Tuesday, April 07, 2020

Keywords for Environmental Studies

Keywords for Environmental Studies analyzes the central terms and debates currently structuring the most exciting research in and across environmental studies, including the environmental humanities, environmental social sciences, sustainability sciences, and the sciences of nature.
The print publication includes sixty essays from humanists, social scientists, and scientists, each written about a single term, reveal the broad range of quantitative and qualitative approaches critical to the state of the field today. From “ecotourism to ecoterrorism,” from genome to species,” this accessible volume illustrates the ways in which scholars are collaborating across disciplinary boundaries to reach shared understandings of key issues—such as extreme weather events or increasing global environmental inequities—in order to facilitate the pursuit of broad collective goals and actions. This site includes the volume’s Introduction,” 7 web essays from the volume, the list of works cited for all the essays, information about the contributors, a note on classroom use, and a blog. Any page in the site can be printed or saved as a PDF, and a single click provides a citation to that page that can be pasted into a bibliography.

EXPLORE THE SITE

Readers may browse the full list of essays by clicking Essays at the upper left to bring up a menu. Clicking Search at upper right allows you to discover both the print and web essays: search results show the web essays in full and snippets from the print essays, with a page reference.  This function enables readers to discover connections among the complete set of essays in this book.
In addition, the site enables readers to discover connections and contrasts across all the different Keywords volumes. Readers may select which books they want to explore. For example, if you select “all books” and search for “education,” you’ll see how that term is used not only in environmental studies (education) but also in Asian American studies (education), children’s literature (education), and disability studies (education).

COURSES

Instructors may wish to consult the Note on Classroom Use to find suggestions for how to employ this book in the classroom.

THE BOOK

Readers can learn more about the print book, and purchase a copy of it from NYU Press, by clicking on the shopping cart logo at the top of each page.

COMMUNICATION

You can share links using Facebook, Twitter, Google Plus, and e-mail from any page in this site. Blog posts will update you on events related to books in the Keywords series.
ENCYCLOPEDIA ENTRY
by MP Nelson - ‎
Other Essays in Contemporary Thought. ... Arne Naess invented the term deep ecology in a famous ... assumptions of European and North American anthro-.

INSTEAD OF A TRUMP CORONAVIRUS TASK FORCE PRESSER

Philosophical Dialogues: Arne Næss and the Progress of Ecophilosophy


Nina Witoszek, Andrew Brennan
Rowman & Littlefield, 1999 - Philosophy - 492 pages




The volume documents, and makes an original contribution to, an astonishing period in twentieth-century philosophy-the progress of Arne Naess's ecophilosophy from its inception to the present. It includes Naess's most crucial polemics with leading thinkers, drawn from sources as diverse as scholarly articles, correspondence, TV interviews and unpublished exchanges. The book testifies to the skeptical and self-correcting aspects of Naess's vision, which has deepened and broadened to include third world and feminist perspectives. Philosophical Dialogues is an essential addition to the literature on environmental philosophy.

Contents

The Shallow and the Deep LongRange Ecology Movements A Summary Arne Naess 3

The Deep Ecology Platform Arne Naess and George Sessions 8

The Glass Is on the Table The Empiricist versus Total View Arnc Naess Alfred Ayer and Fons Elders 10

Ayer on Metaphysics A Critical Commentary by a Kind of Metaphysician Arne Naess 29

A Reply to Arne Naess Alfred J Ayer 40

Arne Naess a Philosopher and a Mystic A Commentary on the Dialogue between Alfred Ayer and Arne Naess Fons Elders 45

Remarks on Interpretation and Preciseness Paul Feyerabend 50

Paul Feyerabend A Green Hero? Arne Naess 57

Comment Naess and Feyerabend on Science Bill Devall 69

Reply to Bill Devall Arne Naess 71

Spinozas Environmental Ethics Gene vieve Lloyd 73

Environmental Ethics and Spinozas Ethics Comments on Genevieve Lloyds Article Arne Naess 91

Comment Lloyd and Naess on Spinoza as Ecophilosopher John Clark 102

A Critique of AntiAnthropocentric Biocentrism Richard A Watson 109

A Defense of the Deep Ecology Movement Arne Naess 121

Against Biospherical Egalitarianism William C French 127

An Answer to W C French Ranking Yes But the Inherent Value is the Same Arne Naess 146

Comment On Naess versus French Baird Callicott 150

Deep Ecology A New Philosophy of Our Time? Warwick Fox 153

Intuition Intrinsic Value and Deep Ecology Arne Naess 166

On Guiding Stars of Deep Ecology Warwick Fox Foxs Response to Naesss Response to Fox 171

