same form of bituminous heavy oil that is produced in Alberta.

Shares in many of Canada’s largest oilsands companies have been trading at a discount following the ouster of Maduro and Washington’s assertion of control over Venezuela’s energy industry.

Oil production in Venezuela peaked in the 1990s but struggled in the years since under international sanctions. A resurgence of Venezuelan crude production under American control would likely further discount Canadian oil prices in a U.S.-dominated market.

“I don’t understand why, if we’re talking about massive public investment into supporting Albertans in this fragile global time, we can’t talk about supporting all Canadians with oil and gas products that are made right here at home while we transition,” Eby said.

He added the B.C. government remains focused on diversifying markets for a variety of Canadian products away from the U.S. in light of Trump’s attacks on Canadian sovereignty through threats of annexation and tariffs.

The premier also condemned the U.S. military’s unilateral actions against Venezuela as “deeply unsettling,” and said the focus of his trip to India will be on making B.C. “more independent than ever from the United States.”

Eby will be joined on the trade mission by Ravi Kahlon, the province’s minister of jobs and economic development.


Todd Coyne

CTVNewsVancouver.ca Journalist

 

Trump’s Venezuela Oil Dream Meets a $100 Billion Reality Check

  • The U.S.-led removal of Nicolás Maduro opens the door to a new, U.S.-aligned leadership in Caracas.

  • Restoring production to historic levels would require around $100 billion over a decade.

  • While Washington is urging U.S. firms to re-enter Venezuela and heavy crude is in strong demand, companies remain wary.

The shock-and-awe capture of Nicolas Maduro by the United States, which was the culmination of the U.S. pressure on Venezuela in recent months, ended a tumultuous chapter in the history of the South American nation sitting on 17% of the world’s proven oil reserves.

Maduro’s arrest and the installation of a U.S.-compliant leadership in Caracas open another chapter in Venezuela’s history, which could be equally tumultuous and, in these early days, face uncertainties and operational challenges.

U.S. President Donald Trump wants the big U.S. oil firms to return to Venezuela and invest in rebuilding the oil infrastructure in the country holding the world’s biggest proven oil reserves, estimated at about 303 billion barrels.

Venezuela, a founding member of OPEC, has more oil reserves than each of its fellow OPEC members and top exporters in the Gulf, including Saudi Arabia, Iraq, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), and Iran.

With Maduro out, U.S. oil giants are set to invest billions of U.S. dollars to fix the oil infrastructure and start making money for Venezuela, according to President Trump.

“We’re going to have our very large U.S. oil companies, the biggest anywhere in the world, go in, spend billions of dollars, fix the badly broken infrastructure, oil infrastructure, and start making money for the country,” President Trump said on Saturday, shortly after the Venezuelan leader was captured and flown to the U.S. to face drug cartel-related charges in New York.

Related: The Oil Ultimatum That Led to Maduro’s Capture

The U.S. President’s vision sounds like a great opportunity for the U.S. supermajors, of which only Chevron is currently authorized to operate in Venezuela and export the crude to the United States.

In reality, the mission to fix Venezuela’s dilapidated oil infrastructure after decades of mismanagement and corruption would be a real challenge, the political and security situation on the ground permitting.

Analysts have started to quantify how much money it would take to resurrect Venezuela’s industry. It’s quite a lot, and will take at least a decade, even if U.S. oil firms were to flock to the opportunity, they say.

Returning Venezuela’s oil production to the 1970s peak of 3.5 million barrels per day (bpd), more than triple the current output of about 1 million bpd, would need $10 billion in annual investment from U.S. oil majors over the next decade, Francisco Monaldi, director of Latin American energy policy at Rice University’s Baker Institute for Public Policy, told Bloomberg.

That’s $100 billion in total over a decade.

Chevron, the other U.S. supermajor, ExxonMobil, and the largest independent, ConocoPhillips, are all being mentioned as the firms that could drive a U.S.-led recovery of Venezuela’s oil industry.

