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Friday, February 20, 2026

MAGA Goon Threatens Researchers Over Ugly Trump Tariff Numbers

Tamilore Oshikanlu
Wed, February 18, 2026 

President Donald Trump’s op economic adviser is lashing out at Federal Reserve researchers after a new study undercut one of the administration’s core talking points on tariffs.

Kevin Hassett, director of the National Economic Council, went on a tirade Wednesday morning during an appearance on CNBC’s Squawk Box, blasting a Federal Reserve Bank of New York paper that found Americans—not foreign exporters—are footing the overwhelming cost of Trump’s tariffs.

“The paper is an embarrassment,” Hassett, 63, said of the study. He went further, calling it “the worst paper I’ve ever seen in the history of the Federal Reserve system” and suggesting that the authors behind it should be “disciplined” for their findings.


Kevin Hassett appeared on CNBC 'Squawk Box' defending Trump's tariffs. / CNBC Squawk Box

The study, published Feb. 12 by the New York Fed, examined whether tariffs imposed at the start of Trump’s second term were successfully forcing foreign exporters to lower prices. Instead, researchers found the opposite: roughly 90 percent of tariff costs are being passed on to U.S. consumers and businesses.

That conclusion directly contradicts Trump’s repeated claims that tariffs strengthen the economy without hurting Americans. The president, 79, has touted the policy as both an economic and national security win, writing in a recent Truth Social rant that “TARIFFS have given us Economic and National Security.”

Reached for comment, White House spokesperson Kush Desai blasted the analysis.

“Kevin Hassett is right: the New York Fed’s tariff report is the latest ‘study’ that does not match reality or hold up to any scrutiny. The average American tariff has increased nearly sevenfold in the past year, while inflation cooled, real wages increased, and economic growth accelerated – the exact opposite of what the ‘experts’ and a growing body of ‘studies’ said would happen. More pointless reports are not going to change the fact that President Trump was right and the Panican experts were, and remain, wrong."

When questioned by Squawk Box host Joe Kernen, 70, on American consumers eating the cost of tariffs, Hassett dismissed the Fed’s analysis as politically motivated. He argued the findings had fueled “highly partisan” coverage and claimed the paper relied on flawed assumptions that “wouldn’t be accepted in a first semester econ class.”

Pressed on who actually bears the burden of tariffs, Hassett insisted the study was too narrow—faulting it for focusing primarily on price changes while ignoring broader economic dynamics like supply and demand interactions and shifts in consumer and producer behavior.

Instead, he offered a far rosier picture of the administration’s policy, claiming tariffs have ultimately benefited Americans. “Real wages were up $1,400 on average last year,” Hassett said, arguing that American consumers are “better off” despite rising import costs.

The New York Fed declined to comment on Hassett’s remarks.


Kevin Hassett stands firm behind President Donald Trump on his tariff policies. / Kevin Dietsch / Getty Images

Trump has made tariffs a cornerstone of his second term, dramatically increasing duties on imports from countries including China, Mexico, and Canada. Since last year, average tariff rates have jumped from roughly 2.6 percent to about 13 percent, according to the study.

But the policy has triggered a cascade of consequences—both economic and political.

Canada, one of the countries hit by the tariffs, has already responded with retaliatory measures, including pulling U.S. alcohol from shelves in Ontario’s government-run liquor stores. The escalating trade tensions have added strain to relations between the two longtime allies.


Tensions between Canada's Prime Minister Mark Carney and U.S. President Donald Trump have heightened over tariff disputes. / BRENDAN SMIALOWSKI / AFP via Getty Images

Back in Washington, Trump is also facing mounting resistance from within his own party. In a notable rebuke last Tuesday, six House Republicans joined Democrats in voting to end the emergency tariffs imposed on Canada.

The vote marked an unusual crack in GOP unity on one of Trump’s signature policies—and the president did not take it lightly.

In a fiery Truth Social post, Trump warned that Republicans who opposed him could face consequences in upcoming midterm elections, signaling he’s prepared to punish within his own ranks.

Even within the Trump administration, there are signs that officials may be quietly reconsidering parts of the tariff strategy.

U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer, 46, suggested Tuesday during an interview on Squawk Box that some tariffs—particularly on steel and aluminum—could be adjusted for companies struggling to comply with the steep duties.

Meanwhile, Canadian officials are gearing up for what could be a contentious round of negotiations. Prime Minister Mark Carney, 60, announced on Monday that veteran diplomat Janice Charette will serve as the country’s chief trade negotiator in upcoming free-trade agreement talks with the United States.

Trump's top economic advisor says Fed researchers should be punished for their recent views on tariffs


Naomi Buchanan
Wed, February 18, 2026 




Trump's top economic advisor said Fed economists behind a recent report on tariffs should be "disciplined."


The report from the New York Fed found that Americans bear 90% the economic burden of tariffs.


Economists voiced worries about the comments and what they mean for Fed independence.

Donald Trump's economic advisor said that Federal Reserve writers behind a report claiming that Americans bear the brunt of tariffs should be "disciplined."

Kevin Hassett, the director of the National Economic Council, criticized the Federal Reserve Bank of New York's economic analysis of the impact of tariffs published last week, calling for the authors to be punished for their findings.

"The paper is an embarrassment. It's, I think, the worst paper I've ever seen in the history of the Federal Reserve system. The people associated with this paper should presumably be disciplined because what they've done is put out a conclusion which has created a lot of news that's highly partisan based on analysis that wouldn't be accepted in a first semester econ class," Hassett told CNBC.

The economists found that 90% of the economic burden of higher tariffs fell on US firms and consumers. The average tariff rate climbed to 13% from 2.6% in 2025 as part of Trump's sweeping trade policy unveiled last April.

"While importers pay the duty, the 'economic burden' of the tariff can be shifted onto exporters if they lower their export prices," the report reads. "There is 100 percent pass-through from tariffs to import prices, and therefore on U.S. consumers and firms," the economists explained in the write.

Hassett defended the tariffs in his comments to CNBC.

"The basic theory of President Trump's tariffs is that, sure we're importing stuff from China, but we've got producers in the US that make the same stuff, maybe at a slightly higher price. If we bring the stuff home, create the demand at home, then that will hurt China and drive up wages in the US and American consumers be better off."

Hassett's remarks come as Fed independence is in focus. The Trump administration is in the midst of criminal investigations into Fed Chair Jerome Powell and Fed governor Lisa Cook.

Claudia Sahm, a former Fed economist who is known for creating the Sahm rule, a popular recession indicator, said the comments, specifically Hassett calling for the paper's authors to be disciplined, are "deeply disturbing."

She added that Kevin Warsh, Trump's nominee to replace Jerome Powell as Fed chair, "must" be asked about Hassett's comments at his confirmation hearing.


