Punjab: Why Proposed 'Law Against Blasphemy’ Needs to be Discarded

Subhash Gatade | 02 Sep 2025

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The CCG’s concern that the proposed PPOHS Act is ‘unconstitutional’ and is an ‘open invitation to ‘oppressive misuse’ needs to be heeded.

Whether history will repeat itself, that is the question being asked about Punjab government’s renewed attempt to enact a law supposedly against 'sacrilege'?

Anyone who is a keen observer of the social-political developments in the state knows very well that it has a history of such efforts (2015 and 2018) where similar attempts were made to amend laws related to sacrilege, and both attempts proved unsuccessful as they failed on the yardstick of constitutionality.

As per reports, the proposed Punjab Prevention of Offences against Holy Scriptures Bill, 2025 (PPOHS Act), which was recently referred by the state legislature to a committee for further discussion, has come under the scanner of experts of the Constitution and concerned citizens.

A leading voice among them, namely the Constitutional Conduct Group (CCG) -- a platform of retired civil servants and diplomats-- has in an open communication underlined how Punjab government’s proposed 'PPOHS Act' is ‘unconstitutional’ and is an ‘open invitation to oppressive misuse’ .

Their communication underlines how Punjab’s move 'to enact a Special Law supplementing Section 299 of the BNS constitutes an assault on India’s democratic and constitutional foundations' as it adopts a 'loosely and broadly constructed definitions of “Holy Scripture” and “Offences,” which 'abandons the basic jurisprudential safeguards of criminal justice.'

Emphasising the basic tenets of constitutional democracy, they further bring forth how in such experiments '[s]tatutes prescribing draconian punishments, such as life imprisonment and severe monetary penalties, must stipulate the establishment of mens rea. The proposed Act discards this standard, extending criminal liability to even accidental or bona fide acts involving religious texts.' [-do-]

'Sacrilege' a Burning Issue in Punjab

It cannot be denied that ‘Sacrilege’ is still a burning issue in Punjab politics.

In 2015, incidents of ‘sacrilege’ of holy books has suddenly surged in the state, sparking massive demonstrations. Once, the police had to resort to firing, killing two protestors. The Akali Dal-Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government then ruling the state was on the defensive and passed a law in March 2016 that mandated a stringent life term (instead of three years in prison) for the crime.

That was a retrograde move, for it legitimised the politics of ‘hurt sentiments’ and pushed the idea of ‘blasphemy’ as a crime. It had overlooked the fact that how blasphemy laws can jeopardise freedom of thought and expression, and the state government did not consider the havoc such laws cause in many countries.

Earlier, the Punjab Bill had sought to amend the Indian Penal Code and Code of Criminal Procedure to punish the desecration of the Sikh holy text, Guru Granth Sahib. The Central government returned this Bill, citing the reason that it violated the principle of secularism.

When the Capt. Amarinder Singh-led Congress government came to power in 2017, it passed a new Bill that included scriptures of other religions, which the Centre approved. The Bill inserted Section 295AA in the IPC to provide that “whoever causes injury, damage or sacrilege to the Guru Granth Sahib, the Bhagvad Gita, the Quran and the Bible with the intention to hurt the religious feelings of the people, shall be punished with imprisonment for life.”

This expansion of blasphemy laws came under intense criticism, for, instead of making the state more distant from religion, it would “further consolidate the hold of sectarianism, and strengthen the hands of religious extremists on all sides”. Many pointed out that such laws are were being misused the world over “against minorities and weaker sections, to harass them, exact revenge and also to settle personal and professional quarrels, all matters entirely unrelated to blasphemy”.

How the spread of notions of blasphemy and laws to prevent it can play havoc with ordinary people, can be discerned from Punjab's own recent history.

