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Monday, March 09, 2026

THE EPSTEIN CLASS



Trump joins the global Jewish conspiracy

(official White House photo)
March 09, 2026
COMMON DREAMS

It bears repeating that Donald Trump’s rationale for war against Iran keeps shifting because Trump himself does not believe his own rationales. The goal of this war has little to do with Iran. It has to do with creating conditions in which an old, depleted and unpopular president looks big, tough and loved on American TV.

But there may be a reason outside the president’s fear of defeat in this year’s congressional elections. While he believes that he benefits from the perception of being a war president, it looks like the decision to become one wasn’t entirely his to make.

Early reporting on the war suggested that Israel was going to attack Iran without or without Trump, and that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was lobbying him to join the effort. USA Today reported yesterday that Netanyahu decided in November of last year to order a long-planned operation to assassinate Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

Marco Rubio confirmed that reporting on Monday: "We knew that there was going to be an Israeli action. We knew that that would precipitate an attack against American forces, and we knew that if we didn't preemptively go after them before they launched those attacks, we would suffer higher casualties.”

Just so I have this straight in my mind: Trump did not attack Iran in order to stop it from having nukes; in order to stop it from being a global leader in state-sponsored terrorism; in order to liberate the Iranian people; or in order to manifest world peace.

No, the president launched an illegal and unjustified war with Iran because America’s ally, Israel, put him in a no-win situation in which, as one source told the Post over the weekend, “the only debate that seemed to be remaining was whether the US would launch in concert with Israel or if the US would wait until Iran retaliated on US military targets in the region and then engage.”

Trump could have condemned Netanyahu after the fact, but apparently the appeal of being a war president was too great.

If I were the commander-in-chief of the world’s mightiest military, and if I allowed a foreign head of state to lead me around by the nose, I would also come up with a couple dozen reasons for going to war with Iran, no matter how unconvincing those reasons may be, because I would be highly motivated to draw attention away from the view that I’m not entirely in charge.

I mean, Trump can’t even take credit for Khamenei’s death. Pete Hegseth told reporters the Israeli strikes killed him Saturday. The only “credit” he can claim is having followed Netanyahu’s lead.

That it appears the decision to attack Iran was Netanyahu’s more than it was Trump’s is going to be a problem, most immediately because of the outcry in the Congress. If Trump was not acting in self-defense, and clearly he was not, then this war against Iran is a war of choice, which requires the consent of the Congress. Trump is going to be forced to explain himself, thus risking being held accountable for the spike in goods and oil prices, Tuesday’s sell-off on Wall Street and general chaos in the Middle East.

(According to journalist Steve Herman, the State Department told Americans to “immediately leave 16 countries and territories: Bahrain, Egypt, Gaza, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, UAE, West Bank and Yemen.” NBC News reported that the mandatory orders are coming despite many airports in the region being shuttered. In Qatar, Americans who can’t get out were advised that “should not rely on the US government for assisted departure or evacuation.”)

The White House’s best rationale for war seems to be that the US was forced to attack Iran, because Iran was forced to defend itself against Israel’s attack. Such a rationale is not going to fly with most of the Congress, including many maga Republicans. That’s why Trump lied Tuesday. He said Netanyahu didn’t force my hand. I forced his. According to Kaitlan Collins, he said “it was his opinion that Iran was going to attack first if the US didn't.”

For the lie to work, however, he needs the full faith of maga. He needs the base to trust him enough to play along. To do that, he must affirm his dominance. If supporters believe he’s Netanyahu’s puppet, however, such displays of dominance will seem empty and hollow to his own people, thus creating problems much bigger than abstract debates in the Congress over war powers.

To understand the problem he has created for himself, bear in mind the true nature of America First, which has been largely sanitized by the Washington press corps. It is not rooted in high-minded principles like freedom and national sovereignty. It is rooted in conspiracy theory and antisemitism, which are often provided a veneer of respectability by rightwing intellectuals and gullible reporters. Peel away the noble-sounding language, however, about nation-builders “intervening in complex societies that they did not even understand themselves,” as Trump said last year, and what you find at the center of America First is an unshakeable belief in a global Jewish conspiracy against America.

This belief in a global Jewish conspiracy against America was the foundation beneath the push to release the Epstein files during Trump’s 2024 campaign. The belief took on a slightly different form, but the animus was the same. Trump was supposed to have been the hero sent by God to fulfill a prophecy to save America from a secret cabal of powerful Jews who sex-trafficked young girls to untouchable elites. In maga lore, Jeffrey Epstein came to represent this shadowy, malevolent syndicate. Once reelected, Trump was supposed to bring them all to justice. When he didn’t, he triggered a crisis of faith that can be registered in recent polling that lumps him in with the rest of the “wealthy elites” who act with impunity for the law – the so-called “Epstein class.”

The Times reported Tuesday on the growing uproar within the maga movement over the possibility that Netanyahu said “jump” and Trump asked “how high?” Some of the most invested maga personalities, men like Jack Posobiec, told the Times that divisions can be overcome and lingering doubts will only be relevant to future candidates to lead the maga movement.

If supporters believed Trump betrayed principles, Posobiec might be right, as they don’t really care about principles. Supporters could shift from anti-war to pro-war as seamlessly as Trump does. But what Posobiec is ignoring, because it’s in his interest to ignore it, is that America First is not rooted in high-minded principles. It’s rooted in Jew-hate. Supporters are not going to warm up to the appearance of an American president seeming to take orders from the leader of a Jewish state. Instead, they might see Trump doing to believers in America First what he has done to supporters who demanded the release of the Epstein files.

Again, this is why the president lied Tuesday. In an attempt to assert dominance, he said he was the one to force Netanyahu’s hand, not the other way around. That might have worked – the base might have trusted him enough to play along with the lie – but for his already established betrayal in the Epstein case. With Iran, he has now compounded maga’s crisis of faith. He must contend with the growing suspicion that instead of destroying the global Jewish conspiracy against America, he has joined it.