"The Fed Chair has the ability to suppress research from the Fed. Will he if it disagrees with White House?" Sahm wrote.

Steve Sosnick, chief strategist at Interactive Brokers, told Business Insider that Hassett's comments are "distressing."

"At best it's an angry outburst instead of a reasoned response, and at worst it is meant to chill speech and curb central bank independence," he added.

Kashkari Rips Hassett Criticism of NY Fed Tariff Analysis



Catarina Saraiva
Thu, February 19, 2026 

Bloomberg

(Bloomberg) -- Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis President Neel Kashkari said recent comments by National Economic Council Director Kevin Hassett critical of a New York Fed study on tariffs undermine the central bank’s independence.

“This is just another step to try to compromise the Fed’s independence,” Kashkari said Thursday at an event in Fargo, North Dakota, of Hassett’s remarks. “Over the last year we’ve seen multiple attempts to try to compromise the Fed’s independence.” He added, “It’s really about monetary policy.”

 Federal Reserve Bank of Minneapolis President Neel Kashkari criticizes National Economic Council Director Kevin Hassett’s comments about a New York Fed study on tariffs.
Source: Bloomberg

Hassett on Wednesday said the New York Fed economists’ study, which found US companies bear most of the burden from President Donald Trump’s tariff hikes, was “an embarrassment” and that the researchers associated with it should be “disciplined.”

Kashkari said research conducted by Fed district banks reflect efforts “to get better and learn about the economy — by having this breadth of opinions.”


“We are doing our very best to make the best assessment of the economy based on data and analysis,” the Minneapolis Fed chief said.

‘Hug the Mast’

Kashkari also pointed to the current Justice Department investigation of the Fed over building renovations as evidence of Trump administration pressure. Chair Jerome Powell in January said, when served subpoenas, that the reasons for the investigation were a pretext to punish him for not cutting interest rates quickly enough. Trump has repeatedly said the Fed should cut rates aggressively.

“The louder the noise gets turned up, the more we hug the mast of what is our mission,” Kashkari said, citing the Fed’s mandate to achieve price stability and maximum employment.

The Minneapolis Fed chief was also asked about Kevin Warsh, whom Trump has said he’ll nominate to be the next Fed chair. Powell’s term expires in May. Warsh has repeatedly criticized various elements of the Fed and said he wants to revamp the institution.


“I look forward to working with him and hearing his ideas,” said Kashkari, who worked with Warsh during the financial crisis. “We can always do better. If we’ve got good ideas on how to improve things, let’s go take them forward.”

Balance Sheet

Warsh has said he wants to reduce the Fed’s balance sheet, which surged in size during both the financial crisis and the pandemic, when the Fed was buying assets to shore up the economy. Kashkari argued there are many technical reasons why the balance sheet — currently at $6.6 trillion — is much bigger today than it was before those crises, including foreign demand for US currency and the amount of reserves banks have to maintain at the Fed for liquidity purposes.


“We’ve shrunk our balance sheet quite a bit in the last few years, and I’m not sure that we can shrink it much further from here without making some other fundamental changes to the way the financial system operates,” he said.

On interest rates, Kashkari said the Fed’s benchmark is currently likely close to “neutral” — the point where they’re neither restricting the economy nor stimulating it. The Fed held rates unchanged at its January meeting, a decision Kashkari supported, after cutting them three consecutive times in the last few months of 2025.

--With assistance from Matt Shirley.

Most Read from Bloomberg Businessweek




Tariffs paid by midsize US companies tripled last year, a JPMorganChase Institute study shows

President Donald Trump visits Coosa Steel Corporation in Rome, Ga., Thursday, Feb. 19, 2026. (AP Photo/Mark Schiefelbein) · Associated Press Finance · ASSOCIATED PRESS
JOSH BOAK

Thu, February 19, 2026 at 4:16 AM MST 4 min read

WASHINGTON (AP) — Tariffs paid by midsize U.S. businesses tripled over the course of past year, new research tied to one of America’s leading banks showed on Thursday — more evidence that President Donald Trump 's push to charge higher taxes on imports is causing economic disruption.

The additional taxes have meant that companies that employ a combined 48 million people in the U.S. — the kinds of businesses that Trump had promised to revive — have had to find ways to absorb the new expense, by passing it along to customers in the form of higher prices, employing fewer workers or accepting lower profits.

“That’s a big change in their cost of doing business,” said Chi Mac, business research director of the JPMorganChase Institute, which published the analysis Thursday. “We also see some indications that they may be shifting away from transacting with China and maybe toward some other regions in Asia.”

The research does not say how the additional costs are flowing through the economy, but it indicates that tariffs are being paid by U.S. companies. The study is part of a growing body of economic analyses that counter the administration's claims that foreigners pay the tariffs.

The JPMorganChase Institute report used payments data to look at businesses that might lack the pricing power of large multinational companies to offset tariffs, but may be small enough to quickly change supply chains to minimize exposure to the tax increases. The companies tended to have revenues between $10 million and $1 billion with fewer than 500 employees, a category known as “middle market.”

The analysis suggests that the Trump administration’s goal of becoming less directly reliant on Chinese manufacturers has been occurring. Payments to China by these companies were 20% below their October 2024 levels, but it’s unclear whether that means China is simply routing its goods through other countries or if supply chains have moved.

The authors of the analysis emphasized in an interview that companies are still adjusting to the tariffs and said they plan to continue studying the issue.

White House spokesman Kush Desai called the analysis “pointless” and said it didn't “change the fact that President Trump was right.” The study showed that U.S. companies are paying tariffs that the president had previously claimed would be paid by foreign entities.

Trump defended his tariffs during a trip to Georgia on Thursday while touring Coosa Steel, a company involved in steel processing and distribution. The president said he couldn’t believe the Supreme Court would soon decide on the legality of some of his tariffs, given his belief that the taxes were helping U.S. manufacturers.

“The tariffs are the greatest thing to happen to this country,” Trump said.

The president imposed a series of tariffs last year for the ostensible goal of reducing the U.S. trade imbalance with other countries, so that America was not longer importing more than it exports. But trade data published Thursday by the Census Bureau showed that the trade deficit climbed last year by $25.5 billion to $1.24 trillion. The president on Wednesday posted on social media that he expected there would be a trade surplus “during this year.”

The Trump administration has been adamant that the tariffs are a boon for the economy, businesses, and workers. Kevin Hassett, director of the White House National Economic Council, lashed out on Wednesday at research by the New York Federal Reserve showing that nearly 90% of the burden for Trump's tariffs fell on U.S. companies and consumers.