Comment Pluralism and Deep Ecology Andrew Brennan 175

Man Apart An Alternative to the Self Realization Approach Peter Reed 181

Man Apart and Deep Ecology A Reply to Reed Arne Naess 198

Comment Self Realization or Man Apart? The Reed Naess Debate Val Plumwood 206

Deep Ecology and Its Critics Kirkpatrick Sale 213

A European Looks at North American Branches of the Deep Ecology Movement Arne Naess 222

Letter to the Editor of Zeta Magazine 1988 Arne Naess 225

Letter to Dave Foreman 23 June 1988 Arne Naess 227

Comment Human Population Reduction and Wild Habitat Protection Michael E Zimmerman 232

Class Race and Gender Discourse in the EcofeminismDeep Ecology Debate Ariel Salleh 236

Ecofeminist Philosophy and Deep Ecology Karen Warren 255

The Ecofeminism versus Deep Ecology Debate Arne Naess 270

The EcofeminismDeep Ecology Dialogue A Short Commentary on the Exchange between Karen Warren and Arne Naess Patsy Hallen 274

Social Ecology versus Deep Ecology A Challenge for the Ecology Movement Murray Bookchin 281

Note Concerning Murray Bookchins Article Social Ecology versus Deep Ecology Arne Naess 302

Unanswered Letter to Murray Bookchin 1988 Arne Naess 305

To the Editor of Synthesis Arne Naess 307

Comment Deep Ecology and Social Ecology Andrew McLaughlin 310

Radical American Environmentalism and Wilderness Preservation A Third World Critique Ramachandra Guha 313

Comments on Cubas Radical American Environmentalism and Wilderness Preservation A Third World Critique Arne Naess 325

Comment Nsess and Guha Stephan Harding 334

Philosophy of Wolf Policies I General Principles and Preliminary Exploration of Selected Norms Arne Naess and Ivar Mysterud 339

Naesss Deep Ecology Approach and Environmental Policy Harold Glasser 360

Harold Glasser and the Deep Ecology Approach DEA Arne Naess 391

Convergence Corroborated A Comment on Arne Naess on Wolf Policies Bryan Norton 394

Value in Nature Intrinsic or Inherent? Jon Wetlesen 405

Response to Jon Wetlesen Arne Naess 418

Platforms Nature and Obligational Values Per Ariansen 420

Platforms Nature and Obligational Values A Response to Per Ariansen Arne Naess 429

From Skepticism to Dogmatism and Back Remarks on the History of Deep Ecology Peder Anker 431

Response to Peder Anker Arne Naess 444

Arne Naess and the Norwegian Nature Tradition Nina Witoszek 451

Is the Deep Ecology Vision a Green Vision or Is It Multicolored like the Rainbow? An Answer to Nina Witoszek Arne Naess 466

Radical American Environmentalism Revisited Ramachandra Guha 473

Index 480

Notes on Contributors 488

Copyright


CHEAPEST EDITION ON AMAZON IS THE EBOOK/KINDLE

THE DEEP ECOLOGY MOVEMENT*

BILL DEVALL**

NATURAL RESOURCES JOURNAL

There are two great streams of environmentalism in the latter half of the twentieth century. One stream is reformist, attempting to control some of the worst of the air and water pollution and inefficient  
land use practices in industrialized nations and to save a few of
the remaining pieces of wild lands as "designated wilderness areas."

The other stream supports many of the reformist goals but is revolutionary, seeking a new metaphysics, epistemology, cosmology, and environmental ethics of person/planet. This paper is an intellectual archaeology of the second of these streams of environmentalism,
which I will call deep ecology.

There are several other phrases that some writers are using for the perspective I am describing in this paper. Some call it "eco-philosophy" or "foundational ecology" or the "new natural philosophy." I use "deep ecology" as the shortest label. Although I am convinced
that deep ecology is radically different from the perspective of the dominant social paradigm, I do not use the phrase "radical ecology" or "revolutionary ecology" because I think those labels have such a burden of emotive associations that many people would not hear
what is being said about deep ecology because of their projection of other meanings of "revolution" onto the perspective of deep ecology.

I contend that both streams of environmentalism are reactions to the successes and excesses of the implementation of the dominant social paradigm. Although reformist environmentalism treats some of the symptoms of the environmental crisis and challenges some of the assumptions of the dominant social paradigm (such as growth of the
economy at any cost), deep ecology questions the fundamental premises of the dominant social paradigm. In the future, as the limits of reform are reached and environmental problems become more 
serious, the reform environmental movement will have to come to
terms with deep ecology.