In 2016, two women, both named Balwinder Kaur, were killed over alleged acts of blasphemy. Balwinder, 55, was killed in her home in village Veroke, Amritsar, on September 9, while on bail. She was jailed in November 2015 allegedly for ‘desecration’ of holy scripture and was out on bail. The police had arrested her for allegedly entering a gurudwara wearing slippers, which was fanned into a major issue. The village socially boycotted her family for months. In the end, it is her husband who killed her, apparently over the “infamy” she had drawn to the family.

The other Balwinder Kaur, 47,  of village Ghawadi was killed by fanatics, also while on bail. She used to work in a gurudwara and got charged with having “torn the pages of the Guru Granth Sahib”. Her family alleged that dominant residents had trapped her. Two persons, who belonged to a radical Sikh outfit, were arrested in connection with the crime.

Merely two years ago, a woman was killed inside a gurudwara in Patiala by a visitor, allegedly for drinking alcohol there as her act had 'violated his religious sentiments'. It was further shocking to know that the leading body of Sikhs even offered free legal aid to the murderer who allegedly justified his actions under the specious plea that his actions were an 'impulsive response as his religious sentiments were violated.'

Judicial intervention in a few cases related to ‘be-adabi’ or insult of religious texts, and Special Investigation Teams have not resolved the issue but further complicated it. A reason for the Amarinder Singh-Navjot Singh Sidhu acrimony was also the allegation that the state had not dealt with desecration-related cases. Even for the Akali Dal-BJP alliance, sacrilege was a big issue that caused massive losses in the 2017 Assembly election. The results of the 2019 Lok Sabha election from Punjab were no different.

No More Pandering to Extremist Sentiments

Anyone would recall that this issue had also suddenly cropped up during the historic farmers movement when a Dalit Sikh worker, Lakhbir Singh from Punjab, was accused of ‘sacrilege’ by a group of Nihangs. He was allegedly tortured and killed at the Singhu border, one of the centres of resistance for the historic farmer’s struggle.

The leaders of the farmer movement had immediately condemned the killings and asked the government to punish the guilty. Refusing to get carried away by sectarian rhetoric, they had continued their struggle.

May be, by now a thorough investigation into the case has been completed and the masterminds and perpetrators of Lakhbir’s murder have been identified. But in the charged atmosphere of the historic farmers’ movement, killing in the name of faith had definitely raised tensions.

It was also then said that Lakhbir’s killing over alleged ‘sacrilege’, a burning topic in Punjab, could very well had been a ploy to drive a wedge between his community and the Jat Sikhs. Speculations were high since that was the time when Punjab had got its first Dalit Sikh Chief Minister in Charanjit Singh Channi, which had already caused consternation in multiple quarters.

Perhaps in this connection, the caution shared by the Constitutional Conduct Group becomes urgent, which they have boldly expressed regarding the proposed Bill.

Explaining the grounds for their opposition to the proposed law and explaining why we need to be extra cautious looking at our own history what they had said is worth reiterating:

“[T]he nation has already paid a heavy price for our past sins of pandering to extremist sentiments of various religions for short-term political ends. This has brought about a situation today where the very idea of an inclusive, pluralistic and liberal India and Indian-ness is endangered. The empowerment of sectarian and illiberal ideas and ideologies has resulted in the targeting of minorities and a general increase in social disharmony. The need of the hour is for all responsible stakeholders to act to reduce the space provided to religious fundamentalists of all kind – not open up further space to them.”

In an ambience where mixing of faith with politics is being rewarded at various levels, it remains to be seen whether we will have enough patience to listen to these saner voices, who are keen to uphold principles and values of our Constitution in these fraught times.

The writer is a senior independent journalist. The views are personal.

 

The Invisible Hands That Bury Kashmir’s Dead

Parsa Tariq | 02 Sep 2025

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Gravediggers live with stigma, poverty, and health risks, yet remain unrecognised by the state and society.

A view of the graveyard (Photo - Parsa Tariq, 101Reporters)

Srinagar, Jammu and Kashmir: “People will stop eating with me if they know I do this,” said Zubair (21, name changed), a gravedigger from Baramulla. “They won’t sit next to me.”