'Clearly there’s a coverup': Evidence mounts against Epstein’s suicide


Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein are seen in this image released by the Department of Justice in Washington, D.C., U.S., on December 19, 2025. (U.S. Justice Department/Handout)

March 09, 2026 
ALTERNET

No matter how many times President Donald Trump “starts illegal wars and engages in military strikes, it will never be enough to make people forget that he was best friends with the world’s most notorious pedophile, Jeffrey Epstein,” argued Left Hook publisher Wajahat Ali.

Ali joined forces with television producer and Epstein documentary creator Zev Shalev and Blue Amp Media editor Ellie Leonard as they discussed new information posted in the Miami Herald incriminating prison guards in covering up the alleged murder of convicted sex-trafficker Jeffrey Epstein. Both the New York Medical Examiner and the U.S. Department of Justice concluded that Epstein died by suicide, but a forensic pathologist hired by Epstein’s estate to attend the autopsy, has said he Epstein’s injuries look more similar to strangulation than suicide.


However, new information from the Herald by Epstein researcher Julie K. Brown suggests prison guards discussed covering up Epstein’s death, according to FBI conversation with a fellow inmate.

“An inmate housed at the Metropolitan Correctional Center in New York told the FBI he overheard guards talking about covering up Jeffrey Epstein’s death on the morning he died,” reports the Herald. “The federal government’s online Epstein library contains a five-page handwritten report of an FBI interview with an inmate who awoke the morning of Aug. 10, 2019 to the loud commotion in the Special Housing Unit, or SHU, where he and Epstein were jailed.”

“… [C]learly there's a cover up. Clearly the DOJ has been covering up for the president of the United States,” said Shalev. “That is a scandal of huge, mammoth proportions. … We can't have that. We can't have a president of the United States facing allegations, multiple allegations of raping young girls and then still being a sitting president as the DOJ covers up for him. I mean, it's just unacceptable. It's untenable for any regime.”

Shalev told Ali that the circumstances under which Epstein died had far too many holes not to draw suspicion.

“How did [the guard Tova Noel] have time … to do all these searches, but then didn't have time to do the regular 30-minute checks on the prisoner that she was meant to do because she had fallen asleep? I mean, one of these things doesn't add up. Either the guards fell asleep or they were so distracted doing searches, but their job is to do regular check-ins on the prisoner, and they didn't do that. For… a whole night.”

“And then she gets this mysterious $5,000 check or whatever it is — payment that she gets. No one knows where she's from. She's just a prison guard.

The Herald reported a five-page handwritten report in the federal government’s online Epstein library, consisting of an FBI interview with an inmate who awoke the morning of Aug. 10, 2019 to a loud commotion in the Special Housing Unit where he and Epstein were held.

“Breathe! Breathe!” he recalled officers shouting about 6:30 a.m., according to the Herald, followed by an officer saying: “Dudes, you killed that dude.”

The inmate then heard a female guard reply “If he is dead, we’re going to cover it up and he’s going to have an alibi -- my officers,” according to the FBI notes. The inmate claimed the whole wing overheard the exchange.

Later, after learning Epstein had died, inmate claimed other inmates said “Miss Noel killed Jeffrey.”

“It's not common for her to get these $5,000 infusions of cash. And obviously the whole thing stinks,” said Shalev. “I mean, with the circumstantial evidence it’s hard to see how he committed suicide there. It's hard to see.”


Bombshell investigation verifies key details in 13-year-old Trump accuser's story

Alexander Willis
March 9, 2026 



Donald Trump holds a cabinet meeting at the White House in Washington. REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst

Key details in the account of a woman who’s accused President Donald Trump of sexually assaulting her when she was a minor were verified Sunday in an explosive investigation conducted by The Post and Courier.

The woman first came forward to the FBI following the 2019 arrest of Jeffrey Epstein, and was interviewed by the agency four separate times. A Justice Department source told the Miami Herald that the woman was found credible by the agency, the outlet reported.

In her interviews with the FBI, the woman accused Epstein and at least two other associates, including Trump, of sexual assault when she was 13. She accused Trump of sexually assaulting her, pulling her hair and punching her in the head sometime in the mid-1980s.

While details of her specific allegations against Trump were not further verified by The Post and Courier, other details she provided the FBI were, giving further credence to her account.

Details verified by The Post and Courier include the fact that her mother had rented a home to Epstein in South Carolina. The outlet also verified details of another associate of Epstein’s that she accused of sexually assaulting her, an Ohio businessman that she said was "affiliated with a Cincinnati-based college,” and whom the outlet confirmed was a member of a for-profit school.

The woman also accused Epstein of possessing nude photographs of her as a minor and extorting her mother for money to keep them secret, which she said led her mother to begin stealing money. The Post and Courier confirmed that the mother had been charged with stealing $22,000 from the real estate firm she worked for.

The woman’s identity was verified by The Post and Courier by cross referencing details of her account with various public records and old news clippings, though the outlet declined to name her, and both she and her attorney declined to comment on the report.

Due to the sheer volume of Epstein-related materials released by the DOJ, many of the documents contain unverified, uncorroborated allegations that do not constitute evidence, and do not establish wrongdoing. Trump is not facing any criminal charges or investigations related to the allegation.

A dark web of influence: Brexit, the hard-right and why the Epstein mentions matter


7 March, 2026 
Left Foot Forward


If Epstein’s networks helped broker access or funding for political movements, it’s a matter of public concern. These aren’t insinuations, but a matter of accountability, and in the unresolved story of Brexit, accountability remains in short supply.



When the latest tranche of documents linked to Jeffrey Epstein was released earlier this year, much of the British reaction focused on familiar establishment names, notably Peter Mandelson and former Prince Andrew. Given the seriousness of the allegations surrounding them, that scrutiny is understandable.

But the spotlight has been too narrow.

Buried within the correspondence and contact lists are connections that reach into Britain’s hard-right networks and intersect with the political forces that drove Brexit. Yet, these connections have largely been overlooked or ignored by mainstream media.

Epstein was not merely a disgraced financier cultivating proximity to power, he was enthusiastic about Britain’s departure from the EU and celebrated the nationalist turn in Western politics.