When late Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez nationalized the country’s oil production in 2007, he forced Exxon and ConocoPhillips out. Exxon was entangled in an arbitration to recover its investments, while ConocoPhillips is still owed about $10 billion, which it seeks to recoup from the assets that Chavez ordered seized.

“ConocoPhillips is monitoring developments in Venezuela and their potential implications for global energy supply and stability. It would be premature to speculate on any future business activities or investments,” a company spokesperson told Reuters.

U.S. firms are in no rush to return to Venezuela. Two days after Maduro was captured, it’s not certain whether there would be a profound change in the way Venezuela and its oil industry are being run.

“I haven’t spoken to U.S. oil companies in the last few days, but we’re pretty certain that there will be dramatic interest from Western companies,” U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio told ABC in an interview on Sunday.

“Non-Russian, non-Chinese companies will be very interested,” Rubio added.

“Our refineries in the Gulf Coast of the United States are the best in terms of refining this heavy crude, and there’s actually been a shortage of heavy crude around the world, so I think there would be tremendous demand and interest from private industry if given the space to do it, if given the opportunity to do it.”

By Tsvetana Paraskova for Oilprice.com



Trump and Pump: Another Oil Quagmire


 January 7, 2026

Photo by Joe Mabel – CC BY-SA 4.0

Kleptocracy, crony capitalism, imperialism, colonialism, carbon politics or Kissinger-style politics. Call it what you wish. But the Trump semi coup in Venezuela is another example of the retro politics of the Trump administration, and it is destined to pull the US into yet another quagmire, reminiscent of Iraq, Afghanistan and perhaps even Vietnam.

There is an adage that states always prepared to fight the last war.  Trump’s incoherent views of the US were always backward looking, thus to make America great again has always been retro, looking at the US through Halcyon, rose colored glasses, seeing a time when the US dominated the world.

Yet as Karl Marx once observed in The Eighteenth Brumaire, the first time history repeats itself it is a tragedy, the second time it is a farce. What is unfolding in Venezuela fits neatly into that second category. It is not merely repetition, but repetition stripped of strategic seriousness. What remains is spectacle masquerading as statecraft.

From the beginning, it has been obvious that Venezuela was never about drugs. The Trump administration’s 2025 National Security Strategy made that clear. Rather than focusing on narcotics, governance, or humanitarian concerns, it resurrected an explicitly imperial vision of hemispheric dominance. Venezuela was framed as a problem of control, not law enforcement.

That document called for an update to the Monroe Doctrine, which some critics quickly dubbed the “Donroe Doctrine.” The premise was blunt: the United States should dominate the Western Hemisphere. Europe would be left to Europe, Asia to Asia, and Africa barely merited mention. This was not realism so much as nostalgia dressed up as strategy.

Yet the 2025 National Security Strategy was hardly a strategy at all. It read like a campaign speech extended into foreign policy form. It offered slogans, not plans, and branding rather than analysis. Venezuela appeared less as a case study than as a marketing opportunity.

The document foreshadowed what soon became clear: Venezuela was never about drugs, but about domination. That domination draws on an older historical memory, one rooted in the early twentieth century. During that period, the United States treated much of South America as an economic extension of its own industrial needs. Venezuela’s oil was extracted, exported, and monetized with little regard for Venezuelan sovereignty.

The semi-coup Trump orchestrated is an attempt to recapture that lost era. It is a bid to reclaim oil that the United States once took openly and unapologetically. The logic is strikingly familiar. As was once said during debates over the Panama Canal, what was stolen “fair and square” should be kept. That same logic now underwrites U.S. policy toward Venezuela.

Trump’s decision to charge Nicolás Maduro with drug crimes is similarly retro. It echoes the Bush administration’s justification for arresting Manuel Noriega decades earlier. In both cases, criminal charges substituted for political legitimacy. Law enforcement became a fig leaf for regime change.

This backward-looking politics is also about reviving carbon politics at a time when it is rapidly losing relevance. Daniel Yergin’s trilogy—The PrizeThe Quest, and The New Map—documents how the twentieth century revolved around oil and energy dominance. But the economic logic that once favored fossil fuels is eroding. Renewable energy is no longer speculative; it is increasingly cheaper, faster, and more scalable.

