Friday, April 18, 2025

INDIA

Why Dalit History Month Matters


Since 2015, every April, the month of Ambedkar’s birth, Dalit History Month is observed globally—not only to remember Ambedkar’s legacy, but to assert the long-buried, violently erased histories of Dalit resistance and intellectual contribution.

Outlook Web Desk
Updated on: 18 April 2025 



Dalit History Month Photo: Artwork by Ishita Abha Dhuriya

On a scorching April afternoon in 1936, a crowd gathered in Lahore to hear a speech that would never be delivered.

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, the towering jurist and anti-caste revolutionary, had been invited to preside over the annual conference of the Jat-Pat Todak Mandal, a Hindu reformist group committed, at least nominally, to challenging caste hierarchies. But the organisers—anxious about the radical content of his address—eventually withdrew the invitation. The speech, which Ambedkar had titled Annihilation of Caste, was deemed too incendiary for their sensibilities. It condemned not only the caste system, but the very foundations of Hindu orthodoxy that sustained it.

Later that year, Ambedkar, in open defiance of his censorship, would go on to publish the speech himself: “I do not believe that we can build up a free society in India so long as there is a trace of this ill-treatment and suppression of one class by another.” He wrote.

Nearly a century later, His words continue to resonate as the movement for caste equality, resistance, and justice fights on.

Since 2015, every April, the month of Ambedkar’s birth, Dalit History Month is observed globally—not only to remember Ambedkar’s legacy, but to assert the long-buried, violently erased histories of Dalit resistance and intellectual contribution.

The idea emerged in 2015, sparked by a collective of Dalit women scholars and artists, including Thenmozhi Soundararajan, Christina Dhanaraj, Maari Zwick-Maitreyi, and Sanghapali Aruna. Inspired by Black History Month in the United States, the movement sought to create a similar space for Dalit histories—stories that had long been excluded from official textbooks, academic syllabi, and public memory. But Dalit History Month is not a carbon copy of its American counterpart. It emerges from a specific Indian reality, where caste functions not as an old wound but a living system, mutating through institutions, languages, and even progressive politics.

While its epicentre was initially digital—with zines, social media campaigns, and oral history projects—the impact has since rippled across classrooms, campuses, public lectures, and community festivals in India and the diaspora.

For centuries, the writing of Indian history has been dominated by the upper-caste, whether in colonial bureaucracies or post-Independence nationalist historiography. The result is a vast erasure of Bhakti poet-saints like Ravidas and Chokhamela, of anti-caste reformers like Iyothee Thass and Savitribai Phule, of contemporary thinkers like Sharmila Rege, Gail Omvedt, and Suraj Yengde. Where Dalit figures do appear, they are often decontextualised, sanitised, or tokenised. Even Ambedkar—whose intellectual stature is unparalleled—is routinely reduced to the symbolic role of “Father of the Constitution,” his radicalism obscured under layers of nationalistic piety.

Dalit History Month is not merely about representation. It is about reclamation. It is an assertion of epistemic sovereignty—the right to name, to narrate, and to know on one’s own terms.



Dalit History Month 

Subverting the Brahminical Patriarchy's Gaze in Poetry and on Social Media

Malayalam and English poet Aleena speaks of her experiences in dealing with bigotry and how Savarnas perceive her online

Avantika Mehta
Updated on: 18 April 2025 



Aleena is a 29-year-old poet from Kerala, is well-known for her collection of poems in Malayalam called Silk Route. Photo: X


Aleena is a 29-year-old poet from Kerala, is well-known for her collection of poems in Malayalam called Silk Route. The book won her the 2021 Kerala State Sahitya Akademi Kanakashree Award. She also writes in English and recites her poems on her Instagram @iseesomeletters where she has amassed over 60K followers in the last one year. Outlook's Avantika Mehta spoke to her on her message and medium. Excerpts


Q


As a writer, are you more comfortable with Malayalam?
A


Actually, I can feel this difference that with Malayalam being my mother tongue, I find a bit like I have to control myself when I write in Malayalam. Like that theory you know: bilingual people when they have to talk about something uncomfortable they switch into the other language. This is very, very true in my case. Because when I am writing in Malayalam. I kind of tend to project my feelings into my characters. Like I never speak from a personal. Like a first person narrative. I make characters, and I make the characters speak.