“The paper is an embarrassment,” Hassett told CNBC. “It’s, I think, the worst paper I’ve ever seen in the history of the Federal Reserve system. The people associated with this paper should presumably be disciplined.”

Trump increased the average tariff rate to 13% from 2.6% last year, according to the New York Fed researchers. He declared that tariffs on some items such as steel, kitchen cabinets and bathroom vanities were in the national security interest of the country. He also declared an economic emergency to bypass Congress and impose a baseline tax on goods from much of the world in April 2025 at an event he called “Liberation Day.”

The high rates provoked a financial market panic, prompting Trump to walk back his rates and then engage in talks with multiple countries that led to a set of new trade frameworks. The Supreme Court is expected to rule soon on whether Trump surpassed his legal authority by declaring an economic emergency.

Trump was elected in 2024 on his promise to tame inflation, but his tariffs have contributed to voter frustration over affordability. While inflation has not spiked during Trump's term thus far, hiring slowed sharply and a team of academic economists estimate that consumer prices were roughly 0.8 percentage points higher than they would otherwise be.



A year in, it’s official: Americans, not foreigners, are paying for Trump’s tariffs

Analysis by Allison Morrow, CNN
February 12, 2026


Nearly 90% of the cost of Trump's tariffs have been borne by American consumers and businesses, according to the New York Federal Reserve. - Nam Y. Huh/AP

A new report from the Federal Reserve Bank of New York confirms what economists have long warned about: The burden of tariffs is borne almost entirely by the people living in the country that imposes them.

That simple fact — now learned experientially in 21st century America — is an Econ 101 lesson as foundational as supply and demand. ’Twas ever thus!

US businesses and consumers last year paid for nearly 90% of 2025’s import taxes, the Fed branch found. That’s hardly surprising: The National Bureau of Economic Research and the Congressional Budget Office recently found roughly the same thing.

And while the New York Fed report didn’t parse the split between businesses and consumers, the CBO report, published Wednesday, estimated businesses would continue shrinking their margins slightly to offset the extra costs, while passing on the bulk of the levies — 70% — to consumers. (As for those foreign exporters President Donald Trump has long claimed would foot the bill? They’re taking on about 5%, the CBO estimates.)

In real dollar terms, the tariffs amounted to an average tax increase of $1,000 per household in 2025, according to the non-partisan Tax Foundation.

Now, on one hand, these are just your standard academic mumbo-jumbo papers published by a bunch of nerds, for a bunch of nerds. The collective wisdom of economists has never much mattered to Trump when it comes to “the most beautiful word to me in the dictionary,” as he once described tariffs.

But the CBO and New York Fed reports landed just as tariff fatigue is hitting hard in DC.

In a rare rebuke of Trump’s signature economic agenda, six House Republicans joined with Democrats on Wednesday in a vote that would effectively repeal his tariffs on Canada. The tariffs won’t get repealed, mind you, because even if it passed the Senate, Trump would just veto it. But the brushback from Trump’s own party members didn’t go over well in the West Wing, as one might have guessed. Shortly after the vote, Trump responded with a threat of “consequences” for “any Republican” in Congress who votes against tariffs.

Meanwhile, a Supreme Court ruling on the legality of Trump’s tariffs is due any day, potentially tossing his whole agenda into upheaval.

In a statement, White House spokesman Kush Desai defended the tariff agenda, noting inflation had cooled and corporate profits have gone up even as “America’s average tariff rate has increased nearly sevenfold.”

“The reality is that President Trump’s economic agenda of tax cuts, deregulation, tariffs, and energy abundance are reducing costs and accelerating economic growth,” he said.

Of course, all of that is happening as everyday Americans seethe over the cost of living and increasingly hold Trump and the Republicans responsible. Trump’s campaign message of lowering prices on “day one” simply hasn’t happened. (Except on a few items like eggs — we can give him the W on that one, largely because farmers worked really hard to snuff out the bird flu that was crimping egg supplies and driving up prices.)

On paper, the US economy is humming along nicely. That’s largely because the economy is measured in averages and aggregates.

Take, for example, the January jobs report released Wednesday. On the whole, it looked surprisingly strong, with 130,000 jobs added, nearly double what economists had expected. But if you zoom in, almost all of the gains came from one sector, health care. Zoom in a little more, and virtually every other sector showed either weak gains or losses. In fact, for all of 2025, health care and social assistance accounted for 97% of all the job growth.

That is a prime example of what economist Diane Swonk of KPMG has called the “one-legged stools” holding up the entire economy. Two other one-legged stools: Rich people doing shopping sprees, and giant tech companies shelling out hundreds of billions on AI infrastructure.

For more CNN.com


90% of Trump’s tariffs are paid for by American consumers and companies, New York Fed says

President Donald Trump has said foreign exporters will pay for his tariffs, but new New York Fed data indicates the contrary is happening. · Fortune · Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc—Getty Images

Sasha Rogelberg
Fri, February 13, 202

Despite President Donald Trump insisting it’s foreign businesses paying for his raft of tariffs, mounting data indicates that, actually, American households and businesses are footing the bill for his import taxes.

A Federal Reserve Bank of New York report released Thursday, using data from the U.S. Census Bureau and Foreign Trade Statistics through November 2025, found Americans paid for nearly 90% of the tariffs in 2025, including 94% of the levies from January to August of last year, 92% from September to October, and 86% in November.

“Our results show that the bulk of the tariff incidence continues to fall on U.S. firms and consumers,” the economists wrote. Americans “continue to bear the bulk of the economic burden of the high tariffs imposed in 2025.”

The report authors—Mary Amiti, Chris Flanagan, Sebastian Heise, and David E. Weinstein—explained in their report that over the course of 2025, average tariff rates quintupled from 2.6% to 13%. If foreign firms were the ones paying for the levies, it would be reflected in those companies having to lower prices in order for them to remain the same on American soil once the taxes were applied. Instead, their data reflects that companies exporting to the U.S. have only modestly decreased their prices, leaving it to domestic companies to absorb the increased costs or pass them down to consumers.

Trump has repeatedly asserted other countries looking to export goods to the U.S. are the ones paying for the tariffs. In a Wall Street Journal op-ed last month, Trump said: “The data shows that the burden, or ‘incidence,’ of the tariffs has fallen overwhelmingly on foreign producers and middlemen, including large corporations that are not from the U.S.”

The president’s declaration on the tariffs’ success comes as his trade policy undergoes increased scrutiny. On Wednesday, the House of Representatives passed a resolution, with the support of three Republicans, to overturn the tariffs imposed on Canada out of economic concern. Meanwhile, the Trump administration is awaiting an imminent ruling from the Supreme Court, which will determine the legality of the tariffs on the basis of the International Emergency Economic Powers Act.