China understands this shift and is acting accordingly. It is investing heavily in solar, wind, batteries, and electric infrastructure. The United States, by contrast, under Trump sought to double down on oil and gas. Venezuela thus becomes a symbolic battleground between past and future energy regimes.

Even by the standards of regime change, this effort is oddly incomplete. Henry Kissinger, for all his moral failures, at least understood how to execute a coup decisively. Chile under Allende stands as grim evidence of that competence. What Trump has engineered instead is a semi-coup, lacking both legitimacy and control.

Trump has declared that the United States will run Venezuela, but not necessarily directly. Instead, it will rely on sanctions, embargoes, financial pressure, and the seizure of oil revenues. The opposition has not been empowered but marginalized. Maduro’s vice president remains in charge, and there is little evidence that the military has defected.

The result is a dangerous stalemate. It creates the conditions for civil conflict rather than political transition. As instability grows, U.S. involvement will deepen by necessity rather than design. Oil infrastructure will need protection, and protection will require troops.

When that moment comes, the justification will change. It will be framed as security, stability, or humanitarian necessity. But the underlying motive will remain the same. Control of resources will once again be dressed up as national interest.

The final stage of this episode will likely involve personal enrichment. Trump has consistently blurred the line between public power and private gain. Venezuela offers another opportunity for branding and profit. This would mirror how earlier American elites, including the Rockefellers, benefited from Venezuelan oil a century ago.

Welcome to Trump-and-Pump America. The more we pump, the more we are told we grow. It is an old story with a new logo. And like so many times before, it is likely to end badly.

David Schultz is a professor of political science at Hamline University. He is the author of Presidential Swing States:  Why Only Ten Matter.


Chevron Keeps Venezuelan Oil Flowing as Asia Shipments Stall

Venezuela’s beleaguered oil export system is narrowing rapidly around Chevron as shipments to its largest traditional customer in China remain stalled amid an intensified U.S. oil embargo and mounting geopolitical upheaval.

Shipping data as of January 6 shows crude loading for Chinese buyers at Venezuelan ports has been on hold for the fifth straight day—but Chevron’s vessels continue to load and export crude to the United States. PDVSA’s attempts to serve its Asia contracts have been disrupted by the U.S. naval blockade imposed late last year under President Donald Trump’s administration to choke off revenue that financed the Maduro government. Without outbound cargoes, inland and floating storage are nearing capacity, forcing PDVSA to consider deeper production cuts.

Chevron is the only U.S. oil major still operating in Venezuela under a Washington licence that exempts it from broad sanctions on the country’s energy sector. The company resumed exports to U.S. Gulf Coast refineries after a brief four-day pause and has recalled offshore workers after flights resumed. But crude oil bound for Asian refineries has sat idle since January 1, leaving tankers anchored and Venezuelan output under strain.

The backdrop to these trade flows is the high-profile US forces operation over the weekend that captured Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and transported him to New York on drug-related charges, a move President Trump has publicly tied to securing access to Venezuela’s vast oil reserves. Trump has said the United States will seek to boost Venezuelan oil output and could even subsidize U.S. companies to rebuild the country’s dilapidated energy infrastructure, projecting that expanded production will ultimately lower domestic fuel costs.

For now, at least, Chevron stands alone as Venezuela’s main oil export channel while the rest of the country’s crude trade buckles under political and logistical gridlock. The ability of the U.S. and private oil firms to upscale production amid the turmoil remains uncertain, and PDVSA’s operational capacity is under acute stress.

By Julianne Geiger for Oilprice.com


Only 10% of Canadian oil likely to be replaced by Venezuela in short term, says analyst



By Anam Khan
Published: January 07, 2026 


Canadian oil markets do not have to worry about Venezuelan oil substituting Canadian oil at U.S. refineries — at least for now, according to one economic analyst.