The analysis in the present paper was inspired by Arne Naess' paper on "shallow and deep, long-range" environmentalism.'1 The methods used are patterned after John Rodman's seminal critique of the resources conservation and development movement in the United
States.2 The data are the writings of a diverse group of thinkers who have been developing a theory of deep ecology, especially during the last quarter of a century. Relatively few of these writings have appeared in popular journals or in books published by mainstream publishers. I have searched these writings for common threads or
themes much as Max Weber searched the sermons of Protestant ministers for themes which reflected from and back to the intellectual and social crisis of the emerging Protestant ethic and the spirit of capitalism.' 3 Several questions are addressed in this paper: What are
the sources of deep ecology? How do the premises of deep ecology differ from those of the dominant social paradigm? What are the areas of disagreement between reformist environmentalism and deep ecology? What is the likely future role of the deep ecology movement?

READ ON

*Thanks and acknowledgement to George Sessions, Philosophy Department, Sierra College, Rocklin, California. His sympathetic support and ideas made it possible to develop and deepen many of the ideas expressed in this paper.

**Professor of Sociology, Humboldt State University, Arcata, California 95521. An extensive discussion of "Reformist Environmentalism" written by Professor Devall was published in the Fall/Winter 1979 issue of the Humboldt Journal of Social Relations. This is available from the Dept. of Sociology, Humboldt State University.

1. Naess, The Shallow and the Deep, Long-Range Ecology Movement, 16 INQUIRY 95 (1973). 
2. J. Rodman, Four Forms of Ecological Consciousness: Beyond Economics, Resource Conservation, (1977) Pitzer College.
 3. M. WEBER, THE PROTESTANT ETHIC AND THE SPIRIT OF CAPITALISM (1930)


Recommended Citation Bill Devall, The Deep Ecology Movement, 20 Nat. Resources J. 299 (1980). Available at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/nrj/vol20/iss2/6 

Supreme Emergencies Without the Bad Guys


Introduction

There is a widespread intuition that if a society faces an overwhelmingly horrible threat, then some actions that are ordinarily prohibited might become permissible or even mandatory. Torture, for instance, is usually thought to be absolutely prohibited in the ordinary course of things. However, many people think that in certain extreme circumstances, it may be justified. Suppose that an unusually capable terrorist has planted hydrogen bombs in London, Manchester, and Birmingham, and plans to set them off simultaneously. Time is short, and the only way to stop the bombs from going off is to torture the terrorist into revealing their location. In this situation – one of supreme emergency – it can be argued that the absolute ban on torture should be lifted and that the terrorist may, or even should, be tortured. It might even be justifiable to torture or at least threaten to torture innocent people in order to avoid the consequences of the hydrogen bombs. Or so the argument goes.1
Another example, from the real world, concerns Britain’s situation during the Blitz in 1940. Britain responded to the Nazi threat by bombing German cities, thus deliberately targeting non-combatants and thereby blatantly violating the perhaps most firmly established rule of war. Was that justifiable, given the supreme emergency Britain, and not only Britain but also a large part of the civilised world, found itself in? Michael Walzer, the most well-known writer on the supreme emergency argument, argues, hesitantly, that it was (Walzer , Ch. 16).2
If we turn to Walzer’s definitions of supreme emergencies, we find that he characterises them in two slightly different ways. In his widely known Just and Unjust Wars, he describes a supreme emergency as being defined by two conditions: the nature of the looming danger and its imminence. Both conditions must be fulfilled for a supreme emergency to be present: the danger must be imminent, and, in addition, ‘of an unusual and horrifying kind’ (Walzer , p. 253). In a less often-quoted essay entitled ‘Emergency Ethics’, he states that ‘[a] supreme emergency exists when our deepest values and our collective survival are in imminent danger’ (Walzer , p. 33). I take the phrase about collective survival and deep values to be a way of making more precise the condition of horribleness. Thus, a supreme emergency is a situation where our deepest values and/or collective survival are in imminent danger.
The discussion on supreme emergency has generally concerned situations involving antagonistic threats, that is, threats from hostile states or, as in the terrorist case, hostile non-state actors. In this paper, I will investigate whether arguments from the discussion on supreme emergency can be applied to situations involving non-antagonistic threats (such as pandemics or earthquakes), and whether those arguments are defensible. I will begin by giving some background on the debate on the supreme emergency argument and its place in the just war tradition. Then I will outline its possible application to non-antagonistic threats. Finally, I will examine two rather different versions of the supreme emergency doctrine – those of Michael Walzer and Brian Orend. I will argue, first, that it is doubtful whether Walzer’s position is applicable to non-antagonistic threats, and that it is even more doubtful whether it is defensible. I will argue, secondly, that Orend’s position is applicable to non-antagonistic threats, but that it is not defensible – at least not in the way Orend wishes it to be.

. 2009; 37(1): 153–167.
Published online 2008 Jul 26. doi: 10.1007/s11406-008-9145-5
PMCID: PMC7088582
PMID: 32214516

America's funeral homes buckle under the coronaviru
Illustration: AĂ¯da Amer/Axios


EricaPandey
AXIOS

Morgues, funeral homes and cemeteries in hot spots across America cannot keep up with the staggering death toll of the coronavirus pandemic.