Americans have taken note of higher prices as a result of tariffs, and last month, consumer confidence sank to its lowest level in more than 11 years, with survey respondents citing tariffs as one reason for this anxiety.

“Consumers’ write-in responses on factors affecting the economy continued to skew towards pessimism,” Conference Board Chief Economist Dana Peterson said in a statement. “References to prices and inflation, oil and gas prices, and food and grocery prices remained elevated. Mentions of tariffs and trade, politics, and the labor market also rose in January, and references to health/insurance and war edged higher.”

“America’s average tariff rate has increased nearly sevenfold in the past year–yet inflation has cooled and corporate profits have increased,” White House spokesperson Kush Desai said in a statement to Fortune. “The reality is that President Trump’s economic agenda of tax cuts, deregulation, tariffs, and energy abundance are reducing costs and accelerating economic growth.”

Writing on the wall

The tariffs’ impact on American businesses and consumers follows a pattern seen in the tariff impact from Trump’s first term. A 2019 study from the Journal of Economic Perspectives found Americans were paying the full incidence, or cost, of tariffs through 2018, which amounted to an estimated reduction of $1.4 billion per month in aggregate U.S. real income through 2018.

The New York Fed report this week similarly mirrors data from myriad sources, including from the Harvard Business School’s Tariff Tracker, which found that through October 2025, the levies added 0.76% to the Consumer Price Index, or U.S. inflation. The Kiel Institute likewise found foreign exports were absorbing only 4% of the tariff burden, leaving 96% to be eaten by U.S. buyers.

U.S. business leaders have been sounding the alarm on tariffs for months for this exact reason, claiming it would be domestic businesses making the call to either absorb costs at the expense of their own margins, or pass down costs to customers.

Procter & Gamble announced in July 2025 it would raise prices on some of its household products like diapers and skincare due to tariffs. General Motors reported the same month a $1.1 billion profit hit as a result of the levies.

“There’s not much you can do,” Bernstein senior analyst Daniel Roeska told Fortune in July. “If the policy is to put tariffs on cars, then that will increase the cost of cars, and ultimately, that will likely increase the price of cars.”

Taken together, the burden of these levies have outweighed the benefits Trump has claimed the taxes will fund, according to some economists. The president has claimed tariff revenue will pay off the country’s staggering $38 trillion national debt and the administration will be able to dole out $2,000 rebate checks to Americans and provide tax cuts.

Nonpartisan think tank the Tax Foundation found earlier this month the costs of tariffs for U.S. households exceed the benefit of a tax break. The group previously estimated Trump’s tax cut would increase the average return by $1,000 from last year, but calculated that the tariff burden for Americans would swell to $1,300 in 2026, wiping out any benefit from the cuts.

“Tariffs are really holding back the potential of the new tax law, both to deliver relief to taxpayers and to grow the economy,” Erica York, vice president of federal tax policy at the Tax Foundation, told Fortune.

This story was originally featured on Fortune.com

Saturday, June 21, 2025

Calling Kamala Harris a Whore Won the Election for Trump



 June 20, 2025

Photograph Source: Nathaniel St. Clair

I don’t know which is worse. The former Vice President’s defeat or the commentary that’s followed, monopolized by men of similar backgrounds.

Did German liberals appease the 3rd Reich as upscale liberals in our country are appeasing this American 4th Reich? Why do I call it the 4th Reich?

Members of the Trump administration, like Musk and Bannon, enjoy hoisting Nazi salutes, and Vice President Vance, on a trip to Germany, embraced the AfD, considered by some to be a Neo-Nazi party. He told German politicians they should “abandon their policy of maintaining a ‘firewall against the far right,’ a statement which received “murmurs from the audience and a backlash from German officials,” according to Jewish Chronicle, Feb.16, 2025.

New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof is the epitome of soppy upscale liberalism; he says Democrats shouldn’t talk down to the (white) working class, a charge against the Democrats that has been endlessly repeated. This line ignores the former president’s commitment to unions and that the former Vice President received the majority of votes from union households.

Kristof says that Democrats shouldn’t call Trump supporters racists and bigots. Millions of them are racists and bigots, and if they had succeeded in overthrowing the government on January 6th,, given the MAGA hostility towards The Times, he might find himself in an El Salvador prison where there ain’t no two hour five-star Manhattan lunches.

Like other Timesmen who believe that San Francisco is a scene from “The Last of Us,” he couldn’t resist taking a dump on San Francisco, defining the entire city by focusing on one section,which is how the president and his media buddies are defining Los Angeles. East Coast columnists know as much about San Francisco as we know about the ocean buried beneath the ice of Enceladus.

Kristof made his statement on May 28. On the same day, Robert Reich also attributed the former Vice President’s loss to economic discontent.

A serious study disposes of this theory. In January, political sociologist David N. Smith and his University of Kansas colleague, Associate Sociology Professor Eric A. Hanley, published a 47-page paper deconstructing the Republican president’s appeal. They write that “75% of Trump’s voters supported him enthusiastically, mainly because they shared his prejudices, not because they were hurting economically.” Sharing his prejudices means an intense paranoia about a DEI takeover led by Blacks, who are seen by the right as the group that puts other groups up to mischief.

It was left up to El Pais, a Spanish newspaper, to print my assessment of the election, where I wrote that the Vice President lost the election because of Racism and Misogyny. Trump got the locker room vote by defining the former Vice President in antebellum-old South terms as a promiscuous slave wench. It was his vile assertion that Kamela Harris achieved her status not by hard work but by using sex. He retweeted a post that the Vice President rose to power by giving blow jobs, which must have sent guffaws throughout the locker room. With this strategy, he got the locker room vote.

The present Vice President embellished Trump’s slander of the former Vice President when Vance referred to the then-Vice President as “trash.” Millions of white men believe that minority women are sluts who are available to them. That’s why Dominique Strauss-Kahn, the former head of the International Monetary Fund, believed that Nafissatou Diallo, a 33-year-old former housekeeper at the upmarket Sofitel hotel in Manhattan, was available to him for sexual assault. The good old boy Media of Manhattan took his side. They called her a whore. Strauss-Kahn, however, settled with Diallo for an undisclosed amount of money. Trump got the locker room, a locker room that holds millions of men. He reached back to the old antebellum South image of the Black woman as a promiscuous slave wench, the kind of lurid image of Black women one finds in the books of pro-slavery writers Thomas Nelson Page (In Ole Virginia) and Thomas Dixon (The Klansman) who represent the most shameful period in American literature.

Did Trump’s final argument during the campaign focus on economics? The price of eggs? No, as The Washington Post noted on October 29, 2024, “Donald Trump’s closing argument: Vulgarity” during a rally.