Inclusion in Epstein’s files does not, in itself, imply wrongdoing. Yet the context of those mentions, the political projects being discussed, the money being courted, and the alliances being enriched, is a matter of public interest.

If the disclosures are to mean anything beyond lurid scandal, they must prompt a broader examination of how wealth, influence and political power intervene in modern Britain.

Brexit as “just the beginning”

Among the material are emails in which Epstein discusses Brexit with tech billionaire Peter Thiel. In one exchange, Epstein describes Britain’s vote to leave the European Union as “just the beginning,” heralding a “return to tribalism,” a “counter to globalisation,” and the forging of “amazing new alliances.”

Such remarks suggest that Brexit was viewed in certain elite circles not merely as a domestic democratic event, but as part of a broader ideological realignment across the West.

Thiel’s footprint in the UK has grown steadily in recent years. As Left Foot Forwardreported in 2022, his data analytics firm Palantir Technologies secured multiple UK government contracts during the pandemic and has undertaken extensive work with the Ministry of Defence, including a £10 million contract in March 2022 for data integration and management.

A report by Byline Times described a “Thiel network” seeking to influence debates around free speech in academia, and part of a broader effort to normalise anti-liberal ideas among British intellectuals and policymakers.

Some figures linked to these debates, including right-wing commentator Douglas Murray and a British Anglican priest and life peer Nigel Biggar, who regularly rages against ‘woke’ culture, have also been associated with initiatives such as the Free Speech Union, founded by perennial culture warrior, Toby Young.

Thiel’s influence also extends through his Thiel Fellowship programme, which has backed entrepreneurs including Christian Owens, founder of the UK payments “unicorn” Paddle.

None of this proves a coordinated “Thiel–Epstein Brexit plot,” but it does point to something subtler, and arguably more consequential. As the New World observed in an analysis about the Epstein files and the Brexit connection, “while millions voted Leave to strike back at a remote elite, parts of that same elite were calmly gaming out how the resulting disorder might be useful to them.”

That tension alone warrants scrutiny.

Nigel Farage and Steve Bannon



The Reform UK leader appears dozens of times in the Epstein files, though many references reportedly stem from duplicated email chains or attached news articles. Farage has denied ever meeting or speaking with Epstein.

Yet the context in which his name arises is important.

Steve Bannon, a former White House chief strategist to Donald Trump, described brilliantly by the New World’s Steve Anglesey as “the sweaty MAGA insider/outsider who once fancied himself a Brexit architect and dreamed of setting up a pan-European far right movement that would ultimately destroy the EU,” appears in thousands of exchanges with Epstein. In one message, Bannon boasts about his relationship with Farage. In another, he writes: “I’ve gotten pulled into the Brexit thing this morning with Nigel, Boris and Rees Mogg.”

The correspondence shows Bannon attempting to tap Epstein for support and funding to bolster far-right movements in Europe. He discussed raising money for figures such as Italy’s deputy prime minister Matteo Salvini and France’s Marine Le Pen, showing the transnational nature of these networks.

Again, mention does not equal misconduct, but when a financier later exposed as a serial abuser is simultaneously being courted as a potential backer of nationalist political movements, the public is entitled to ask questions about access, influence and intent.

Tommy Robinson and the “backbone of England”

The files also contain references to UK far-right activist, Tommy Robinson.



Bannon has never shied away from sharing his support for Robinson. At the 2024 Conservative Political Action Conference, when on stage with Liz Truss, he described the founder of the English Defence League as a “hero” and Truss appeared to agree with him. “That is correct,” she said.

When Robinson was released from prison in 2018, Epstein messaged Bannon: “Tommy Robinson. !! good work.” Bannon responded: “Thanks.”

In July 2019, after Epstein shared an article reporting Robinson’s contempt of court conviction for live-streaming defendants in a child sexual exploitation trial, Bannon replied by calling Robinson the “backbone of England.”

The significance here is not that Robinson appears in correspondence, but that discussions around him sit within a wider ecosystem, that is wealthy financiers, American political strategists and European nationalist figures exchanging messages about funding, media and mobilisation.

Nick Candy, Reform UK and transatlantic links

Nick Candy, luxury property mogul and now treasurer of Reform UK, is also mentioned numerous times in the files, in discussions that appear to concern the potential sale of Epstein’s New York mansion.

In 2024, Candy left the Conservative Party to join Reform. He later attended a strategy meeting at Trump’s Florida residence alongside Farage and tech billionaire Elon Musk. All three men appear within the tranche of documents released by the Department of Justice.

Some messages reference Candy in connection with Ghislaine Maxwell, though the full context of those exchanges remain partially redacted – we’ll come on to redaction shortly.

The files also reveal previously underreported contact between Musk and Epstein in 2012 and 2013, including discussions about a possible visit to Epstein’s private island. The visit does not appear to have taken place.
Like Bannon, Musk has actively involved himself in European politics. He has repeatedly got into spats with politicians including Keir Starmer.

“Civil war is inevitable” … “Britain is going full Stalin”… “The people of Britain have had enough of a tyrannical police state,” are just some of his comments on X in recent years.

And he’s used his own platform X to amplify voices on the right and far-right online, including sending a heart emoji to Tommy Robinson, who said Musk had funded his defence for a charge related to counter-terrorism law.

“A HUGE THANK YOU to @elonmusk today. Legend,” Robinson wrote.



It bears repeating, appearing in Epstein’s files does not establish criminality. Guilt by association is not journalism, nor is it justice.

But context is not smearing, it’s scrutiny. Examining who communicated with whom, how often, and in what capacity is a legitimate part of understanding how power operates.

There’s also the question of redaction. Many of the documents released have been heavily blacked out, names, photographs, email addresses and other identifying details obscured. In sensitive criminal cases, redaction is both necessary and appropriate, particularly to protect victims.

In some instances in the Epstein files, the reasons are obvious. Yet, as the Conversation has observed, “the absence of any reason for the redaction has simply added fuel to the fire, with spectators filling in the blanks themselves.” When transparency is partial and unexplained, it can deepen suspicion rather than resolve it.