But in English I am more me. It’s easier to use I, you narratives. So, in Malayalam poetry I like to hide myself. In English poetry, I can be more myself; I can be loud. In Malyalam, I second guess myself: Is this appropriate? How will people react

Q


When you were writing Silk Route, did you feel the same way?
A


When I was writing that poems which are in Silk Route, I wasn't very concerned about how these poems will be perceived. I wasn't considered a poet yet. I just finished college by that time. So I thought I can do whatever I want because I am not considered a poet, and so, nobody is going to take this (my book) seriously and there won't be any scrutiny. So, I felt free in that sense.
Q


Do you feel the pressure now with the accolades and the followers?
A


Yeah, of course. Right now I have this pressure to make the poems as good as possible. I feel like somehow I am losing that rawness which actually defined my poetry. Now I am spending more time trying to make the poems good rather than preserving their rawness. I think hopefully I get a balance of it in a while. I also think I need to chase this balance. And that I should never reach it because if I reach it then I will be like very comfortable in writing. So I should always fall a step behind.


Q


Do you like being uncomfortable in your writing?
A


Actually this uncomfortable is a normal. If I am comfortable. I start to wonder what's wrong. You know this is a problem of, like, growing up in lot of discomfort. That becomes your normal.
Q


Tell me about your childhood?
A


I grew up in a village in Kerala, in a very hilly,. And my childhood is like my Amma, my grandma, my father was in Saudi that time when I was in school. And he didn't make any money and he just came back with a lot of debt. I'm not blaming him. We had a lot of like economic problems.

To give you an idea, my brother is with me currently in Kochi. He's just visiting me. So he didn't like the shower gel I use and he wanted me to buy a soap for him. We were on the search for a soap. And I told him, yeah, you take whatever soap you want. And he was asking me: did you play some rich simulation game or something? Because we used to shower with washing soaps. And that was like a revelation to me. Yeah, it did happen. We used to like shower with washing soaps.

And now as when I grew up and I started making money, I can buy soaps. This is kind of a privilege. We had to be very miserly with like toothpaste; We have to like find alternatives to do it. That kind of childhood I had: There were a lot of economic hardships.

Q


In some of the Silk Route poems, you juxtapose the supernatural and politics. How does that work for you?
A


When I was a child there was this church organisation near my home. So they had a small library, library means a bookshelf that was the library. I got to read a lot of fairy tales from there like Grimm's Fairy Tales and some diluted versions of One Thousand and One Nights so I was intrigued by magic and supernatural from my childhood itself. It became like a part of me. And as a kid I used to believe that this magic is true. Ghosts are true. That was my reality back then.

Then when I learned all this politics, all these terms like social justice and everything, that magic and supernatural part is still there with me. It was only organic for me to incorporate this supernatural into the politics, or personal things I want to convey.

Also, my community has always incorporated supernatural to fight caste. Because we have myths, like Odian and everything. Odian is a shape shifter from our community. Odian used to be a threat to upper caste people because Odian is not a lower caste person anymore. He doesn't have to obey the caste norms. And he is a shape shifter He shifts into animals so he is not even human anymore. He stands in the realm between humanity and animosity so he can be violent he can be anything he wants so that kind of supernatural stories where he used to fight caste from the beginning.

I think this is a continuation of the storytelling, story inventing—my people always used to do—that's how I approach this. I like that the idea that supernatural is a fight against oppression and norms. Just like people are so afraid of ghosts because ghosts look like human. But they are not human. So ghosts doesn't obey the human imposed morality. There is no morality for the ghosts too. So people are so afraid of people who stand outside this morality like people who are mentally ill, like all these things.

Q


Do you feel the same about you? Do you feel like you are sort of outside of what is Brahminical patriarchal norms which kind of rule India?
A


I am trying to actually; It's lot of conditioning. We can only try to think outside of Brahminical patriarchy, or capitalistic things. It would be very disingenuous if I say that I am outside all of this. It's not that easy. It's a complex thing. So I am only trying to. And, I say that not to suggest that it is impossible to get out of it. But, it can be achieved I think. Maybe one step behind. Always.