 “Businessman Grant Cardone likened Vice President Kamala Harris to a prostitute. ‘Her and her pimp handlers will destroy our country,’ he said. “David Rem, billed as a childhood friend of Mr. Trump’s, called Ms. Harris the ‘‘Antichrist’ and ‘devil’ while waving a cross onstage. Elon Musk, who also spoke at Sunday’s rally, (in October 2024) posted on X, referred to Ms. Harris as the c-word. He opened a rally this month in Latrobe, Pennsylvania. Ms. Harris has been a “sh*t” vice president, and everything she touches turns to “sh*t.”

The Associated Press, October 27, 2025, reported that Trump called Democratic Vice-President Kamala Harris “the devil” and “likened the former California attorney general vying to become the first woman and Black woman president to a prostitute.”

A group called the “Speaking with American Men” project received twenty million dollars to study why young men didn’t vote for Kamala. I could have told Democrats for free why Kamala Harris lost.

The commentators didn’t recognize this ante bellum connection because they were educated to be copycat Anglos and have little knowledge of American history. Even TV’s official historians make omissions and mistakes.

The commentators continue to note that some Black and Latino men have abandoned the Democrats. Maybe Black and Hispanic men recoil at the thought of a woman president? Especially a woman of Indo-Black heritage with a Jewish husband, fodder for conspiracy theories.

Whites explained the alienation of Latino men from Democrats in economic terms. Victor Martinez, a Latino broadcaster and not one of the green room vagrants who are disproportionately white, said his Latino callers were opposed to a woman running things; the majority of Latina and Black women voted for Harris—Hispanic whisperer David M. Drucker failed to mention their vote when, appearing on “Morning Joe” on June 9, 2025, he explained why the Hispanic vote is trending right. Of course, some might have regrets. Some Cuban and Venezuelan Trump supporters have been threatened with deportation.

Sixteen rappers endorsed Trump as a nod to a fellow felon, including Curtis 50 Cents Jackson, who fronts for Starz network—a network which specializes in sleazy Black pathology dramas. Snoop Dogg performed at his inaugural. In an attempt to moderate the feud between Trump and Musk, Kanye West said he loved both of them.

Given that millions in Africa and the United States will die as a result of Trump’s policies, and Black and Brown women who will suffer the most from his abortion bans, the possible curtailment of Medicare and Social Security, the rappers’ endorsement of Trump has to be regarded as the biggest blunder in Black history. The headline of a story that appeared on the front page of The Times on June 19, 2025, read “Trump’s Cuts to South Africa Threaten Global Medical Progress.” On the editorial page was the statement: “Global malnutrition risks getting worse because of Trump’s cuts in humanitarian aid.”

In my interview with Don Lemon for Tar Baby magazine, for which I am editor-in-chief, he discounted the influence of rappers. I disagree. These rappers have millions of followers.

How did white women react to these lewd lowlife attacks against their sister? The majority voted for Trump for the third time. Maybe they admire Trump’s antebellum style. In the old South, White men ruled women and minorities. Perhaps they suffer from the political version of the Stockholm Syndrome.

There’s a scene in James Fenimore Cooper’s The Last of the Mohicans where a Native American voices his objection to a white settler as a lookout for an encampment because he might misinterpret some signals. He might confuse the noise of the enemy with that of an animal.

This is the problem with an American commentariat that lacks diversity. There are signs that they miss.

Progressives had issues with Kamala Harris, mostly having to do with her stance on the genocide in Gaza. Like Hubert Humphrey, who lost to Richard Nixon because he could not stray from President Johnson’s position on Vietnam, she was compromised because of her loyalty to President Biden. (Forgotten is a statement attributed to Humphrey, when discussing poor living conditions in urban ghettos. Humphrey stated: “I’ve got enough spark in me to lead a mighty good revolt under those conditions….”)  But even with her equivocating about Gaza, where daily war crimes are committed, progressives should have expressed more outrage about the nasty treatment of this woman by white men like Trump and Vance, who view all Black women as “trash,” loose and available.

In October, Ishmael Reed’s play “Life Among the Aryans” which predicted the Insurrection, will have a repeat performance at the Black Rep. Group.


BEFORE ILLUMINATUS THERE WAS MUMBO JUMBO

LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment: Search results for ISHMAEL REED

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Friday, February 14, 2025

Climate Upheaval, Mild or Severe, Who Really Cares?



 February 14, 2025
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Image by Matt Palmer.

The onset of some level of climate upheaval or widespread destruction of biomes and human lives, mild or severe, has essentially been forecast by the world’s leading climate scientist James Hansen, Earth Institute, Columbia University who pronounced the 2C upper temperature limit that the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) says cannot be exceeded “dead on arrival.” But frankly, “who cares” is an overriding issue that impedes doing anything constructive.

Only recently several publications took notice of Hansen’s most recent communique: The Guardian, February 4, 2025: Climate Change Target of 2C is ‘Dead’ Says Renowned Climate Scientist.

If the 2C target is dead on arrival, then the worldwide climate system is headed for a wild trip that’ll make the past two years look like a cakewalk. If history is a guide, paying heed to James Hansen’s warnings is advisable. For example, if the US Senate, decades ago, would have listened and acted upon Hansen’s 1988 warning, articles like this that spell out scientific facts about an uncompromising challenging climate system would be stupid and unnecessary. Back then, Hansen told the US Senate: “The greenhouse effect has been detected, and it is changing our climate now.”

Wow, talk about a zinger: “changing our climate” should have shaken and rattled the rafters of the Capitol building with demands by senators for immediate research into what could be done about such shocking news. But nothing happened, until now, with a climate system threatening everything capitalism stands for, like homeownership, as major home insurers either back off coverage/drop coverage in states like Florida and California, or they crank up rates so fast, so high to nosebleed levels that many current and prospective homeowners are priced out of the market. Homeowner’s Insurance Costs Soar, Barron’s d/d January 22, 2025.

Significantly, it’s no small deal when RE is clobbered by a ravaging climate system in the states of Florida and California, as Florida’s $1.58 trillion GDP is comparable to Spain and California’s $4 trillion GDP comparable to India. Combined, GDP of the two states ranks alongside the US, China, Germany, and Japan as one of the five largest in the world.

Climate change is rapidly becoming too costly for insurers and for homeowners. Assuming Dr. Hansen is right once again, homeownership will become a relic of the American Dream. If and when “2°C is dead,” meaning surpassing pre-industrial temperatures, the repercussions will be so ugly, so dreadfully corpselike, and impossible to describe with a clear conscience. And, besides, who really cares anyway?

For two years running, the most influential sources of US political power have been dropping out of the green movement by the bucketload. They just don’t care and neither does the general public. According to a Gallup poll, 54% of Americans do not think global warming poses a serious threat during their lifetimes. Just wondering: Does the 54% mostly come from the over 50s crowd?