The public release of the Epstein files was presented as a milestone for transparency. Instead, it has prompted further questions: about how sensitive material was handled, about the criteria used to withhold information, and about the extent of Epstein’s connections to powerful political figures, including figures on the far-right in the UK. If Epstein’s networks provided introductions, cross-border access, or even financial pathways into political movements, that is a matter of legitimate public interest.

More broadly, the scandal raises structural concerns. What channels enable wealthy outsiders to cultivate influence across government, academia and media? How rigorously are those relationships scrutinised? And what safeguards exist to ensure political outcomes are not quietly shaped by individuals whose interests diverge sharply from the public good?

These are not questions of insinuation, but of accountability, and in the unresolved story of Brexit, accountability remains in short supply.

Gabrielle Pickard-Whitehead is author of Right-Wing Watch


Misogyny, Epstein and Reform’s cultural agenda

6 March, 2026

From Epstein’s web to Reform’s proposed raft of policy ideas, creeping misogyny now risks redefining women’s rights in Britain  




Pampered by the press as ‘the next government in waiting’, Reform continues to poll strongly. We’re familiar with how the party fosters racism through its hostile rhetoric and flagship immigration stance, but its ubiquitous misogyny receives less attention. A Reform win at the next general election will be partly because enough people either didn’t know, or didn’t care, about its views on females. For International Women’s Day, I’d like to explore these views through the lens of the Epstein files.

The octopus

The web of Epstein’s influence, in all its vast complexity, is now coming into full view, like a multi-armed, gigantic octopus being lifted from the seabed. We’re seeing Epstein the enabler, matchmaker, wheel-oiler, and co-ordinator extraordinaire in a multidimensional kleptocratic network of corporate, political, cultural and sexual interest.

You’d need a 3-D modeller to trace the complex inter-connections he orchestrated between climate denialists, fossil fuel industries, political lobbyists (Brexitthe Kremlin) the tech broligarchyracists, eugenicists, Israeli intelligence, and more, all whilst supplying a deadly pipeline of women and child victims to the depraved subculture he cultivated. It’s all coalescing into one repulsive integrated whole.

Network participation is layered like an onion with peripheral involvement shading into roles that have varying degrees of knowledge and whistle blowing capacity on Epstein’s darkest activities. We may never know all the players or precisely which layers Epstein’s UK friends occupied. But only the outer layer is free of guilt by association of colluding with a monster.

Creeping patriarchy

The island of Little Saint James was the black heart of Epstein’s misogyny, but the objectification and dehumanisation of females there was driven by a culture of extreme patriarchy – the presumed superiority and dominance by males over females. Patriarchal attitudes are tightly embedded in far-right thinking and are central to viewpoints such as Christo-fascism where they fuse with Christianity, authoritarianism and white, right-wing nationalism.

This regressive ideology lurks in Project 2025, in the Christian nationalism of JD Vance, Stephen Miller and in far-right parties across central and eastern Europe. It calls for a return to a traditional Christian heterosexual, patriarchal family model in which the primary responsibilities of females are homemaking, procreation and subservience to the male family head. For ‘guidance’, listen to pastor Dale Partridge’s homily on, amongst other things, why a women’s vote must never cancel her husband’s.


Handmaids UK

Extreme patriarchy is also spreading its tentacles in the UK via organisations such as Jordan Peterson’s Alliance for Responsible Citizenship (ARC). Linked to the right-wing think tank Legatum, ARC emphasises traditional gender roles and women’s duties as breeders.

Patriarchy is very much alive and kicking within Reform. Its intrepidly retrograde Christian nationalist policy creators, James Orr, Danny Kruger and Matthew Goodwin, are currently defining Reform’s cultural agenda in patriarchal terms straight from the wider Christo-fascist comfort zones they share.

Orr opposes abortion in all cases and pushes the pro-natalist policy of families having more children “to boost birth rates”. Kruger, also a keen pro-natalist, personally supports the reversal of no-fault divorce. He wants a ‘reset to sexual culture’ and challenges the rights of pregnant women to ‘absolute bodily autonomy’. Goodwin wants a “biological reality check” for girls and tax increases for childless couples.


Securing the property

Goodwin recently opined that the “sexual exploitation of women and girls is because of open borders”. This devious but false claim uses a supposed threat to females s to attack the liberal left, but arguably, also suggests unspoken proprietorship – we must ‘protect our women and girls’ to end foreign interf
erence with our property.

In an equally stunning patriarchal vein, Farage, who endorsed Andrew Tate as an “important voice”, describes men as ‘more willing than women to sacrifice family life for career’, and objects to the 24 week abortion limit as “ludicrous”.

To enshrine women’s demotion to second class citizens, Reform has pledged to drop the 2010 Equalities Act which provides legal recourse for maternity leave, sexual assault, domestic abuse and employment discrimination. Reform also plans to ditch the ECHR thus thwarting its use by women as another court of appeal. You can hear the sound of doors closing.

All these narratives call for controls on women’s mental, physical and developmental freedom and autonomy and constitute a clear attack on women’s rights.

‘But’, the Reform curious wail, ‘we want change – migrants and Labour must be punished and removed. So, we’ll take the US route and ignore Reform’s misogyny as non-serious, or too unpopular to survive’. Left-leaning progressives join the dismissive fray, insisting that culturally, Britain has moved on from this hopelessly backward-facing misogyny.

Yet Reform is unashamedly pushing back with their patriarchal narratives. Why?

One reason is sheer manospheric arrogance combined with the belligerence of a party looking set for power – the macho ‘just try stopping us’ mindset.

Another is that Reform’s ideas are still camouflaged. ‘Resetting sexual culture’ could mean any number of abuses of women’s rights once Reform is in power, but, for now, can be trained on DEI and LGBTQ issues which reverberate with the right-wing electorate. Similarly, ‘reversing no-fault divorce’ is just Kruger’s “personal view” – for now. Farage’s abortion concerns only imply the need for minor tweaking – for now. And pro-natalism links nicely with great replacement anxieties whilst sounding mildly patriotic – heroic Brits can keep non-whites at bay by breeding more.