Q


Perhaps that's also a little bit like being comfortable?
A


Yes, you want to always be achieving it. Because once you get too comfortable then there seems to be a slide back. Because every day we are learning new things. Every day we are seeing new kind of crimes—new kind of hate crimes. So there’s always something new with this Brahminical patriarchy. We can only aspire to get out of it and try our best to get out of it.
Q


Your Instagram receives a lot of hate. Why do you think that is?
A


I don't know how to explain it but I think I’m like every Dalit stereotype out there— I'm dark, I have curly hair, I have this kind of round face. I look like a Dalit person of their imagination. My Dalit-ness is on my appearance itself. My caste is on my appearance. So they can't just look away from my Dalit-ness even if they wanted to, and I am so uncomfortable to look at for them. If it was a fair-skinned, polished-looking Dalit woman, then I think she might have gotten lesser hate. Because I look so untouchable that it's disgusting for them.

My presence— me appearing on their forum page—it's too much for them.

Q


Do you feel like it fuels your creative process?
A


It actually makes me more angry than I already am. It makes me angrier, meaner, pickier. It doesn't hinder me at all. All this hate I am seeing as like how online bigotry works, how caste adapted to this whole digital social media thing. I will become an expert soon regarding that.

I am trying to learn. I am trying to understand. I am trying to dissect all the hate I am getting. I do this comment analysis of the comments I get, where is it coming from. I think I will compile it into a book sooner or later. Because, for example in Dalit studies, we are the subjects—Dalit people are the subjects.

We never look at Savarnas and try to understand from where this bigotry is coming? Like, how is this their mentality? So, they are never the subjects. There might be studies on them. But compared to how they study us, how they make us objects. Compared to that, there is like very little information on their part, about them. I am looking at them with this weird curiosity that: you little people are very funny.

Q


Just like in your poems. You are turning it on their head, aren't you?
A


Yeah, it feels very nice to subvert this gaze back into them. It might also give a sense of power. Like Gopal Guru wrote in one of his essays, that some people are born with the silver spoon of theory and some people are born with the pot of data around their necks.

They (upper caste people) are the custodians of theory, and we people (Dalits) are just like data—we are born data. Our history, our resilience, our legacy is just data for them. So it feels very nice to subvert this. Like, let me be the theoretician now, and I'll study you.







UNCLE SAM BULLSHIT

US Says Duty Imposed On Steel, Aluminium Was Based On Security Grounds After India Involves WTO

US informs the World Trade Organisation that the tariffs on steel and aluminium, are based on national security grounds and not as safeguard measures, after India requests consultations under the WTO's Safeguards Agreement.

PTI
Updated on: 18 April 2025 



India-US Photo: PTI

The US has informed the global trade body WTO that the decision to impose tariffs on steel and aluminium, was based on national security grounds and should not be considered as safeguard measures, according to a communication.

The US shared this response with the World Trade Organisation (WTO) after India requested consultations under the WTO's Safeguards Agreement on April 11 with America.

India has said that notwithstanding the USA's characterisation of these measures as security measures, they are in essence safeguard measures.

It has also stated that America has failed to notify the WTO Committee on Safeguards under a provision of the Agreement on Safeguards (AoS) on taking a decision to apply safeguard measures.

"The US notes that the premise for India's request for consultations under Article 12.3 of the Agreement on Safeguards is that the tariffs are safeguard measures.... The (US) President imposed the tariffs on steel and aluminum pursuant to Section 232, under which the President determined that tariffs are necessary to adjust imports of steel and aluminum articles that threaten to impair the national security of the US," America has said in a communication, dated April 17, to the trade body.

The US also said that Section 232 is a national security statute, and the tariffs are being kept in place under the security exception allowed under a provision of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) 1994.

It added that the tariffs were not imposed under a provision of the Trade Act of 1974, which is the law under which the US imposes safeguard measures.

"The United States is not maintaining these actions pursuant to the safeguards / emergency action provision...These actions are not safeguard measures and, therefore, there is no basis to conduct consultations under the Agreement on Safeguards with respect to these measures," the US added.

"Accordingly, India's request for consultations...has no basis in the Agreement on Safeguards," it said adding "nonetheless, we are open to discuss this or any other issue with India".

On March 8, 2018, the US promulgated safeguard measures on certain steel and aluminium articles by imposing 25 per cent and 10 per cent ad valorem tariffs respectively. It came into effect from March 23, 2018.