Why it matters: The U.S. has seen more than 10,000 deaths from the virus, and at least tens of thousands more lives are projected to be lost. The numbers are creating unprecedented bottlenecks in the funeral industry — and social distancing is changing the way the families say goodbye to their loved ones.

"This feels like three years of funerals condensed into a month," says Patrick Kearns, a funeral director in Queens. "So many of us were worried about the front end of this virus. Unfortunately, the back end of it is something people hadn't thought about."

What's happening: Morgues and funeral parlors in cities hit hardest by the pandemic are overwhelmed, with three or four times as many bodies as they're built to hold. While experts tell us the availability of burial plots at cemeteries is not scarce, burials and cremations are being delayed.

FEMA has asked the Pentagon for 100,000 military-style body bags to prepare for the surging death counts across the U.S.

States like New York and Massachusetts are setting up temporary morgues at college campuses and outside hospitals and nursing homes as existing facilities overflow.

But the supply is running out. Med Alliance Group, an Illinois company that provides refrigerated trailers to serve as overflow morgues during natural disasters and other crises, tells Axios it's been out of stock since early March.

Some funeral homes are attempting to help. Kearns says he has turned a chapel into a makeshift morgue using air conditioning units.

New York City councilman Mark Levine said the city was considering a grimmer solution: a mass grave site in a public park to bury the dead temporarily until funeral homes can work through the bottleneck.

New York Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo later shot the idea down, and Levine later tweeted that he had received "unequivocal assurance" from city officials that any "temporary interment" would not happen in the city parks.

Kearns tells Axios his business saw 15 funerals in the first half of March, compared with 50 in the second half. He's already seen around 50 cases in the first five days of April, he says.

"We’re at a point where I can’t serve anyone anymore. We need to put everything on pause," he says. "To have to tell a family that you can’t help them? It goes against grain of who we are as funeral directors. We're wired to help people."

Funeral directors around the country are also worried about shortages of masks, gowns and other personal protective equipment as they tend to the bodies of the dead.

And funerals themselves are rapidly changing. Funeral homes across the U.S. are limiting services to immediate family members, enforcing social distancing, and even holding virtual ceremonies.

"How do you tell someone they can't come to a funeral?" says Mike Zuzga, a funeral director in a Detroit suburb. "We jumped from going to funerals to now live-streaming funerals overnight."

Live-streaming funeral services isn't new. Around 20% of funeral homes — including Zuzga's — offered it as an option last year, per National Funeral Directors Association.
But families have rarely asked for services to be recorded or streamed, Zuzga tells Axios. Now, almost every family is doing so.

The bottom line: Grieving during the pandemic will continue to be unusually painful, says Heather Servaty-Seib, a professor at Purdue University who studies grief and death.
"We want body disposition to happen in a timely way — It's very personal, and it's very intimate," she says. "Being able to physically see the person's body can be a very important part of the grieving process."