Only 10 per cent of Canadian oil could be replaced by Venezuela in the short term, Charles St-Arnaud, chief economist at Service Credit Union and former Bank of Canada economist, told BNN Bloomberg.

His analysis comes amid fears that Venezuelan crude could eventually compete with and displace Canadian barrels in key U.S. refining markets after U.S. President Donald Trump announced plans to operate and revitalize Venezuela’s oil industry following Maduro’s ouster.

St-Arnaud explained that while more than 90 per cent of Canadian oil goes to the U.S., the risk of being replaced by Venezuelan oil depends on which U.S. regions the oil goes to.

He said that 70 per cent of Canadian oil is exported to the refineries in the U.S. Midwest, 10 per cent is exported to the Gulf Coast and another 10 per cent goes to the West Coast.


“The only place where Canadian oil could be displaced is really at the Gulf Coast, where the U.S. could import oil directly from Venezuela to use in those refineries,” said St-Arnaud.Canadian oil stocks slip is a ‘massive overreaction’ to Venezuela: Eric Nuttall

He explains that oil arriving at the Gulf Coast cannot travel north toward the Midwest refineries because the pipeline system is designed to bring Canadian oil from the Midwest to the Gulf Coast.

On the other hand, the refineries on the West Coast have direct access to Canadian exports because they are fed through a branch in the Trans Mountain system.

“So it will be very hard for venues or Venezuelan oil to actually reach that region,” said St-Arnaud.
Venezuela would have to drastically ramp up production

Currently, Venezuela produces about one million barrels of oil per day, while Canada produces approximately five million.

To displace more Canadian oil, Venezuela would need to significantly ramp up production, according to St-Arnaud. He also questions whether there is an incentive to transport that oil to the Midwest.

“Is the pricing good? Is the investment in the pipeline infrastructure favourable enough to actually justify that investment?” he asks.

“That’s why, in the short term, it is very difficult for Venezuelan oil to displace Canadian oil. In the long term, if the economic incentives are there, it remains a possibility.”

A 10 per cent loss of oil exports would represent an approximate $13 billion loss for Canada. While manageable at a national level, it would result in a three per cent hit to Alberta’s GDP. Furthermore, competition between Canadian and Venezuelan oil would likely lead to price discounts on Canadian crude.


“That will have more impact on the economy, but also a lot of impact on the fiscal situation here in Alberta,” St-Arnaud added.
How much Venezuelan production can be expected in the short term?

Venezuelan oil output will begin increasing in the fourth quarter of this year, according to a forecast by Eric Lee, energy strategist at Citigroup.

He said if sanctions and blockades are lifted, he expects an additional production of half a million barrels per day.

“You might need on the order of US$100 billion of more sustained investment up to a decade before you could see Venezuela getting back to historic highs,” Lee told BNN Bloomberg.

“It was once at three to 3.5 million barrels…that would be a longer road, in our view.”
Oil as a leverage in Canada’s trade agreement

In the upcoming trade agreement, if the U.S. suggests it doesn’t need Canada’s oil because it has access to Venezuelan oil reserves, the Canadian government can call its bluff.

According to St-Arnaud, the Canadian government can challenge this claim because the U.S. would require immense investment to increase production enough to displace Canadian oil.

“So that’s not a guarantee yet,” said St-Arnaud, adding that increased production in Venezuela would also contribute to the current global oil oversupply.

“With those low oil prices, will the financial incentive of producing more and committing more long-term investment money actually make sense for the big American companies?”

Anam Khan

Journalist, BNNBloomberg.ca


Trump says U.S. to get 30 million to 50 million barrels of oil from Venezuela at market price


ByThe Associated Press
 January 06, 2026 



U.S. President Donald Trump said Tuesday that Venezuela would be providing 30 million to 50 million barrels of oil to the U.S., and he pledged to use proceeds from the sale of this oil “to benefit the people” of both countries.

The White House is organizing a meeting Friday with U.S. oil company executives to discuss Venezuela, which the Trump administration has been pressuring to open its vast-but-struggling oil industry more widely to American investment and know-how.