On February 10 this year, the US revised the safeguard measures on imports of steel and aluminium articles, effective from March 12, 2025, and with an unlimited duration, the communication said.
Japan releases image of Railgun installed on naval vessel

Published on 18/04/2025
By Yoshihiro Inaba
Naval News 

JMSDF picture showing the Railgun aboard the test ship JS Asuka.


On April 18, 2025, the Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF) released an image of its state-of-the-art railgun currently undergoing testing aboard the test ship JS Asuka.

Latest status of rail gun development


In the Japanese MoD, railgun development is conducted by the Ground Systems Research Center (GSRC), a division of the Acquisition, Technology & Logistics Agency (ATLA). ATLA began full-scale development of the railgun in 2016. Under the name “Research on Electromagnetic Acceleration Systems,” the research was conducted from FY 2016 through FY 2022. The target in this research was a muzzle velocity of 2000 meters per second and a barrel life of 120 rounds. In other words, the goal was to achieve stable firing up to 120 rounds at a constant muzzle velocity.

In the case of a conventional firearm, damage to the barrel caused by the pressure generated by the explosion of gunpowder would be a problem, but this does not occur in the case of a railgun. On the other hand, damage caused by heat from the high current flowing through the rail and wear from contact between the armature and the rail is a problem. As the surface of the rail is eroded by this, it leads to performance degradation, such as a reduction in muzzle velocity. Therefore, copper was initially used as the material for the barrel rail, but was changed to a different blend of metals and other materials throughout the research. As a result, it was confirmed that no significant damage occurred to the barrel rail even after 120 rounds were fired.

ATLA achieved the first ship-board firing test of a railgun in October 2023. Based on the results of the research to date, the project is now moving on to “Research on Future Railgun,” which will be conducted from FY2022 to FY2026. While previous research has focused on firing projectiles from the railgun, the current research aims to advance this research into a “gun system” equipped with a series of mechanisms for actual operation. It includes:

Continuous firing of projectile

Fire control system

Stability of projectile after launch


For example, while research thus far had focused on single-shot firings, efforts are now underway to establish continuous firing capabilities. This is because, in actual operational scenarios, railguns would need to continuously intercept incoming missiles or deliver multiple rounds against enemy vessels or ground targets.

Flight stability of the projectile is also being pursued. Even with a railgun, unless the projectile remains stable after leaving the muzzle—just like conventional artillery—it cannot accurately hit its target. Moreover, even if a hypersonic muzzle velocity is achieved, the projectile would rapidly decelerate due to air resistance if flight stability is poor. Enhancing projectile stability and reducing air resistance would not only extend the effective range but also improve overall lethality.

Furthermore, realizing a complete gun system involves more than simply preparing the launcher and projectiles. A fire control system is essential to control the launcher, acquire targets based on external sensor data, predict flight paths and impact points, and ensure precise hits on the target. Research is therefore being conducted on a dedicated fire control system tailored to the railgun, which has characteristics—such as muzzle velocity—distinct from conventional artillery.

In addition, one of the greatest challenges for fielding railguns is securing a reliable power source. Given that the projectile is launched by a massive electric current, sufficient power supply and energy storage systems are critical, especially for continuous firing. While large-scale generators and storage units would suffice for securing power alone, they are not feasible on space-constrained platforms such as naval vessels or mobile land vehicles. As a result, current research efforts also focus on miniaturizing power supply systems alongside the launcher itself.
ATLA’s Railgun Test from Ship at Sea

Engaging Enemy Vessels from Coastal Positions to the Open Sea

Now, if railguns were to actually be deployed by the Self-Defense Forces, what operational uses are envisioned?

According to ATLA documents, railguns are expected to be employed as naval or land-based artillery systems. In the naval role, they would likely be used to intercept incoming anti-ship missiles—especially hypersonic cruise missiles, which are considered difficult to counter due to their high speeds. By leveraging the railgun’s high velocity and extended range, a layered air defense network could be established in conjunction with shipborne surface-to-air missiles.

For land-based systems, counter-battery fire against enemy artillery units located deep behind the front lines—similar to the role of traditional howitzers—is naturally envisioned. Thanks to the railgun’s advantages of reduced time-to-target and greater range, it would be possible to conduct out-ranging strikes against enemy artillery units. Moreover, ATLA documents also illustrate the concept of using railguns as coastal artillery, engaging enemy vessels operating in the open sea. The expectation is that hypersonic projectiles would penetrate enemy warships and destroy critical compartments.