The world’s leading climate scientist, James Hansen, similarly addressed the issue of complacency and lack of interest based upon the title of a recent report: James Hansen, Global Warming Has Accelerated: Are the United Nations and the Public Well-Informed? Earth Institute, Columbia University, Feb. 3, 2025.

Greenhushing has become the newest approach to climate change by corporations. Recent financial headlines tell the tale: JPMorgan, State Street Quit Climate Group, BlackRock Steps Back (Reuters, Feb. 15, 2024) Major Asset Managers Drop Climate Activism (Competitive Enterprise Institute, February 2024) And this is before Trump turned lose his attack dogs on the EPA and dropped out of Paris ’15, an agreement by the nations of the world to take measures to suppress CO2 emissions (which act as a blanket holding heat) to try to hold down rising global temperatures. So far, it’s been a massive failure and is now destined for the dustbin.

What about 2°C by 2050

Never before in Earth’s history has the planet been confronted by such a powerful force as the human footprint, e.g., human-generated climate change is changing the face of the planet in one human lifetime. That’s difficult to comprehend in the context of a planet celebrating 4.543 billion years. The human era 2.5m/yrs is merely a speck of time. Humans are 0.0006% of earth-time.

Several respected scientific studies claim “business-as-usual’ will take global temps up to 2°C above pre-industrial by 2050, possibly 2040-45, resulting in one-foot of sea level rise. Every 1 foot of sea level swallows up 100 feet of shoreline for most coastlines. The consequences will drive the cost of home insurance to the moon. Furthermore, the climate change issue is not only increasing sea levels; it’s massive wildfires, monster hurricanes, expansive floods, and barn-burning droughts. All of these events are happening at extreme levels of human history.

As a result, homeownership will no longer be a crowning feature of capitalism and will lose its safety valve effect of stabilizing society. Begging the question: Is the big fossil fuel CO2 emissions profit center worth the loss of valuation of large portions of real estate, the world’s biggest asset class, with a projected value of $613.60 trillion in 2023?

According to an article in USA Today, Feb. 3, 2025: Climate Risk Will Take Trillion-Dollar Bite Out of America’s Real Estate, Report Finds. According to the referenced report, Property Prices in Peril, “Climate abandonment’ areas are where climate risks and insurance premiums are high enough that population is declining; risky growth areas are where perils are high and premiums are rising.” This is the direct result of anthropogenic (originating in human activity) climate change.

It’s threatening America’s number one asset class and the existence of capitalism as a viable socio-economic system, which is already questionable. Can the system survive the climate change that Dr. James Hansen warned the US Senate about 37 years ago that’s now morphing into a lengthy extension that’s much more ominous than his 1988 warning? Moreover, today’s administration is poking the bear by abandoning green policies just as the worst of climate change approaches full stride, which will likely define the 2030s (distant cousin to the 1930s).

Prospects for Heat Waves: “Mortality from extreme heat could surpass that of all infectious diseases combined, and rival that of cancer and heart disease.” (Source: Why Heat Waves of the Future May Be Even Deadlier Than Feared, The New York Times, October 25, 2024)

Robert Hunziker lives in Los Angeles and can be reached at rlhunziker@gmail.com



And Still Growth Is All They Talk About



February 14, 2025
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Image by Matt Palmer.

Every year of the past 10 has been the hottest on record, with 2024 topping the heat chart. It’s not only air temperatures that are climbing; in 2024, the oceans of the world also reached a new daily high. 2024 was the first year on record where global average temperatures exceeded 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. “From January to September, the global mean surface air temperature was 1.54°C above the pre-industrial average.”

The reason the planet continues to heat up is because not enough is being done to reduce greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. Arising principally from burning fossil fuels (oil, coal, gas), it is GHG emissions that are clogging the lower atmosphere, resulting in global warming.

Limiting global warming to 1.5˚C was the target agreed upon by 196 countries at the Paris Climate Accords in 2016. The Paris Agreement “sets long-term goals to…. hold global temperature increase to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels and pursue efforts to limit it to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels.” President Trump has taken the US out of the legally binding landmark agreement. This reckless and irresponsible step sets a dangerous example for other nations that wish to flaunt environmental commitments, and should be strongly condemned by governments throughout the world.

If the current warming trajectory continues, by the early 2030’s 1.5˚C is likely to become the norm, with higher temperatures a real risk.

Increases in average ground temperatures of 1.5 or 2 degrees centigrade doesn’t sound like much, but every additional fraction of a degree can bring more frequent and intense extreme weather, such as heatwaves and heavy rainfall. “Every tenth of a degree matters and climate impacts get progressively worse the more warming we have,” explains Zeke Hausfather, a climate scientist at Berkeley Earth.

Once established a 1.5˚C world would be hard to reverse, and the risks are manifold: an increase in extreme weather events – more frequent and intense heatwaves, droughts, heavy rainfall and storms; rising sea levels, which in turn increases the risk of costal flooding and erosion; coral reef loss – its estimated that 70-90% of coral reefs could disappear due to ocean warming and acidification; arctic ice loss, affecting ecosystems and global climate patterns; biodiversity loss – up to 14% of land species could face high risk of extinction.

If warming of 1.5˚C is normalised and becomes 2˚C (or higher), the impacts would be much worse — doubling the extinction risks, intensifying extreme weather, and making some regions uninhabitable, leading to mass displacement of people.

In addition to the environmental impacts, rising temperatures affect communities and economies. A heating planet means food and water shortages and increased risk of heat related illnesses and deaths. Businesses are impacted in affected areas and climate disasters cost trillions of dollars in infrastructure damage and reduced productivity.

Its all interconnected

Climate change is one aspect of the man-made environmental catastrophe, which is the biggest crisis humanity has ever been confronted with. It is unprecedented in seriousness and impact, short, medium, and long-term. The speed of change is surprising everyone, including climate scientists. “Both 2023 and 2024 temperatures surprised most climate scientists— we didn’t think we’d be seeing a year above 1.5˚C this early,” says Dr Hausfather.

In all developed and emerging countries, the environmental emergency should be the central issue around which all other matters— economy, development, geo-politics, etc.— are decided. How does this policy, this proposal, impact the planet? Does it have a negative or positive effect on the climate, on local ecosystems, on pollution, etc., or is it neutral? If the proposal increases greenhouse gas emissions, further weakens an endangered species or ecosystem, adds to air/water/soil pollution, or expands desertification. Then the proposal should immediately be dropped; this is what would happen in we were living in a world where responsible governance was standard practice. Sadly we are not.