Representatives of Exxon, Chevron and ConocoPhillips are expected to attend the White House meeting, according to a person familiar with the matter who requested anonymity to discuss the plans.

Earlier Tuesday, officials in Caracas announced that at least 24 Venezuelan security officers were killed in the dead-of-night U.S. military operation to capture Nicolas Maduro and spirit him to the United States to face drug charges. And the country’s acting president, Delcy Rodriguez, pushed back on Trump, who earlier this week warned she’d face an outcome worse than Maduro’s if she does not “do what’s right” and overhaul Venezuela into a country that aligns with U.S. interests, including by granting access to American energy companies.

Rodriguez, delivering an address Tuesday before government agricultural and industrial sector officials, said, “Personally, to those who threaten me: My destiny is not determined by them, but by God.

Venezuela’s Attorney General Tarek William Saab said overall “dozens” of officers and civilians were killed in the weekend strike in Caracas and said prosecutors would investigate the deaths in what he described as a “war crime.” He didn’t specify if the estimate was specifically referring to Venezuelans.


People protest outside Manhattan Federal Court before the arraignment of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, Monday, Jan. 5, 2026, in New York. (AP Photo/Stefan Jeremiah) (Stefan Jeremiah)

In addition to the Venezuelan security officials, Cuba’s government had previously confirmed that 32 Cuban military and police officers working in Venezuela were killed in the raid. The Cuban government says the personnel killed belonged to the Revolutionary Armed Forces and the Ministry of the Interior, the country’s two main security agencies.

Seven U.S. service members were also injured in the raid, according to the Pentagon. Five have already returned to duty, while two are still recovering from their injuries. The injuries included gunshot wounds and shrapnel injuries, according to a U.S. official who was not authorized to comment on the matter publicly and spoke on the condition of anonymity.

A video tribute to the slain Venezuelan security officials posted to the military’s Instagram account features faces of the fallen over black-and-white videos of soldiers, American aircraft flying over Caracas and armored vehicles destroyed by the blasts. Meanwhile, the streets of Caracas, deserted for days following Maduro’s capture, briefly filled with masses of people waving Venezuelan flags and bouncing to patriotic music at a state-organized display of support for the government.

“Their spilled blood does not cry out for vengeance, but for justice and strength,” the military wrote in an Instagram post. “It reaffirms our unwavering oath not to rest until we rescue our legitimate President, completely dismantle the terrorist groups operating from abroad, and ensure that events such as these never again sully our sovereign soil.”

A pedestrian walks past a mural of Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro Sunday, Jan. 4, 2026. (AP Photo/Matias Delacroix)


Questions about the future of Venezuelan oil



With oil trading at roughly $56 a barrel, the transaction Trump announced late Tuesday could be worth as much as $2.8 billion. The U.S. goes through an average of roughly 20 million barrels a day of oil and related products, so Venezuela’s transfer would be the equivalent of as much as two and a half days of supply, according to the U.S. Energy Information Administration.

Despite Venezuela having the world’s largest proven crude oil reserves, it only produces on average about one million barrels day, significantly below the U.S. average daily production of 13.9 million barrels a day during October.

The press office for Venezuela’s government did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Trump’s announcement.

ExxonMobil is developing a mammoth offshore oil deposit in the waters off Guyana, Venezuela’s neighbor to the east. The company’s major oil discovery in 2015 prompted Venezuela to revive a century-old territorial dispute with Guyana and take steps to annex the remote region known as Essequibo, which comprises about two-thirds of Guyana’s land mass.

The development has also led to wide-ranging accusations from Venezuela’s government, including Rodriguez, against Guyana’s leaders and ExxonMobil. Two years ago, Venezuelan lawmakers even considered banning any future operation in Venezuela of oil companies working in Guyana.

Earlier Tuesday, Trump pushed back against Democratic criticism of this weekend’s military operation, noting that his Democratic predecessor Joe Biden had also called for the arrest of the Venezuelan leader on drug trafficking charges.