The ambiguity of Reform’s statements provides space for moderation whilst simultaneously positioning the party for much more full-throated future iterations of misogynist ideas. Orr’s advice that Reform should “hold its cards close to its chest” and keep certain operations under wraps before entering government reminds us that the party’s position isn’t static.

Human shields

Reform can challenge accusations of misogyny by pointing to women in its senior party roles. But this defence has no more clout than Trump trying to deny his own blatant misogyny but listing the fawning Barbie doll chatbots in his administration. Arguably, women in Reform are serving, like Reform’s non-white cabinet members, as useful pre-election human shields for a party that’s essentially riddled with racist and misogynistic elements.

The misogynist attitudes driving Reform are reason alone for women across the political spectrum to heed what supporting Reform might mean for them, and to recognise what a dangerous backward step it would be.

But we should also recognise that Reform’s misogyny sets a cultural tone of readiness for Epsteinian abuse by providing a direct pathway from regressive, patriarchal policies to sexual exploitation.

Epstein’s network reveals how the corrupting influence of power is a gateway drug for depravity. With excess power, whether as elites or via the privileges of patriarchy, players disengage from norms and stray further afield. Favours, financial rewards and the secrecy of illicit deals create useful bonds for kompromat and further corruption.

Epstein’s network is a forum for experimentation and risk taking, both financially and morally. ‘Getting away with it’ by stepping beyond legal red lines is a self-substantiating way for the patriarchal order to continually reassert control, dominance and virility. The Trump regime’s coercion of leaders and nations, like the abuses on Epstein’s island, are all ways of exercising the same male supremacist drive across different spheres. Epstein’s sex traffickers and guests parallel Trump’s sadistic geopolitical harassment of Greenland and Volodymyr Zelenskyy – ‘you will suffer (more) if you disobey’.

Life support machines

Reform policy is being forged against a transnational backdrop of extreme patriarchy. This framework is the quiet kick-off for Epstein’s darker world.

The research is clear that patriarchal conceptions of women’s role are intimately linked with sexual abuse. Patriarchal values are ingrained in power dynamics, gender hierarchy, and societal norms which drive gender-based iniquities and contribute to the perpetuation of sexual violence (Murnen et al, 2002Spencer et al, 2023Trottier et al, 2019).

The Epstein files are strewn with heinous crimes against females, including “sexual slavery, reproductive violence, enforced disappearance, torture, and femicide”. It’s a world in which, as Virginia Giuffre’s memoir testifies, women and children are discardable commodities and legitimacy is given to ‘those who get high on making others suffer’.

The determination of Reform’s policy setters to weaken the infrastructure underpinning women’s equality and rights over their own bodies, once realised, risks dehumanising and corralling women back into their historical dual roles of procreation and sexual pleasure. Projects like pronatalism come together with Epstein in the perception of females as essentially abusable life support machines for babies and vaginas.

I’m not, for a moment, implying that Kruger and co indulge in Epsteinean depravity. But I am asserting that he, along with Goodwin, Farage and other Reform policy creators, are re-positioning society in ways that orientate male thinking towards a future of increased sexual abuse.

Pushback vs forward movement

We should be as deeply alarmed by Reform’s misogynist elements as we are by its racist tendencies, climate denialism and attacks on workers. Women are directly affected because Reform potentially poses an acute, existential threat directly to them.

Epstein was not an aberration. Both he and Reform’s policy makers are hitching a ride with a far more ancient, long-standing misogynistic mindset spanning human history. Reform is part of a clamour across the global far right to push back against threats to white male supremacy. If Reform wins power, regressive misogyny risks being normalised again, encouraging chauvinist males to push boundaries ever further, taking advantage of new norms and tolerance levels.

The issue is not about whether parliament would retain the power of veto over the roll out of Reform’s misogynist policies. It’s about how dangerous it is even to give these ideas any traction in the first place by letting Reform win power. These are not battles that 21st century Britain, as a supposed beacon of human rights, should be having. Women must come together on International Women’s Day and beyond to halt this menace.

This article was first published on the Bearly Politics Substack on 4 March 2026





UK

Right-wing media watch – Nuts about the Greens


Yesterday
Left Foot Forward


Pinning an electoral defeat on conspiracy-tinged claims of fraud is often easier than confronting why voters turned elsewhere.




Where have we seen a politician throw all the toys out of the pram after an election defeat? In the United States, of course, when Donald Trump refused to accept his loss to Joe Biden in the 2020 presidential election, insisting, without evidence, that the vote had been rigged.

Fast-forward six years and some 3,600 miles east, to Gorton, Manchester, and the echoes are hard to ignore. This time it’s not a single defeated president railing against the result, but a cross-party chorus, amplified by a sympathetic press, casting doubt on a local by-election outcome.

The trigger was the Green Party’s landslide victory in the Gorton and Denton by-election. Rather than conceding defeat and reflecting on what might be learned, leading figures in Reform and the Conservatives instead alleged wrongdoing. The Daily Mail splashed: “Foreign-born voters stole by-election.” The narrative quickly solidified, suggesting something suspicious had occurred and that the integrity of the vote was in question.

Nigel Farage was first out of the blocks, declaring the result “a victory for cheating in elections” after poll monitors “raised the alarm.” He contacted police and the Electoral Commission, claiming that what had been witnessed in “predominantly Muslim areas” raised “serious questions about the integrity of the democratic process.” He went further still, inviting readers to “imagine the potential for coercion with postal votes.”

Shadow housing minister James Cleverly followed suit, citing a report from Democracy Volunteers to claim there was “clear evidence that electoral offences were committed.” Kemi Badenoch blamed Labour, the Greens and Reform for “grievance politics,” while Keir Starmer struck a dismissive note, referring to the “extreme of the left in the Green party.”

Yet Manchester City Council stated that no issues had been reported. The allegations centred on claims by Democracy Volunteers of “concerningly high levels” of so-called family voting, where one family member influences how others cast their ballot. That is a legitimate issue to monitor in any democracy. But transforming unproven observations into sweeping claims of criminality and sectarian corruption is quite another matter.