Regarding projectiles, research will not be limited to armor-piercing rounds but will also extend to technologies for airburst munitions—rounds that detonate mid-air to disperse lethal fragments—optimized for anti-air warfare scenarios. Having transitioned into the development of a full-fledged “gun system,” railguns are now poised for broader operational studies and steady technological maturation as a future defense asset.

Japanese, French and German cooperation in railgun technology

Japan’s ATLA and the French-German Research Institute of Saint-Louis (ISL) signed last year a Terms of Reference (TOR) with the objective “to explore the possibilitiy of collaboration for research, development, test and evaluation of Railgun technologies”.

Naval News interviewed at the time representatives from all parties about this cooperation.

Naval News learned recently from an ISL representative that the cooperation is going well and that Railgun engineers have been exchanged: ATLA engineers are at ISL in France and ISL engineers have been sent to Japan.



Yoshihiro Inaba is a Freelance Writer based in Shizuoka, Japan. He is one of the few young military writers in Japan and is currently a student studying international law (especially self-defense and use of force) at a Japanese graduate school. He is particularly familiar with Japan's Ground, Maritime and Air Self-Defense Forces.

 

Nigeria: Tinubu Slashes Family Planning Budget By 97% Amid Decline in Donor Funding

With donor support decreasing and domestic investment declining, experts worry about the impact on women already facing challenges accessing essential reproductive health services.

The Nigerian government has reduced its family planning budget for 2025, raising concerns about how the country will sustain access to reproductive health services for millions of citizens amidst a global decline in donor funding.

In the 2025 budget, N66.39 million was allocated for family planning, a 97 per cent decrease from the N2.2 billion allocated in 2024.

This budget cut comes as the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) froze funding support for key health initiatives in developing countries, including family planning programmes in Nigeria. The funding pause followed a directive from President Donald Trump shortly after his inauguration in January 2025.

The Nigerian government has not given any official reason for cutting funding for family planning. Repeated efforts to get a response from the health ministry were unsuccessful. This reporter was referred to the ministry's Director of Family Health, Binyerem Ukaire, by other ministry officials. However, in response to our enquiries, Ms Ukaire simply said, "To get reaction from the government, you need to go through the right channel."

For a country with one of the highest maternal death rates in the world, with many of the deaths preventable with timely access to contraception and quality care, this drop in funding could reverse the progress made over the years.

The United Nations recently warned that global reductions in health aid could reverse decades of progress in tackling maternal mortality.

In a report titled Trends in Maternal Mortality, released ahead of the 2025 World Health Day, the UN attributed the 40 per cent global decline in maternal deaths between 2000 and 2023 to improved access to critical health services.

Nigeria, according to the report, had the highest estimated number of maternal deaths in 2020, accounting for more than one-quarter (28.5 per cent) of the global total, with approximately 82,000 maternal deaths recorded.

Trend in budget allocation

Over the years, PREMIUM TIMES has reported Nigeria's inconsistent commitment to family planning, particularly in the face of declining donor support.

In 2020, under former President Muhammadu Buhari's administration, the family planning programme received only 0.2 per cent of the health budget and in 2021, the allocation dwindled further to 0.01 per cent of the health budget. In subsequent years, 2022 and 2023, the budget line for family planning was non-existent.

Following reports by PREMIUM TIMES highlighting the government's failure to include family planning in the 2022 budget, and demands by activists and civil society organisations, the government committed to allocating at least one per cent of its health budget to family planning.

Although there was an increase in family planning allocation in 2024 (N2.225 billion), it still fell short of the national commitment to dedicate at least one per cent of the annual health budget to family planning.

Health experts have repeatedly stressed the importance of sustained domestic investment in reproductive health as a way to manage Nigeria's growing population and reduce preventable maternal deaths.

Nigeria's 2025 budget totals N54.9 trillion, with N2.38 trillion dedicated to the health sector, which amounts to 4.33 per cent of the budget. Within this health allocation, only N66.39 million (0.0028 per cent) was earmarked for family planning, which falls far below one per cent of the health budget.

This underfunding of family planning raises concerns about Nigeria's ability to achieve its Family Planning 2030 (FP2030) targets, which aim for a 27 per cent modern contraceptive prevalence rate (mCPR) by 2030.