Zubair dropped out of school in Class 10. After his father’s death, his uncle, also a gravedigger, asked him for help.

“At first I used to cry while digging. I felt scared. But now I feel numb. I just want to be paid enough to go back to college someday.”

On a good day, he earns Rs 500 to Rs 1,000 for a burial. But he refuses to call himself a gravedigger.

The label, he said, would ruin his chances of having friends, or even of finding a wife.

Stigma and silence

Ghulam Mohammad Dar (56), who has been digging graves since he was a teenager, explained what Zubair means.

“We bury the dead with our bare hands, wet dirt, rotting wood, sometimes even blood. No one gives us gloves, no one gives us masks. People don’t care about us, and neither does the government.”

For many, grave digging is only one part of survival. Most work as daily-wage labourers, carpenters, painters, or butchers to feed their families. Teenage boys often assist their fathers or brothers. “If I had to live only on grave digging, my children would starve,” Dar said.

The stigma pushes many to work outside their own villages. A man from Ganderbal digs in a neighbouring district to avoid being recognised. “Some people keep it quiet if they know, others make it a huge topic of gossip,” he said.

Another gravedigger from Pulwama explained why he refused to be identified: “If you print my name, people will stop inviting me to weddings. They will think I bring misfortune. Who will marry into our family after that?”

Not everyone, however, views the work with resentment.

Bilal Lone (40) from Anantnag called it ibadat or prayer.

“Digging a grave is the last service one can offer another human. Even if I’m not paid, I do it for Allah.” Still, he admitted, “People often tell their children to stay away from me. Even in the mosque, some move a little farther if they know I just came from a burial.”

Unrecognised as formal workers, gravediggers are invisible to state healthcare (Photo - Parsa Tariq, 101Reporters).

Risks without recognition

Gravediggers, however, have more to worry about than social shame.

According to Dr Farhaan ul Hassan of Sher-i-Kashmir Institute of Medical Sciences, gravediggers face occupational hazards including falls, cuts, bruises, dust allergies, exhaustion, and exposure to decomposing bodies.

 “Without protective equipment, long-term exposure leads to chronic respiratory illnesses, fungal infections, joint problems,” he said. “They should have gloves, masks, posture training, vaccinations against tetanus and hepatitis, and regular medical check-ups. But they get none of this.”

Unrecognised as formal workers, gravediggers are invisible to state healthcare. There are no medical cards, no insurance, no safety training.

Nighat Jan, a Village Level Worker in Singhpora-Baramulla, said that while sanitation workers and other essential staff received some acknowledgment during the pandemic, gravediggers remained unseen.

“There is no government support for them. Not even basic tools. Society sees them as people who bring death, as if speaking to them brings misfortune. It’s not just a lack of policy, it’s a lack of dignity,” she said.

Tariq Ahmad, president of a mosque committee in Habak, Srinagar, added: “They are not paid by the Waqf Board or the government. The family of the deceased hands over money, sometimes Rs 500, sometimes Rs 1,000, directly into their hands. They even buy their own tools.”

Forgotten

When 101Reporters met Dar he was preparing for the next funeral. “We are always ready,” he said. “It doesn’t matter if it’s raining or snowing, people want their dead buried.”

But, once the grave is covered, he walks away unrecognised, uncelebrated, invisible, until the next death.

For locals like Fayaz (34), a shopkeeper from Hazratbal, this invisibility is disturbing. “I grew up friends with my neighbour, a gravedigger. It is strange how society treats them as if they don’t exist. Why aren’t they recognised in government employment lists? Not even an ID card. What if they get injured during work? No one even knows their names.”

In Habak, locals estimate that three to four men work as gravediggers. In Budgam and Baramulla, the numbers are similar, with each locality relying on a handful of regular diggers.

Young boy watches the grave his brother has dug (Photo - Parsa Tariq, 101Reporters).