What followed was classic conveyor belt of media amplification. The Daily Mail and the Telegraph relied heavily on the fraud narrative, the latter warning that Britain’s “ancient norms and traditions won’t survive a sectarian turn.” The story then migrated into more ostensibly neutral outlets. The BBC foregrounded the fraud allegations in its coverage. Even the Guardian reported that Reform and the Conservatives had referred “family voting” claims to the watchdog, though to its credit it noted prominently that the council had received no complaints.

But notice what was sidelined in all of this. The Greens’ candidate, Hannah Spencer, a working-class plumber from Manchester, overturned a seat held by Labour since the 1930s. The campaign was powered by hundreds of volunteers knocking on doors and focusing relentlessly on the cost-of-living crisis. By polling day, observers reported, the Greens had more activists than they knew what to do with. It was a ground campaign rooted in bread-and-butter concerns, not sectarian mobilisation.

The rush to frame the result as tainted says as much about the losing parties as it does about the media ecosystem that sustains them. Allegations of “family voting” may warrant investigation, as all credible concerns should. But elevating them into a narrative of systemic cheating, particularly in “predominantly Muslim areas,” risks stoking division while evading harder questions about political strategy and voter appeal.

Pinning an electoral defeat on conspiracy-tinged claims of fraud is often easier than confronting why voters turned elsewhere. If anything, the reaction to Gorton and Denton exemplifies the very grievance critics claim to deplore and helps explain why the Greens were able to present themselves as the alternative.


Cash In The Constitution: A Swiss Decision On An International Issue – Analysis

With people worldwide concerned about a possible decline of cash, Sunday’s vote could be seen as a signal, says an internationally renowned advocate. But conspiracy theories are never far away from cash, as an analysis with sociological perspectives explains.


March 9, 2026 
By SwissInfo
By Benjamin von Wyl

With Sunday’s national vote, Switzerland has enshrined the preservation of cash in its federal constitution. The official information booklet for the vote, provided by the government, stated that this shift would have no impact on everyday life – nor involve any new tasks or costs.

However, on a symbolic level at least, many people seem to value the fact that cash is now explicitly anchored at constitutional level and not just in normal law – and this includes people outside Switzerland.

An important signal to the world

South African anthropologist and activist Brett Scott told Swissinfo before the vote that it would be an “important moment of signalling to the rest of the world” if Switzerland were to enshrine cash in its constitution. Banks have promoted digital payments for decades, Scott points out. In this context, he adds, it is important when a country takes a clear position that it wants to protect cash.

Scott, who advocates in his books for the preservation of physical money, lists many reasons why cash is important to people. “Some are specific to cash payments, others are more generally about digital society,” he says.

For example, Scott explains, elderly people and people with disabilities or visual impairments depend on cash, as do people with less money, since it’s easier to keep to a tight budget with cash. On top of this, “people with low incomes often don’t trust the banking sector; middle-class people, on the other hand, tend to trust in institutions,” he says. And in general, many people have a “nostalgic attachment” to cash.

Support from various backgrounds

At the societal level, cash supporters can have very different backgrounds. Scott mentions national security experts, for example, who worry about the “serious security threat” when people don’t have access to cash. Equally critical are “libertarian communities concerned about surveillance by digital systems”, people who are against Big Tech or the financial industry, or those who want to maintain an offline life.

But many also value cash for its “informal economy element”, says Scott. “Lots of people like to preserve an informal sphere for themselves – they don’t want institutions between themselves and their life.” Collection plates in church or poker games at home would be strange without cash, Scott adds. Who wants to use a Visa card in church?

It is not expected that the vote on Sunday will slow down the declining importance of notes and coins in everyday life in Switzerland.

Cash from a need for control


The importance of cash in many people’s lives also becomes clear when talking with Swiss sociologist Nadine Frei, who wrote a dissertation on the everyday understanding of money. “In interviews, I often encountered the notion that ‘only cash is real’ – cash is seen as real money in contrast to digital money, to which a certain artificiality is attached,” she says.

Frei thinks this is connected to a need for control. “Money is attributed a seductive power that needs to be resisted and controlled,” she says. “When it’s tangible, it’s viewed with a certain control.” People don’t want to get into debt or spend money on unnecessary things, and many imagine that they can control this better with cash, Frei explains.

“Digital money is associated both with a certain abstraction and an immediacy,” says Frei.

For her, criticism about how digital methods of payments can socially exclude certain groups is often legitimate – yet she also raises proximities to conspiratorial thinking.

From pandemic to cash

Indeed, conspiracy theories often hover around cash. Scott, for instance, saw during the Covid-19 pandemic how his viewpoints ended up in an online video outlining a conspiracy theory about vaccinations and secret microchips.


Frei, who researched the circles of those opposed to health measures in Switzerland during the pandemic, says that “conspiracy narratives dock relatively well onto abstract and invisible processes – as well as onto the abstraction that the financial world involves”. For Frei, conspiracy thinking is characterised by an assumption that certain groups act in secret to steer the course of events. “This notion was evident not only in the coronavirus protests, but also in other areas,” Frei explains.


Criticism of the cash campaign’s connections


On Sunday, Swiss citizens voted on two separate questions about cash. The “Cash is freedom” initiative, a people’s initiative launched by citizens, did not convince a majority. A clear majority did however vote for a parliamentary counterproposal, which emphasised the mandate of the Swiss National Bank (SNB) in ensuring cash supply.

The “Cash is freedom” initiative was launched by the same milieu as the “Stop compulsory vaccination” initiative, which was rejected by just under three-quarters of voters in 2024.

Before the cash vote, Swiss journalist Dennis Bühler researched in the Republik magazine how closely the group around the initiative were connected to various conspiracy narratives, including about the pandemic. In the same article, he argued that in terms of content it was “more or less irrelevant” whether people voted “yes” or “no”.

Asked further by Swissinfo, Bühler explains that he sees no signs “that Swiss politics and/or the SNB want to abolish cash or even to reduce its importance”. Bühler also doesn’t believe that anchoring cash in the constitution could help to “appease conspiracy-minded circles”.