The current crop of political ‘leaders’ are weak, unprincipled, and on the whole, completely inadequate to the colossal challenge that the man-made environmental catastrophe presents. Compromised by their indebtedness to big business, personal ambition, blind adherence to ideology, and complete lack of vision, not only do they consistently fail to address the issues of the day, but their actions routinely intensify the problems.

Far from environmental concerns sitting at the forefront of policy-making, irrespective of country or ideology, it is securing economic growth that exercises the minds of politicians, and the drive for profit that determines the actions of corporations. Growth that is strongly dependent on consumerism, and it is unconstrained consumerism within and by rich nations, that is in large part responsible for the environmental catastrophe.

Along with competition and social injustice, consumerism is one of the cornerstones of market fundamentalism. Excess is celebrated, selfishness and greed promoted. Not only has this crude materialistic way of life vandalised the natural world, it has encouraged narrow unhealthy behaviour and a set of social norms that have created unhealthy societies populated by frightened, confused people.

The health of the planet and the well-being of humanity, as well as the animal, vegetable and mineral kingdoms are all interconnected. It is one integrated eco-system, one life; infection in one area affects all other parts. There is no such thing as separation, on all levels life is one. Try telling that to the Clown In Chief ensconced in the White House.

Whilst governments and (most) corporations/businesses are not interested in putting the environment at the centre of everything, we as individuals can. This means protesting environmental abuse and taking personal responsibility for the way we live. Every decision – shopping, travel, heating, etc., should take into account the environmental impact; if everyone decided to only patronise environmentally responsible businesses, companies large and small would quickly change their strategies. The same applies to politicians, local and national, who are trying to persuade the electorate to vote for them.

Given the scale of the crisis such steps may appear tiny, but when adopted by enough people they can have an impact, and doing something rather than nothing alleviates to some degree the feeling of despair. Hope, which is so badly needed at this time, is not based on wishful thinking, but comes about through sustained action.

Graham Peebles is a British freelance writer and charity worker. He set up The Create Trust in 2005 and has run education projects in Sri Lanka, Ethiopia and India.  E: grahampeebles@icloud.com  W: www.grahampeebles.org



Two Books on Climate Change and Beyond



 February 14, 2025
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Wauna Mill, Westport, Oregon. Photo: Jeffrey St. Clair.

Malcolm Harris, What’s Left: Three Paths Through the Planetary Crisis (Little, Brown and Company, 2025)
Anthony Galluzzo, Against the Vortex: Zardoz and Degrowth Utopias in the Seventies and Today (Zer0 Books, 2023)

One of the more predictable outcomes of Trump’s return to the White House is the common liberal assertion that leftist politics, particularly following the George Floyd protests, had gone too far. Even before the 2024 election, some writers were pointing to radical demands such as police abolition to explain why the effort to achieve significant national reforms failed. Trump’s victory, along with the dismantling of DEI programs across the government and private sector, seemed only to confirm the view that the rightwing backlash was the inevitable reaction to a movement that had outpaced its popular support.

It is therefore impressive that Malcolm Harris’s What’s Left forcefully and unapologetically argues that when it comes to climate change left politics in fact needs to go much further. A survey of three responses to the climate crisis, the book evaluates liberal, socialist, and communist strategies, arguing that any likely solution will incorporate portions of all three in a Venn diagram or “metastrategy of coherence” (Harris cuts to the chase by rejecting conservative and tech-utopian solutions prima facie, asserting that they are, respectively, discredited and delusional).

In the book’s first section, Harris examines the liberal strategy of marketcraft: the state’s manipulation of production toward green energy and away from fossil fuels and other flagrantly destructive resources. Harris is generous in his evaluation, focusing among other things on the ways in which the Biden Administration bypassed the traditional “regulation/deregulation” toolkit to instead affirmatively cultivate more climate-friendly policy outcomes through subsidies and incentivizing venture capital toward decarbonization. Harris uses metaphor nicely and describes marketcraft alternately as a steak thrown to redirect the hound of private investment and as the parent/state restricting the teenager/market’s freedom in the bedroom of the “state’s house.”

Assuming that it is even feasible to “trick” capitalists into “financing their own euthanasia,” there are of course, Harris notes, deep contradictions in attempting to direct private enterprise toward the public good, not least of which is that companies are motivated first and foremost by the pursuit of profit derived from the exploitation of labor and view the natural world as a cheap resource and dumping ground. Capitalists are therefore disinclined, no matter the subsidies, to invest in long-term projects – including the types of financially risky infrastructural projects required for transitioning to a “green economy” –and have no general interest, to put it mildly, in the common good.

Nowhere are marketcraft’s contradictions clearer than in the promotion of electric vehicles. While it might appear sensible at first glance to promote electric vehicles in order to jettison gas fueled cars, emissions, Harris emphasizes, primarily result from “indirect consumption of fossil fuels – through agricultural products, plastics, and basically everything we consume.…” This is not to mention the lithium, plastics, and endless rubber that are required for EVs and the unending wealth extracted from drivers to maintain subsidiary industries such as insurance companies, law firms, and the aesthetically and environmentally abominable parking lot industry.

The shift to EVs does not merely represent a missed opportunity for developing more rational forms of travel and city design – say, ones that contain large and attractive open spaces where humans could comfortably move without fear of being honked at or killed. Our move to EVs also indicates the extent to which our political decision making, lives, and imaginations are held hostage to the needs of capital, leaving us in a world in which “saving the environment” becomes a meaningless (and erroneous) abstraction amid an ever-lengthening rush hour (sic) where cars sit backed up for miles, their drivers, stressed and aching, fearing collision with a Cybertruck or simply being rear-ended by a phone-addled commuter. Who would want to save the environment, instead of drive over a cliff, in such a world?

Necessary but not sufficient, marketcraft, Harris argues, needs to be supplemented by other, more radical, strategies. Public power, in contrast to marketcraft, bypasses the short-term and narrow interests of private investors and enables the state to engage in comprehensive planning for the benefit of, if not all, at least the majority. Public power’s deployment of nationalization, for example, could enable the federal government to not only expand the electrical grid but also redirect it for rational use outside the myopic and astronomically wasteful incentives of private profit. Calling on the work of Matt Bruenig and other analysts, Harris notes that there already exists public power infrastructure that could simply be expanded and repurposed toward clean energy production and decarbonization: a green and nationally extended Tennessee Valley Authority. Similarly, labor unions – “the subject and object of the public power strategy” – already provide the organizational structure and class-orientation required to politically challenge the fossil fuel industry and other entrenched polluters. Acknowledging that some unions are politically conservative, Harris stresses that radical political consciousness cannot be assumed but instead must be “built.” That is, the heart of the battle over climate change is ultimately neither organization nor strategy but values that must be fought for.