But calls and video chats can be powerful during these times, says Servaty-Seib. "I want to encourage people to think more creatively or more openly about how they memorialize."
THE LAND ETHIC: key philosophical and scientific challenges
by J. Baird Callicott
The holism of the land ethic and its antecedents
 Of all the environmental ethics so far devised, the land ethic, first sketched by Aldo
Leopold, is most popular among professional conservationists and least popular
among professional philosophers. Conservationists are concerned about such things as
the anthropogenic pollution of air and water by industrial and municipal wastes, the
anthropogenic reduction in numbers of species populations, the outright
anthropogenic extinction of species, and the invasive anthropogenic introduction of
other species into places not their places of evolutionary origin. Conservationists as
such are not concerned about the injury, pain, or death of nonhuman specimens-that
is, of individual animals and plants-except in those rare cases in which a species's
populations are so reduced in number that the conservation of every specimen is vital
to the conservation of the species. On the other hand, professional philosophers, most
of them schooled in and intellectually committed to the Modern classical theories of
ethics, are ill-prepared to comprehend morally such "holistic" concerns. Professional
philosophers are inclined to dismiss holistic concerns as non-moral or to reduce them
to concerns about either human welfare or the welfare of non-human organisms
severally. And they are mystified by the land ethic, unable to grasp its philosophical
foundations and pedigree.
 Tailoring it to accommodate the holistic concerns of conservationists like himself,
Leopold (1949, p. 204, emphasis added) writes, "a land ethic implies respect for . . .
fellow-members and also for the community as such." Though the idea of respect for a
community as such is completely foreign to the mainstream Modern moral theories
going back to Hobbes, such holism is, however, not in the least foreign to the
Darwinian and Humean theories of ethics upon which the land ethic is built. Darwin
(1871, p. 96-97) could hardly be more specific or emphatic on this point: "Actions are
regarded by savages and were probably so regarded by primeval man, as good or bad,
solely as they obviously affect the welfare of the tribe, -not that of the species, nor that
of an individual member of the tribe. This conclusion agrees well with the belief that
the so-called moral sense is aboriginally derived from the social instincts, for both
relate at first exclusively to the community." Gary Varner (1991, p. 179) states flatly
that "concern for communities as such has no historical antecedent in David Hume."
But it does. Demonstrably. Hume (1957 [1751], p. 47) insists, evidently against
Hobbes and other social contract theorists, that "we must renounce the theory which 
accounts for every moral sentiment by the principle of self-love. We must adopt a
more publick affection, and allow that the interests of society are not, even on their
own account, entirely indifferent to us." Nor is this an isolated remark. Over and over
we read in Hume's ethical works such statements as this: "It appears that a tendency to
public good, and to the promoting of peace, harmony, and order in society, does
always by affecting the benevolent principles of our frame engage us on the side of
the social virtues" (1957 [1751], p. 56). And this: "Everything that promotes the
interests of society must communicate pleasure, and what is pernicious, give
uneasiness" (1957 [1751], p. 58).
 That is not to say that in Hume, certainly, and even in Darwin there is no theoretical
provision for a lively concern for the individual members of society, as well as for
society per se. According to Darwin (1871, p. 81) the sentiment of sympathy is "all important." Sympathy means "with-feeling." It is the basis of our moral concern for
the welfare of other human beings and indeed all beings capable of having feelings-all
sentient beings, in other words. By the same token, however, sympathy can hardly
extend to a transorganismic entity, such as society per se, which has no feelings per
se. Hume and Darwin, however, recognized the existence and moral importance of
sentiments other than sympathy, some of which-patriotism, for example-relate as
exclusively and specifically to society as sympathy does to sentient individuals. In the
Leopold land ethic, in any event, the holistic aspect eventually eclipses the
individualistic aspect. Toward the beginning of "The Land Ethic," Leopold, as just
noted, declares that a land ethic "implies respect for fellow-members" of the biotic
community, as well as "for the community as such." Toward the middle of "The Land
Ethic," Leopold (1949, p. 210) speaks of a "biotic right" to "continue" but such a right
accrues, as the context indicates, to species, not to specimens. Toward the end of the
essay, Leopold (1949, pp. 224-225) writes the famous and oft-quoted summary moral
maxim, the golden rule, of the land ethic: "A thing is right when it tends to preserve
the integrity, stability, and beauty of the biotic community. It is wrong when it tends
otherwise." In it there is no reference at all to "fellow-members." They have gradually
dropped out of account as the "The Land Ethic" proceeds to its climax.
READ ON

A first encounter: French environmental philosophy from an anglo-american perspective

  • John Baird Callicott
  •  Published 2014 
  • Sociology

  • The “French exception” could be many things—language purity, cultural assimilation of immigrants, federalism counterbalanced by labor unionism, popular intellectualism. The French exception in environmental philosophy is constituted by humanism and the replacement of ethics by politics. Anglo-American environmental ethics makes of local nature a moral patient. In the French humanistic politics of global nature, global nature is indeterminate. Science incompletely represents global nature in both senses of the word “represents.” As an object global, nature is under-determined by a science incapable of so wide a grasp. And as subject in law, science speaks on behalf of a mute and indifferent nature, while policies regarding nature as an agent of powerful effect are decided in the political arena. 

    Key words: French exception, ecology, environmentalism, French environmental philosophy, humanism, M. Serres, C. Larrere, nature, nature as political


    The Threat of Ecofascism ZimmermanMichael E Social Theory and Practice; Summer 1995; 21, 2; ProQuest pg. 207. READ PAPER. Download pdf. ×Close ...


    by ME Zimmerman - ‎Cited by 18 - ‎Related articles
    evaluation may be accurate, I argue that the threat of ecofascism cannot be ... sound practices, whereas unsound environmental practices undermine social and ... act according to foolish universalist principles, including the "theory of human.

    by ME Zimmerman - ‎2014 - ‎Cited by 3 - ‎Related articles
    15 Michael EZimmerman, “Feminism, Deep Ecology, and Environmental ... 195-224; Zimmerman, “The Threat of Ecofascism,” Social Theory and Practice, 21.