No answers from the initiators


Swissinfo sent questions to the “Cash is freedom initiative” committee about their concerns and their view, which so far have remained unanswered.

Swissinfo also explicitly asked them for their response to the accusations by Bühler, who wrote in Republik that, among other things, it was “not the first initiative with which these circles sow doubt and discord”. The “Stop compulsory vaccination” initiative previously insinuated that “there is a plan to transplant microchips under people’s skin against their will”, he wrote.

In fact, the initiative argued at the time that “neither politics, the pharmaceutical industry nor international organisations” should be allowed to decide “whether an implantable microchip, nanoparticles, genetic manipulation, a vaccination or something else enters our body”.

In a recent debate programme on Swiss public television, SRF, the cash initiative’s initiator, Richard Koller, was directly confronted with the Republik article. In response, Koller said that “we are very much for the people, very much for people”. In doing so, one can’t “look into people’s brains” and can’t know “what will come in the future”, he said. “A popular initiative takes five to six years”, and as an initiative committee, they have “no influence” over how people develop “during this time”.

Whether the criticism of the initiative’s milieu had an influence on why so many fewer people voted for the initial cash initiative than for the counterproposal is unclear.

Swiss voting culture

Around five years ago, Switzerland voted for the first time on part of the pandemic measures. It was almost the only country where voters could do so. In total, the Swiss voted on the Covid-19 law three times. Each time, over 60% voted in favour of the measures.

In general, says sociologist Oliver Nachtwey, who worked on the same studies on Covid protests as Frei, “Swiss democracy contributes to de-radicalisation”. By this he doesn’t mean individual votes, but rather the “basic Swiss understanding that one can launch initiatives and referendums and, if one loses, can make a fresh attempt again later.”

Whether cash in the constitution actually becomes an international signal remains to be seen.



SwissInfo

swissinfo is an enterprise of the Swiss Broadcasting Corporation (SBC). Its role is to inform Swiss living abroad about events in their homeland and to raise awareness of Switzerland in other countries. swissinfo achieves this through its nine-language internet news and information platform.

Sunday, March 08, 2026

How To Build A Post-WHO Global Health Architecture – OpEd

Photo Credit: Ajay Kumar Singh from Pixabay.


March 8, 2026
By Roger Bate and David Bell


The United States’ withdrawal from the World Health Organization (WHO) is more than a diplomatic rupture. It creates a unique opening to rethink how global health cooperation should actually work.

The real question is not whether countries should cooperate. They must. Humans matter. Health brings economic stability. Pathogens cross borders. Data sharing matters. Standards matter. Scientific collaboration matters.

The question is architectural: how do we cooperate without recreating the institutional incentives that weakened trust in the first place?

The WHO was established as a normative and technical body — to set standards, coordinate information, and support struggling national health systems to achieve self-reliance. It was not designed as a centralized global emergency authority. Not intended to be a perpetual role expander. but to reduce the necessity of its own existence. Yet over time, and especially during Covid-19, the emergency function came to dominate its identity. Pandemic governance, compliance frameworks, and centralized preparedness structures increasingly overshadowed the WHO’s original role.

This shift was not merely political. It was structural.


Permanent emergency infrastructures create permanent incentives. Staff, budgets, and institutional relevance depend on the continued salience of crisis. A bureaucracy organized around exceptional events will struggle to declare normality. That is not conspiracy; it is institutional logic.

At the same time, the WHO’s funding model — heavily dependent on earmarked voluntary contributions — has diffused accountability and encouraged agenda distortion. When financing is fragmented and politically directed, priorities inevitably drift.

Withdrawal alone does not solve these problems. Simply constructing a new institution with the same permanent emergency mandate would reproduce the same incentive distortions under a different name. While permanent disengagement amounts to self-harm.

If reform is to mean anything, it must begin with functional differentiation.

Certain global health functions are inherently multilateral and relatively non-controversial: disease classification, laboratory standards, burden-of-disease measurement, and the efficiencies attained by standardization of disease management across borders. These require legitimacy, transparency, and wide participation — not coercive authority.

Emergency powers are different.

Border closures, lockdown recommendations, stockpile deployment, and compliance monitoring directly affect domestic law, civil liberties, and economic life. These effects, like those of the target disease, vary widely between populations and demand local context. These decisions carry political consequences and must remain anchored in national accountability. Embedding such authority within permanent global bureaucracies risks normalizing emergency governance and weakening democratic oversight.

Preparedness is essential. Permanent centralized command is not.

A more disciplined alternative would rely on event-triggered compacts among willing states. These would activate only when predefined epidemiological thresholds are met. They would be time-limited. They would include automatic sunset clauses and mandatory post-event scientific and fiscal review. They would preserve domestic implementation authority, and work only within the fundamental human rights norms on which modern public health is supposed to be based.

Such a system aligns incentives differently. It allows rapid cooperation without building a standing workforce whose institutional survival depends on crisis continuity. It implements through subsidiarity.

Covid-19 revealed weaknesses not only in the WHO’s performance but in the broader architecture of global health security. Expanding permanent emergency authority is unlikely to restore public confidence. Transparency, proportionality, and time-bounded and accountable authority are more likely to do so.

Funding design matters as well.

Future multilateral engagement should link budgets to objective disease-burden metrics rather than institutional ambition. Global health has robust tools for measuring health impact. Financing should follow measurable outcomes — not bureaucratic growth.

This shift would also reduce the influence of earmarked funding streams that skew priorities toward donor preferences rather than global health needs.

Equally important is investment in national capacity.

Historically, the greatest improvements in life expectancy have come from sanitation, nutrition, vaccination, and primary care — not from centralized emergency governance structures. Strengthening national health systems reduces dependency and lowers the likelihood that emergency mechanisms must be activated at all.


Resilience is built locally, not declared globally.

The upcoming 2027 election of a new WHO Director-General provides leverage. Leadership transitions create rare opportunities to debate mandate and scope rather than personalities. Even if the United States remains outside the WHO, it can influence the global conversation by articulating clear principles:No permanent centralized emergency authority
Time-limited programs with automatic review
Transparent budgeting tied to measurable outcomes
Independent scientific evaluation following declared emergencies
Preservation of domestic implementation authority

These are not radical demands. They are basic principles of accountable governance.