Stanley Ukpai, the director of Programmes at the development Research and Projects Centre (dRPC), expressed concerns with the reduction, saying Nigeria is still struggling to close a longstanding gap in family planning funding.

According to him, the country has depended heavily on external sources to support reproductive health services for years.

Mr Ukpai noted that following the N2.2 billion allocated to family planning in the 2024 budget, advocates and stakeholders were optimistic that the 2025 budget would show continued progress.

"In 2024, we saw a significant step forward with the N2.2 billion allocation, which was an attempt to address the financing gap. I understand that the funds were eventually released in December," he said.

"But we were shocked to see that only N66 million was allocated for family planning in 2025."

Dependence on donors, risks

Nigeria has depended heavily on foreign donors to support its family planning programmes for years.

Organisations like the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and the USAID played key roles in supplying contraceptives and funding training and outreach activities.

UNFPA supports family planning in 19 states and the Federal Capital Territory, while USAID partnered with community groups across all 36 states.

However, this dependence comes with its risks. In 2021, the United Kingdom withdrew its annual funding of about £3 million from Nigeria's family planning basket fund.

Then, in January 2025, USAID paused funding. Based on the US Foreign Assistance website data, the United States disbursed approximately $1.02 billion in foreign assistance to Nigeria in 2023.

While the site breaks down funding across various sectors, it does not specify the exact amount allocated exclusively for family planning.

However, a significant portion of US assistance to Nigeria historically supported health initiatives, including family planning.

For instance, in 2020, USAID allocated $35 million for family planning efforts in Nigeria as part of a broader $234.5 million development assistance package.

Implications of funding cuts

Ijeoma Nwankwo, programme manager at the Pharmaceutical Society of Nigeria Foundation (PSNF), expressed deep concern over the recent cut in Nigeria's family planning budget, describing it as a major threat to reproductive health service delivery, especially in rural and underserved communities.

Ms Nwankwo, a pharmacist, said this drastic reduction will significantly hinder access to essential family planning commodities and services for millions of women, particularly those in hard-to-reach areas who already face barriers due to distance, cost, and cultural stigma.

"Without adequate funding, we risk reversing the progress made in reducing maternal mortality and improving women's health outcomes," she said.

Mr Ukpai, the dRPC director of programmes, noted that with the withdrawal of key international donors like the US, UK, and EU--many of whom are redirecting funds to other priorities like national defence--Nigeria now faces a widening funding gap.

He warned that these global aid reductions could have significant implications for the country's reproductive health services, especially if domestic investment continues to decline.

The impact of family planning underfunding is already visible. According to reports, the number of women receiving family planning services has sharply declined.

Saleh Abba, a family physician based in Borno State, recently disclosed in an interview that family planning uptake in Borno State dropped from 13,000 women in January to just 3,000 in February this year.

Ms Abba stated that the shortage of contraceptive supplies and the pause in donor funding are major reasons for this decline.

Need for increased domestic funding

In 2020, the Nigerian government introduced a Family Planning Blueprint (2020-2024), a strategic document aimed at increasing access to modern contraceptives and reducing maternal deaths.

The blueprint provided a clear roadmap with targets and accountability measures. However, as it ended in 2024, many of its goals remained unmet due to inconsistent funding and heavy reliance on donor support.

Health professionals and advocacy groups have warned that relying too much on foreign support is risky.

A 2023 study published by BMC's Women's Health, a journal focused on the health and wellbeing of adolescent girls and women, highlighted the country's heavy reliance on external funding.

The study titled: "A narrative review of evidence to support increased domestic resource mobilisation for family planning in Nigeria," emphasised the urgency of increasing domestic funding for family planning in Nigeria to ensure sustainability and reduce dependency on external donors.

According to the study, the heavy reliance on external donors makes funding for family planning services unpredictable and imbalanced.

Evidence shows that investing in family planning can also save money. Preventing unwanted pregnancies reduces pressure on hospitals and cuts the cost of maternal health care.

According to global estimates by UNFPA and the Guttmacher Institute, every dollar spent on family planning can save up to four dollars in maternal and newborn health costs. When translated into local currency, this suggests that for every N1,000 spent, Nigeria could save about N4,000 in healthcare costs.