Waiting for recognition

Gravediggers told 101Reporters they have lived with these problems for decades, but poverty and lack of social standing prevent them from raising demands. “We can’t afford to leave work to protest or go to government offices,” said Dar. “We are already looked down upon. No one will fight for us.”

There is no fixed institution that pays them, and no union to represent their interests. “We tried to talk to the masjid committee two or three times,” Dar said. “But no one responded. We are poor, we don’t have connections. We don’t even know who to approach in the government.”

A panchayat member from Baramulla, speaking on condition of anonymity, confirmed there are still no schemes or budget allocations for gravediggers. “We know their condition, but without a policy from higher authorities, we can’t give them salaries or benefits.”

In a rare move, the Habak mosque committee is planning to appoint one gravedigger officially and pay him monthly. “Since each locality sees only three or four deaths a month, one is enough,” said Ahmad. “This is the least we can do for someone doing such sacred work.”

He added: “Everyone should know how to dig a grave at least once. When people see this work as holy, not shameful, maybe those who do it every day will stop being treated as outsiders.”

For many gravediggers, though, the future remains uncertain. “It is not the digging,” said Adil Bhat. “It is the way people look at me after.”

Parsa Tariq is a freelance journalist and a member of 101Reporters, a pan-India network of grassroots reporters.  

Lush Cosmetics shuts down UK stores, factories and website to protest starvation of Gaza

All shop windows display posters demanding an end to starvation in Gaza today.

Images Staff
03 Sep, 2025

DAWN


UK beauty brand Lush Cosmetics has shut down all its stores and factories in the UK, as well as its website for the country for one day today (September 3), in solidarity with the people of Gaza. In a press release available on the company’s UK retail site, the brand said it was struggling to find other ways to help, “whilst the Israeli government is preventing urgent humanitarian assistance from entering Gaza”.

The brand’s retail site for the UK is redirecting visitors to a black screen with the words, “STOP STARVING GAZA — WE ARE CLOSED IN SOLIDARITY”. A link given on the site leads to a statement saying the only help the brand can send at this time is its love and a strong message, which it is hoping to do by closing down its business for a day.

Lush’s UK retail site has shut down for the day




The statement apologised to anyone who had been inconvenienced by the closure, but hoped people would understand, citing the popularity of their previous fundraising effort for Gaza. The brand said their fundraising soap, Watermelon Slice, had been the single most successful single-issue product in the brand’s history and they planned to reintroduce it to help support medical services and the provision of prosthetics to people in Gaza

Lush at Buchanan Street in Glasgow is closed, as the cosmetic retail giant shuts its doors in ‘solidarity’ with Palestinians. It is a similar scene up and down the UK, with every Lush store closed

Lush said it would lose a day’s earnings, but hoped the loss of the day’s tax contributions would send a strong enough message to the UK government to work towards an end to the death and destruction in Gaza and halt arms sales to Israel.

This moves comes just two days ahead of the 700th day of Israel’s war on Gaza, which has so far claimed over 63,000 Palestinian lives. Since the war started in October 2023, Israel has committed grave abuses of international law, including attacks on hospitals, the indiscriminate killing of civilians and creating a famine in Gaza

Cover photo: The Scotsman

True South

F.S. Aijazuddin 

September 4, 2025 
DAWN
The writer is an author.

THE years ahead are shorter than those already lived. Time therefore to honour two Pakistanis lost to history: Ch. M. Zafrulla Khan (1893-1985) and Eqbal Ahmad (1933-1999). Both shared a deep affinity with the Palestinians and fought, albeit armless, for their cause. Like the Arabist T.E. Lawrence, they too wrote their “will across the sky in stars”.

Chaudhry Zafrulla served as our first foreign minister, and then as president of both the UN General Assembly and the International Court of Justice.