    Publication dates of essays (month/year) can be found under "Essays".
    Michael ZimmermanMichael Zimmerman is author of Environmental PhilosophyHeidegger's Confrontation with Modernity, and Contesting Earth's Future. He is a member of the Integral Institute's Ecology group, Professor of Philosophy at Tulane University, Clinical Professor of Psychology at the Tulane Medical School, Director of the Environmental Studies Program and Co-Director of the Asian Studies Program, and can be contacted at michaelz@tulane.edu

    ON RECONCILING PROGRESSIVISM AND ENVIRONMENTALISM

    MICHAEL E. ZIMMERMAN

    Ever since heady speculation about the practical power of early modern science led European savants to renovate the ideal of historical progress, that ideal has faced resistance from groups who have felt threatened by such progress, and has undergone crises stemming from unexpectedly untoward consequences of attempts to make political and economic progress. Especially since the 1960s, many people have asked whether the modern ideal of progress retains validity when confronted with ecological problems that may undermine the crucial progressive goal of overcoming scarcity.[1] The environmental crisis has generated questions such as following questions: Is an arguably finite planetary ecosystem compatible with the capitalist and socialist goal _of using instrumental rationality to produce an infinitely expanding quantity of material goods? Will "ecological scarcity" finally block humankind's efforts to overcome material scarcity? Must freedom from want be purchased at the expense of ecological stability? Can democratic societies long survive if rapidly growing Third World populations bring about vast ecological changes in pursuing the same level of material prosperity already achieved in First World countries? Will ecological problems become the central national security issue of the 21st century?[2] Such questions form the background for this essay, which examines whether progressivism and radical environmentalism can be reconciled in terms of an evolutionary teleology that is consistent both with nondual spirituality and with contemporary science.
    My book, Contesting Earth's Future, was motivated by a similar concern about the sometimes anti-modernist and anti-and anti-progressive attitudes of environmentalism. Having once attempted to read Martin Heidegger's philosophy as consistent with deep ecology, I was forced to rethink that position after 1987, when evidence surfaced demonstrating that Heidegger's infamous relation with National Socialism was deeper and longer lasting than many commentators had supposed.[3] If Heidegger's thought was at least in some ways compatible with German National Socialism, so I asked myself, to what extent is deep ecology compatible (perhaps unwittingly) with eco-fascism? In a subsequent essay, I again attempted to warn radical environmentalists of the potential dangers of ecofascism, while also promoting a progressive reading of environmentalism.[4] The present essay encourages radical environmentalists in particular to tone down anti-modernist rhetoric and to embrace the constructive dimensions of modernity, even while continuing to criticize its weaknesses, including heedless environmental destruction.
    Human cultures have always generated ecological perturbations, including some so great that they may have eradicated the mega fauna of North America and others that may have destroyed ancient Near Eastern civilizations. Ecological changes induced by modernity, however, dwarf anything in previous history. Modernity may be defined roughly as the recent epoch in which humanity has attempted to gain intellectual, political, and religious freedom, as well as to liberate itself from the crushing burden of material scarcity. Modernity has always had its dissenters, especially those who condemn its instrumental rationality, which objectifies human life and turns nature into a stockpile of resources. But many more people have accepted modernity's goals, even though not always with great enthusiasm. As Robert Pippin writes, precisely by depriving nature and human life of mystery and transcendent purpose, and by reducing to the status of merely private beliefs the traditional worldviews that once formed the basis for community, modernity has forced many people to conclude that "the narrow confines of strategic and instrumental rationality" are "the best concrete, realizable hope we have got for [social] coordination."[5] Even though instrumental rationality marginalizes the practical realm, undermines civic virtue, atomizes human community, destroys traditional social formations, and causes vast ecological damage, then, such rationality seems to be the only attitude consistent with modernity's widely accepted view that "most of if not all human misery was scarcity (a new and quite controversial claim) and that scarcity was a solvable technical problem."[6]
    Contemporary critics of instrumental rationality include deconstructive postmodernists and radical environmentalists, who represent the somewhat conflicting tendencies of the counterculturalism of the 1960s. Though sharing some concerns with such counterculturalists, Pippin insists that we cannot adequately understand the implications posed by the limitations of instrumental rationality (including ecological and social problems), unless we develop an adequate answer to the following question: Why did the modern idea that misery arises from eliminable scarcity triumph over the premodern idea that misery has additional causes that are more difficult to correct? Pippin is right, I believe, in asserting that modernity's project of overcoming scarcity through the mastery of nature cannot be adequately understood simply as a technically more proficient way of accomplishing what premodern people had already been doing.