State financing, private sector involvement

Stanley Ilechukwu, executive director of the South Saharan Social Development Organisation (SSDO), noted that although the cessation of funding has thrown Nigeria's health sector into disarray, there are still ways to mitigate the damage.

He pointed out that the recent judicial stamp on the autonomy of Local Government Areas (LGAs) presents a unique opportunity to address the funding shortfall.

"With LGAs now 'autonomous', we should begin to hold them to the same standards as the federal and state governments and make them commit to the same pledges, particularly with regards to healthcare financing," he said.

He proposed that a portion of LGA funding should be earmarked for procuring family planning commodities. He believes that if all LGAs commit, along with matching funds from state governments over a four-year period, this could help create a sustainable market for family planning commodities in the country.

Mr Ilechukwu added that balancing the demand and supply side of family planning services is key to ensuring both immediate and future needs are met in a sustainable way.

"It is critical to ensure that we are not just dependent on donor funding but are also creating domestic solutions to address these challenges," he said.

Ms Nwankwo, the pharmacist, emphasised that while donor funding has historically supported Nigeria's family planning initiatives, relying solely on external partners is not sustainable.

"It's time for the government, at all levels, to take ownership of reproductive health programmes. States must begin to allocate and release dedicated budgets for family planning as part of their commitment to primary health care and women's health," she said.

Ms Nwankwo also highlighted the role of the private sector in bridging funding gaps.

According to her, the private sector can play a critical role -- from strengthening supply chain systems to investing in public awareness campaigns and driving innovation around contraceptive access.

She called on the government to take proactive steps to ensure the continuity and sustainability of family planning services nationwide.

ANTI-DEI IS STR8 WHITE MALE CHRISTIAN SUPREMACY

Federal judge blocks key parts of Trump’s anti-DEI orders
Federal judge blocks key parts of Trump’s anti-DEI orders

A judge for the US District Court for the Northern District of Illinois on Tuesday issued a preliminary injunction preventing the US Department of Labor from requiring government contractors and federal grant recipients to certify that they do not operate any diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) programs that violate any federal anti-discrimination laws.

Executive Order 14151, the termination provision, orders applicable federal agencies to terminate all “equity action plans,” “equity” actions, initiatives, or programs, “equity-related” grants or contracts, and all DEI performance requirements for employees, contractors or grantees. Executive Order 14173—the certification provision—mandates that recipients of federal grants validate that they are not conducting any DEI initiatives in violation of federal anti-discrimination laws.

The preliminary injunction comes after the non-profit organization Chicago Women in Trades (CWIT) filed a complaint challenging the executive orders. In 2024, CWIT received federal money from the Women in Apprenticeship and Nontraditional Occupations (WANTO) program, which works to increase women’s participation in apprenticeship programs and nontraditional occupations such as trades, construction, project management, and cybersecurity. After Trump’s executive orders, CWIT stood to lose thousands of dollars in federal funding, hindering its efforts to increase the representation of marginalized women in key fields. Approximately 70 percent of CWIT’s participants are Black and Latina women.

In the preliminary injunction, Judge Matthew Kennelly held that CWIT would likely prevail on its First Amendment challenge to the certification provision. CWIT argued that the anti-DEI executive orders impose restrictions that are “overbroad” and “impossibly vague” and that “condition CWIT’s receipt of federal funding upon the stifling of CWIT’s protected speech.” Additionally, Kennelly found that CWIT was likely to succeed on the merits of its claim that the termination provision violates the separation of powers. The US Constitution does not permit any executive branch official to unilaterally terminate federal grants and contracts without express statutory authority from Congress. The preliminary injunction is narrow in scope and applies only to the US Department of Labor, not to all federal agencies.

Just a few weeks ago, the US Court of Appeals for the Fourth Circuit upheld the government’s request to stay a nationwide preliminary injunction that blocked enforcement of the same contested elements of the two executive orders.

Explainer: What does the US ruling on Google's illegal ad tech monopoly mean?

The logo of Google on the facade of headquarter of the parent company Alphabet.

Photo: AFP

By Kenrick Cai and Peter Henderson, Reuters

A US judge's ruling that Google has illegal monopolies in ad technology sets up the possibility of US prosecutors seeking a breakup. Here's what the case involves and what Google owner Alphabet faces from here.

What is this about?