Trump in remarks before a House Republican retreat in Washington grumbled that Democrats were not giving him credit for a successful military operation, even though there was bipartisan agreement that Maduro was not the rightful president of Venezuela.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio speaks during a news conference at the State Department, Friday, Dec. 19, 2025, in Washington. (AP Photo/Julia Demaree Nikhinson) (Julia Demaree Nikhinson)

In 2020, Maduro was indicted in the United States, accused in a decades-long narco-terrorism and international cocaine trafficking conspiracy. White House officials have noted that Biden’s administration in his final days in office last year raised the award for information leading to Maduro’s arrest after he assumed a third term in office despite evidence suggesting that he lost Venezuela’s most recent election. The Trump administration doubled the award to $50 million in August.

“You know, at some point, they should say, `You know, you did a great job. Thank you. Congratulations.’ Wouldn’t it be good?” Trump said. “I would say that if they did a good job, their philosophies are so different. But if they did a good job, I’d be happy for the country. They’ve been after this guy for years and years and years.”


What U.S. opinion polls show



Americans are split about the capture of Maduro -- with many still forming opinions -- according to a poll conducted by The Washington Post and SSRS using text messages over the weekend. About 4 in 10 approved of the U.S. military being sent to capture Maduro, while roughly the same share were opposed. About 2 in 10 were unsure.

Nearly half of Americans, 45%, were opposed to the U.S. taking control of Venezuela and choosing a new government for the country. About 9 in 10 Americans said the Venezuelan people should be the ones to decide the future leadership of their country.

Maduro pleaded not guilty to federal drug trafficking charges in a U.S. courtroom on Monday. U.S. forces captured Maduro and his wife early Saturday in a raid on a compound where they were surrounded by Cuban guards. Maduro’s No. 2, Delcy Rodriguez, has been sworn in as Venezuela’s acting president.

Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro, left, and his wife, Cilia Flores, second from right, appear in Manhattan federal court with their defense attorneys Mark Donnelly, second from left, and Andres Sanchez, Monday, Jan. 5, 2026, in New York. (Elizabeth Williams via AP)

In the days since Maduro’s ouster, Trump and top administration officials have raised anxiety around the globe that the operation could mark the beginning of a more expansionist U.S. foreign policy in the Western Hemisphere. The president in recent days has renewed his calls for an American takeover of the Danish territory of Greenland for the sake of U.S. security interests and threatened military action on Colombia for facilitating the global sale of cocaine, while his top diplomat declared the communist government in Cuba is “in a lot of trouble.”

Colombia responds to Trump


Colombia’s Foreign Affairs Minister Rosa Villavicencio said Tuesday she’ll meet with the U.S. Embassy’s charge d’affaires in Bogota to present him with a formal complaint over the recent threats issued by the United States.

U.S. President Donald Trump speaks with reporters while in flight on Air Force One, Sunday, Jan. 4, 2026, as they were returning to Joint Base Andrews, Md. (AP Photo/Alex Brandon) (Alex Brandon)

On Sunday, Trump said he wasn’t ruling out an attack on Colombia and described its president, who’s been an outspoken critic of the U.S. pressure campaign on Venezuela, as a “sick man who likes making cocaine and selling it to the United States.”

Villavicencio said she’s hoping to strengthen relations with the United States and improve cooperation in the fight against drug trafficking.

“It is necessary for the Trump administration to know in more detail about all that we are doing in the fight against drug trafficking,” she said.

Meanwhile, the leaders of France, Germany, Italy, Poland, Spain and the United Kingdom on Tuesday joined Danish Prime Minister Mette Frederiksen in defending Greenland’s sovereignty. The island is a self-governing territory of the kingdom of Denmark and thus part of the NATO military alliance.

“Greenland belongs to its people,” the statement said. “It is for Denmark and Greenland, and them only, to decide on matters concerning Denmark and Greenland.”

Madhani reported from Washington and Janetsky from Mexico City. AP writer Linley Sanders and Manuel Rueda contributed reporting.

Regina Garcia Cano, Aamer Madhani And Megan Janetsky, The Associated Press