    Despite retaining important links with the past, European modernity involves a novel conceptual and experiential horizon in which humanity gradually came to define itself and its relation to nature differently than before. To exploit the extraordinary productive potential of insights produced by natural science, modern "man" (here and elsewhere, I use this masculine term to emphasize the patriarchal dimension of modernity) develops a new mode of subjectivity, egoic rationality, and a related ideology, anthropocentric humanism, which portray man as the source of value, the standard for truth, and the master of nature. Modern individual man asserts his freedom, both from illegitimate political authority and religious dogmatism. He defines truth not as revelation, but rather as the product of rational inquiry, including scientific method. He assumes that modern science, combined with the energies of free men, will make possible the conquest of nature, thereby ending material scarcity. Within a few centuries, the whole planet had been transformed by the institutions, ideology, and subjectivity that arose within the audacious modern horizon.
    Contemporary people operating from within this seemingly all-encompassing horizon presuppose that scarcity is humankind's major ill, and that scarcity can be vanquished by rational deliberation and advanced technology. Socialists and market liberals alike usually conclude that continued scarcity and its attendant suffering result from misguided political economies. Socialists argue, for example, that if only the means of production were collectively owned, humankind would achieve the mastery of nature needed for material abundance. Critics of modernity, including radical environmentalists, do not deny that scarcity is an important ill, but maintain that there are important problems other than scarcity, and that a number of those problems arise from reckless efforts to overcome it. Indeed, they argue not only that attempts to generate infinite abundance will fail, because they will undermine the ecosystems on which human life depends, but that superfluous abundance in consumerist societies blocks fulfillment of other human needs. Suspecting that the tragic myth of Daedelus, not the defiant myth of Prometheus so favored by Marx, should be used to interpret modernity's effort to control nature, most radical environmentalists agree that modernity's continued reliance on technological fixes will not work in the long run, since purported solutions to yesterday's problems (e.g., using nuclear fuel to overcome a scarcity of electricity) create even greater problems (e.g., safely disposing of a surplus of nuclear waste). In other words, modern society cannot dig itself out of its ecologically-poisoned hole by using the same conceptual and practical tools employed to dig that hole in the first place. Instead, in order to behave in ecologically viable ways, humankind must enter into a post-anthropocentric conceptual and attitudinal horizon.
    Although often only grudgingly, many progressives have gradually concluded that industrial economies must reform their practices in order to minimize those environmental problems that threaten human well being. Many of those same progressives, however, also suspect that radical environmentalists are socially regressive at best and ecofascist at worst, because they refuse to concede that overcoming scarcity justifies virtually any treatment of non-human beings. Demanding that humans conform to an allegedly more "natural" way of doing things, and proclaiming the need for a mystical reunion with nature, radical environmentalists ostensibly promote an anti-humanism that--in a way similar to deconstructive postmodernism--is inconsistent with progressive views of history.
    In this essay, I begin by focusing on an incident of industrial pollution in Bogalusa, Louisiana, in order to bring out aspects of the conflict between radical environmentalists and progressives. Then, I examine more closely the contention of many modernists, that radical environmentalism has affinities with nature-worshipping, reactionary movements earlier in this century. Next, I briefly show that deep ecology and ecofeminism can be read as having a "progressive" dimension, despite their criticisms of modernity's efforts to dominate nature. Finally, I analyze Ken Wilber's attempt to reconcile the best features of radical environmentalism, which accuses modernism of a mortality-denying arrogance stemming from a fear of nature and the body, with the best features of modern progressivism, which accuses radical ecology of social and psychological regressiveness, anti-humanism, and blindness to the fact that human well being inevitably requires the control of nature. Acknowledging the validity of modernity's quest for freedom from religious dogmatism, political oppression, and material want, Wilber also agrees with those radical environmentalists who argue that a renewed spirituality is necessary to transform society in the ways needed to avoid ecological catastrophe. For Wilber, however, such spirituality will result not from an ostensibly regressive union with Mother Nature, but instead from a progressive development of consciousness and the social institutions needed to support such development. Convinced that a new narrative is needed to inspire and to guide humankind in this difficult age, Wilber develops an evolutionary story that synthesizes contemporary science, developmental psychology, and nondual spirituality. As we shall see, however, environmentalists and modernists alike are suspicious of Wilber's narrative.