The most important thing is what this is not about: this is not about search, Google's bread and butter, although there is a separate antitrust case about search. The Justice Department's ad technology case revolves around Google Network, a division of the business that manages its auction-style system that advertisers use to purchase digital ad space. The ad tech chooses what ad to put where at what cost.

Federal prosecutors said that Google's power over the ad tech allows it to illegally fend off competition, which hurts web publishers, such as news outlets. The judge agreed. Google's argument was that it out-competed rivals with superior technology.

Advertising accounted for about 75 percent of Alphabet's $US350.02 billion ($NZ586b) in revenue for 2024. The Google Network business accounted for only 8.7 percent of the revenue.

What happens next?

The judge who ruled there are illegal monopolies now will hear arguments about what to do. The Justice Department had been seeking, at a minimum, the divestiture of Google Ad Manager, a platform within the Network division. Ad Manager represented 4.1 percent of overall revenue and 1.5 percent of operating profit in 2020, according to Wedbush research and analysis of court documents.

More recent figures were redacted from court documents.

How big a deal is this for Google?

Erik Hovenkamp, a professor at Cornell Law School, earlier in the case had predicted that if it lost, Google would probably have to divest some, not all, of its display advertising business, and the net effect would be a drop in revenues of less than 10 percent.

Google has even been open to some ad tech divestiture. Reuters first reported on 18 September that Google itself offered to sell its advertising exchange, which is part of Google Ad Manager, to appease European antitrust regulators. Publishers rejected the proposal, sources said.

Could this have ripple effects?

The most serious implication of the ruling might be how the company manages the ripple effects of court-ordered remedies across other parts of its ad tech suite, Nikolas Guggenberger, a law professor at the University of Houston, has said. In theory, a DOJ win would make it easier for advertisers and publishers to switch ad tech platforms.

There is also the political precedent set in terms of political will: the Biden and Trump administrations both have supported this case so far, showing an almost unique level of cooperation on the two sides of the political aisle in the prosecution of Big Tech.

There is a separate, higher stakes antitrust case about Google's search technology that continues, and this is a flesh wound compared to the implications of a loss in search, analysts say. A judge in Washington next week will hold a trial related to search.

Is this the end?

No. Google already has said it will appeal. The federal judge next must decide what the remedies are to the illegal monopoly. It will be some time, likely years, before this is finished, unless a settlement is agreed.

-Reuters



US federal judge rules against Google advertising monopoly

US federal judge rules against Google advertising monopoly

US Federal District Judge Leonie Brinkema ruled Thursday that tech giant Google LLC had violated federal anti-trust law by engaging in anti-competitive acts to attain monopoly power and depriving competitors of the ability to compete.

An accompanying order issued by the judge required both parties to submit a joint proposed schedule for further briefing on their respective positions on remedies in the case.

Judge Brinkema found Google liable under three counts including 1) monopolization of the publisher ad server market; 2) monopolization of the ad exchange market; and 3) unlawful tying of the company’s publisher ad server and ad exchange.

The particular technology in the case includes software that the tech giant uses to assist with transactions between advertisers and online publishers who sell the ad space. Google was accused of holding a monopoly on this software and tying that monopoly to its stranglehold over several of the marketplaces that facilitate deals between advertisers and online publishers.

Much of Judge Brinkema’s opinion was dedicated to explaining the complex world of programmatic advertising while explaining how targeted advertising enabled by technological advances has upended the industry and how advertisers and publishers do business with each other.

Judge Brinkema explained that Google’s free services including its search engine, apps, and location services have enabled the company to collect “detailed knowledge about billions of people who have used its products.” This information has in turn been used to match advertisers to users and “increase its advertiser customers’ return on ad expenditures.” Brinkema concluded that since nearly 80 percent of the company’s revenue has been generated from this activity, “Google is fundamentally in the business of advertising.”

Google’s substantial market share and “supracompetitive” pricing for its services were cited as evidence of the company having achieved monopoly status in the digital ad network and ad tech stack marketplaces.

Google has expressed ambivalence over the ruling declaring that they had won “half the lawsuit” in defeating one of the counts while vowing to appeal the adverse portions of the ruling.

This is the second anti-trust case in the last two years that has ended with a judgment against the tech giant. A case over the company’s search engine was decided in August of 2024 with the court finding that Google had achieved a monopoly in online searches with potential remedies including the sale of the Chrome browser.