In November 1947, Ch. Zafrulla addressed the UN General Assembly in New York on the plan to divide Palestine. He spoke scathingly of the inequity of a proposed arrangement under which Jews who constituted 33 per cent of the population received 60pc of the area of Palestine. Of the irrigated, cultivable areas, 84pc would go to the new Jewish state and only 16pc to the Arabs.

Despite Ch. Zafrulla’s persuasive rhetoric, the state of Israel came into being on May 14, 1948. The US recognised it the same day.

The ideals espoused by two Pakistanis have been relegated to oblivion.

In Eqbal Ahmad’s case, conflict birthed his pacifism. Wounded during the Kashmir conflict in 1948, he later participated in the revolution in Algeria that led to that nation’s independence from France in 1962. The US involvement in Vietnam agitated him and because he had the support of like-minded thinkers, the US administration longed to get rid of this ‘troublesome’ intellectual.

In 1971, the FBI arrested him on the implausible charge that he, as part of the Harrisburg Seven, planned to abduct Dr Henry Kissinger (then national security adviser to Richard Nixon). After a ridiculously long trial, he and his fellow accused were acquitted. In his later years, like a moth attracted to a flame, Eqbal returned to the US where he became a respected if isolated academic.

His riposte in 1968 to Samuel Huntington (of The Clash of Civilisations fame) deserves to be recalled. Ahmad identified the perceptible gap between Third World countries’ impatience for change and America’s obsession with order, their longing for national sovereignty and America’s preference for pliable allies, and their desire to see their soil free of occupation and America’s need for military bases abroad.

Both Ch. Zafrulla and Eqbal Ahmad have become prisoners of their own reputations. The ideals they espoused and their voices of reason have since been relegated to obli­vion. Mercifully, they have not lived to see Prime Minister Netanyahu flout the authority of the International Criminal Court af­­t­er it issued his arrest warrants for war cri­mes and crimes against humanity. So far, Netanyahu has escaped arrest and punishment. The Nazis at Nuremberg cou­ldn’t. Nor have they lived to see President Donald Trump (like some flaxen-haired Samson) pull down the numerous pillars of order that define civilisation, on himself and on us.

The parallel between the Israeli/Palestinian conflict and the ongoing Indo-Pak impasse sprang to mind, after reading the Israeli expert M. Horowitz’s book Hope and Despair, subtitled Israel’s Future in the New Middle East (2024). Horowitz argues that Israel faces two choices — continuing confrontation which would lead to partial isolation, or engagement with the enemy. Former PM Yitzhak Rabin pursued the latter. As he put it, “You don’t make peace with friends; you can only make peace with your enemies”. Rabin paid for this belief with his life.

Almost 30 years ago, in 1996, Eqbal Ahmad spoke of the armed minorities in Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia — “armed minorities ruling majorities” — and predicted that “they are going to collaborate with the United States and wherever nec­e­­ssary with Israel at any cost”. (The Abr­aham Acc­ords of 2020 are the first step.)

The recent SCO conclave in Tian­jin is the modern equivalent of the Yalta Conference of 1945. At Yalta, the Big Three nations — the US, Great Britain and the Soviet Union — carved the world into dominions of influence. Then, China and India did not matter. At Tianjin last week, China hosted 24 countries representing 43 per cent of the world’s population. The US and Israel could only watch with dismay as China, Russia and India came together to draw the contours of a new global order. (Significantly, the official languages used at Tianjin were Chinese and Russian, not English and French.)

An invisible presence at Tianjin was the late Chairman Mao Zedong. In his famous Red Book of Quotations (1966), he anticipated Trumpism: “The people of all the continents should unite, all peace-loving countries should unite, and all countries subjected to US aggression, control, intervention or bullying [emphasis mine] should unite”. 

In 1945, the Big Three thought they had triangulated the world. In 2025, a multipolar world has decided that the US, the EU and Nato should not matter. Their True North is being replaced by a Global South.


www.fsaijazuddin.pk

Published in Dawn, September 4th, 2025