    Understanding ecofascism, white nationalists’ extreme reaction to the coming environmental apocalypse

    08-27-19

    Environmentalism is commonly thought of as the domain of the left, but several of the white nationalist shooters have cited things like the Lorax in their recent manifestos, part of a dangerous new strain of hate.


    Flowers at a makeshift memorial near Al Noor mosque on March 17, 2019 in Christchurch, New Zealand. The shooter had referred to himself as an “ecofascist.” [Photo: Fiona Goodall/Getty Images]


    BY ALEXANDRA MINNA STERN

    White nationalists around the world are appropriating the language of environmentalism. The white nationalist who allegedly massacred 22 people in El Paso in early August posted a four-page screed on the chatroom 8chan. In it, the shooter blames his attack on the “Hispanic invasion of Texas” and the impending “cultural and ethnic replacement” of whites in America.

    The shooter also refers directly to the lengthy manifesto written by the man who allegedly murdered 52 in March in attacks on mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, motivated by Islamophobia.

    The Christchurch shooter called himself an “ecofascist” who believes there is no “nationalism without environmentalism.” The El Paso shooter titled his rant “An Inconvenient Truth,” apparently in reference to Al Gore’s 2006 documentary warning about the dangers of climate change. He also praised The Lorax, Dr. Seuss’s classic story about deforestation and corporate greed.

    The prominence of environmental themes in these manifestos is not an oddity. Instead, it signals the rise of ecofascism as a core ideology of contemporary white nationalism, a trend I uncovered when conducting research for my recent book, Proud Boys and the White Ethnostate: How the Alt-Right Is Warping the American Imagination.

    THE ROOTS OF ECOFASCISM


    Ecofascists combine anxieties about the demographic changes they characterize as “white extinction” with fantasies of pristine lands free of nonwhites and free of pollution.

    Ecofascism’s roots can be traced back to the early 1900s when romantic notions of communion with the land took hold in Germany. These ideas found expression in the concept of “lebensraum,” or living spaces, and in attempts to create an exclusive Aryan fatherhood in which “blood and soil” racial nationalism reigned supreme. The concept of lebensraum was integral to the expansionist and genocidal policies of the Third Reich.

    There is a long thread that ties xenophobia to right-wing environmentalism. In the U.S., strains of ecofascism appeared in the incipient environmental movement, espoused by racialists like Madison Grant, who in the 1920s championed the preservation of native flora including California’s redwood trees, while demonizing nonwhite immigrants.

    After World War II, in the name of protecting forests and rivers, nativist organizations opposed to arrivals from non-European countries stoked fears of overpopulation and rampant immigration.

    A meme popular online among the far right and ecofascists is “save trees, not refugees.” Often ecofascist memes take the form of emojis like the popular Norse rune known as Algiz, or the “life” rune. This rune, favored by Heinrich Himmler and the SS, is one of many alternative symbols to swastikas that circulate online to dog-whistle neo-Nazism allegiances.
    DEEP ECOLOGY

    Many ecofascists today gravitate toward “deep ecology,” the philosophy developed by the Norwegian Arne Naess in the early 1970s. Naess wanted to distinguish “deep ecology,” which he characterized as reverence for all living things, from what he viewed as faddish “shallow ecology.”

    Jettisoning Naess’s belief in the value of biological diversity, far-right thinkers have perverted deep ecology, imagining that the world is intrinsically unequal and that racial and gender hierarchies are part of nature’s design.

    Deep ecology celebrates a quasi-spiritual connection to the land. As I show in my book, in its white nationalist version only men—white or European men—can truly commune with nature in a meaningful, transcendent way. This cosmic quest fuels their desire to preserve, by force if necessary, pure lands for white people.

    White nationalists today look to the Finnish ecofascist Pentti Linkola, who advocates for stringent immigration restriction, “the reversion to pre-industrial life ways, and authoritarian measures to keep human life within strict limits.”


    Reflecting on Linkola’s ideas, the white nationalist webzine Counter-Currents calls on white en to take ecofascist action, saying that it is their duty to “safeguard the sanctity of the Earth.” 
    A memorial for the 22 people killed at the El Paso shooting. 
    [Photo: Mark Ralston/AFP/Getty Images]

    WHY PARTISAN LABELS DON’T APPLY

    This background helps to explain why the Christchurch shooter called himself an “ecofascist” and discussed environmental issues in his rambling screed.

    The El Paso shooter offered more specific examples. In addition to mentioning The Lorax, he criticized Americans for failing to recycle and for wanton waste of single-use plastics.

    The conventional wisdom in the public is that environmentalism is the province of liberals, if not of the left, with its commitments to environmental justice and carbon neutrality.

    Yet the ubiquity of environmental concerns among white nationalists shows that distinctions between liberal and conservative are not necessarily germane when assessing the ideologies of the far-right today.

    If current trends continue, the future will be one of intensified global warming and extreme weather patterns. There will be an increase in climate refugees, often seeking respite in the global north. In this context, I think that white nationalists will be primed to merge the prospect of climate calamities with their rhetoric about “white extinction.”

    Census projections indicate that around 2050 the U.S. will become a majority nonwhite country. For white nationalists, this demographic clock ticks more loudly each day. Both the Christchurch and the El Paso shooters invoke the “Great Replacement” theory, or the distorted idea that whites are being demographically outnumbered, to the point of extinction, by immigrants and racial others.

    Given the patterns I see emerging, I believe that the public needs to recognize ecofascism as a dangerous cloud gathering on the horizon.

    Alexandra Minna Stern is a professor of American culture, history, and women’s studies at the University of Michigan.

    This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.