Nevertheless, as with marketcraft, public power contains its own contradictions, first and foremost concerning just what “the public” entails. The TVA, for example, destroyed Native American burial sites and refused for decades to return the remains. As Harris notes, “Native social metabolic orders are distinct sets of values” that can conflict with not only capitalism but also public power itself. Emboldening state power in the name of a preconceived “public” can exclude if not destroy the particular in the name of the general and forfeit opportunities to incorporate indigenous capabilities into a reconfigured and more environmentally sustainable world. Public power, Harris continues, can also overlook existing social divisions and their implications on constituency-building. Why would men, say, support eliminating a status quo that furnishes them a variety of household and workplace privileges? Alternatively, how do you get unions to overcome Joshua Clover’s “affirmation trap,” in which labor, fearing for its survival, embraces its own exploitation? Harris ultimately circumnavigates such questions by relocating the central site of struggle from the workplace to his third and final strategy: the commune.

The commune, for Harris, is distinct from the first two strategies since it does not attempt to compete against capitalism from within but is external to it. Unlike public power, it does not prioritize the working class’s control over work but seeks to abolish a system in which “work itself (is) the center of life… a strategy in which the planet’s exploited people abolish capital’s system of Value and impose a new world social metabolism based on the interconnected free association and well-being of all – and not just humans.”

The orienting principle of the commune, Harris writes, is not capitalism’s “Oil-Value-Life chain” but the revolutionary dictum: From each according to his ability, to each according to his need. Adhering to the principle of need to ensure that all are housed, clothed, and well-fed would allow us to eschew the mumbo jumbo of a merit-based society, while focusing on ability – versus, say, equality – would enable us to stop imagining that an 80-year-old woman and a 25-year-old man are equally capable of manual labor and thereby equally deserving of the remuneration that accompanies it. Harris’s second orienting principle for the commune is another Marxist dictum: The ruthless criticism of everything existing, an epistemological orientation recognizing that answers to our problems are frequently as suspect as our problems themselves, if only because the answers emerged from the same conditions and ideological presuppositions that helped produce the problems in the first place. A revolution in permanence, guided by the principle of collective well-being, is a prerequisite for escaping the trap.

What’s Left is at its most subversive, however, when addressing the question of the police and violence. Harris identifies the police as the primary impediment to revolutionary change, rejecting the notions that the police are merely fellow workers and what has been called the pathology of non-violence. Harris specifically invokes so-called Rose Theory in observing that all living creatures are designed to protect themselves (a la the rose’s thorns) and that it is only natural and proper for humans too to defend themselves from, in this case, life-threatening pollution and heat. Historically speaking, the efficacy of political violence is relatively uncontroversial, as even adherents to non-violent civil disobedience, famously Gandhi and MLK, have leveraged the threat of external violence to advance their goals. That is, violent and non-violent resistance are not mutually exclusive but symbiotic. Prima facie rejecting out of hand the former represents not only bad history but is also morally irresponsible, as it is our duty, no less than the rose’s, to defend ourselves.

Notably, Harris insists that these three strategies must all be included in the plan in order to combat climate change (practically speaking, he assumes that you won’t convince liberal marketcrafters to become communists and vice versa), but it is not entirely clear what is to stop the strategies from combating each other. Marketcraft preserves capitalism, which of course never stops accumulating and would like nothing better than to privatize the nationalized sectors promised by public power. At a minimum, the tripart strategy can only be made for the short-term befitting an “emergency siren” (or “brake”). Still, one wonders about the long-term dangers of such an unholy alliance, and Harris isn’t always convincing here. Harris counsels, for instance, that we exploit divisions within capitalists, noting that even John Brown received support from anti-slavery capitalists (John Brown, though, was not a communist). However, in his criticism of marketcraft Harris notes that British commerce’s successful abolition of West Indian slavery was followed by its quick embrace of U.S., Cuban, and Brazilian slavery. That is, exploiting capitalist divisions, fighting merely over which commodities to use, can squander our own energies while sidestepping the problem.

While Harris refers to the superior environmental practices of many indigenous societies, he is wary of romanticizing the pre-Columbian past and is quick to invoke José Carlos Mariátegui’s assertion that “the past is a foundation not a program.” Yet, in concluding that we cannot go backwards, which we of course cannot, it can be tempting to overlook the ways in which the destruction of the environment is an outcome of not merely capitalism but modernity itself. Putting aside the debate over whether the USSR was authentically socialist, Chernobyl was one of the biggest environmental catastrophes in world history, not mentioning the pollution produced by other non-capitalist states. We might not be able to exit the 21st century, but we should surely cultivate critical detachment from the hegemonic ideologies of the modern world.

In this regard, Anthony Galluzzo’s Against the Vortex provides a critical supplement to the discussion. Criticizing the “rational-empiricist yet implicitly religious logic of modernity,” Galluzzo argues that the source of the ongoing destruction of our physical environment is not capitalism per se but the “developmentalist imperative that defines the modernization process,” representing a revolt against finitude, limits, and death itself. This process spans the ideological spectrum, informing Musk and other tech oligarchs’ transhumanism as well as the so-called “fully automated luxury communism” and accelerationism of significant portions of the left. Developing his discussion through a critical viewing of John Boorman’s cult classic Zardoz, Galluzzo argues that, “flourishing starts with an embrace of our mortality and natality, our embodiment and animality, of our fragility and the interdependence that follows from this.”

Harris apparently rejects none of this, but the incorporation of marketcraft and public power into an otherwise revolutionary response to our climate catastrophe reproduces forms of domination that helped get us into this mess in the first place. Communism, too, which expresses a necessary and appropriate self-confidence in humans’ capacity to shape and improve our world, can slide into hubris. Nowhere perhaps is this more evident than in Harris’s discussion of family abolition. It is not difficult to imagine how such a policy would develop in our current political reality, that is, in the hands of opportunistic reformers who in grafting utopian solutions onto an existing dystopia wreak havoc and discredit revolutionary politics for years. Even in a revolutionary scenario, it is debatable, to put it modestly, whether not just men but most people would welcome the abolition of our most intimate form of social organization.

Addressing the heart of the matter, Galluzzo asks: How to exit the dead end of industrial modernism and its legitimating fictions – utilitarianism, Prometheanism, productivism and its ecocidal dreams of endless growth or secular immortality – in the face of interrelated material, ecological, and spiritual crises but without sliding into the reactionary antimodernism that, for example, led certain disillusioned Western intellectuals to embrace the Iranian revolution at the end of the Seventies?” Harris provides many answers, some of them exceptionally valuable: without revolution we are doomed. Yet without humility we are lost.

Joshua Sperber teaches political science and history. He is the author of Consumer Management in the Internet AgeHe can be reached at jsperber4@gmail.com