Transparency must accompany redesign. Closed-door negotiations risk reproducing the very incentive problems reform is meant to solve. Durable legitimacy depends on open debate about governance structures, staffing models, financial commitments, and dispute resolution mechanisms.

The goal should not be institutional destruction, nor symbolic replacement. It should be architectural improvement.

Global disease threats are real. But so is the erosion of public trust when emergency powers appear open-ended, accountability unclear, and incentives misaligned. Healthcare is there to support society, not the other way round.

Multilateralism will persist. The question is whether it will rest on durable foundations or on expanded mandates insulated from review.

The United States now has a narrow window to shape what comes next. If policymakers focus on separating normative functions from emergency authority, designing time-bound compacts instead of permanent command structures, and tying funding to measurable outcomes, global health cooperation can be rebuilt without recreating the structural distortions that weakened it.

Reform is not about abandoning cooperation.

It is about redesigning it before crisis once again becomes the organizing principle of global governance.



About the authors:

Roger Bate is a Brownstone Fellow, Senior Fellow at the International Center for Law and Economics (Jan 2023-present), Board member of Africa Fighting Malaria (September 2000-present), and Fellow at the Institute of Economic Affairs (January 2000-present).

David Bell, Senior Scholar at Brownstone Institute, is a public health physician and biotech consultant in global health. David is a former medical officer and scientist at the World Health Organization (WHO), Programme Head for malaria and febrile diseases at the Foundation for Innovative New Diagnostics (FIND) in Geneva, Switzerland, and Director of Global Health Technologies at Intellectual Ventures Global Good Fund in Bellevue, WA, USA.

Source: This article was published at Brownstone Institute

 Starseeds, government plots and an alien mantis: Inside New Age spirituality's new age

(RNS) — Thousands converged in Los Angeles for the Conscious Life Expo, where influencers and cultural shifts are fueling cosmic belief systems often featuring extraterrestrials.
Actors bow after performing the play “Judgement Day” at the Conscious Life Expo, Saturday, Feb. 21, 2026, at the LAX Hilton Hotel in Los Angeles. (RNS photo/Kathryn Post)

LOS ANGELES (RNS) — “This ship was huge. It was like a city-sized ship. And there was hundreds of beings on board,” said Debbie Solaris, a military veteran and one of six panelists sharing their alien encounters with a packed room at the LAX Hilton Hotel in Los Angeles on a recent February Friday. “They had larger heads, larger eyes,” she said, describing one alien group. “Very big auras, lots of colors.”

Panelists’ testimonies had the arc of conversion narratives; after her out-of-body experience in 2012, Solaris traded her career in environmentalism for one as a galactic historian.

“I knew at that point that my life changed,” said Solaris, hands folded, eyes upward, her long, dark hair contrasting with her fuchsia blouse. “My life was never going to be the same.”

At the 24th annual Conscious Life Expo, which convened more than 5,000 New Age spiritual seekers from Feb. 20-23, Solaris’ experience wasn’t fringe. The event, which has previously featured speakers like former presidential candidate Marianne Williamson, psychedelic pioneer Ram Dass and “Plandemic” filmmaker and conspiracy theorist Mikki Willis, originally focused on topics like astrology, health and wellness and sustainability when it launched in 2002. While UFO discussions have long been part of the milieu, as the conference nears its quarter-century mark, some of its most popular speakers claim to be vessels channeling aliens, or to be aliens themselves.

Fueled by social media influencers and a post-pandemic cultural shift, the expo’s content has become more cosmic and, often, more conspiratorial, attracting a diverse audience hungry for meaning outside of institutional religion.

The shift

“I think it’s evolved to much more of a religion about aliens,” said Michael Satva, the 43-year-old, warm-eyed son of Expo co-founder Robert Quicksilver and co-producer for the event.

Conscious Life Expo co-producer Michael Satva, left, talks to vendors, Friday, Feb. 20, 2026, at the LAX Hilton Hotel in Los Angeles. (RNS photo/Kathryn Post)

On the first morning of the expo, Satva wore an understated black hoodie and gripped a glass bottle sloshing with brown liquid — “a cacao mix of some kind from one of the exhibitors,” he explained — as he checked on booths selling life force energy tools and high frequency skincare.

“I’m constantly surprised how little the Boomers know of what’s happening,” Satva said about New Age’s new turn and the generation who birthed the movement during the spiritually experimental and culturally unsettled 1960s and 1970s.

“They have no idea how it’s evolved over time, because they, you know, they came up with their version of it, and then they never really went beyond that,” Satva mused.

For Quicksilver, Satva’s father and an energetic man in his 70s, the expo has always been about bringing together alternative spiritual beliefs and practices (meditation, healing, UFO lore, ancestral myths) into a loosely organized, non-dogmatic community, he told RNS.

Raised in an ultra-orthodox Jewish community in Brooklyn, New York, Quicksilver embarked on a spiritual journey that, in the 1970s, led to Thereaveda Buddhism. After operating a chain of spiritual gift shops, he co-founded the expo in 2002, when the Whole Life Expo — the current expo’s predecessor — shuttered after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.

Conscious Life Expo attendees receive a red-light therapy and “5D Quantum Sound” experience at the LAX Hilton Hotel in Los Angeles. (RNS photo/Kathryn Post)

“It’s about planetary transformation,” said Quicksilver, who described the expo as a place where “freedom and creativity and brainstorming and visionary ideals” converge and lead to love-filled unity.

Artifacts of this founding spiritual vision remain visible around the expo. Through the hotel doors, attendees are greeted by loudspeakers playing ethereal sounds and a hotel lobby transformed into a festival stage bedecked with psychedelic paintings. Down the hall are booths offering crystals, palm readings, tinctures and amulets. The air is thick with the smell of essential oils. In one booth, people climb into collapsable infrared saunas that come up to the neck; in another, a man claiming to be the reincarnation of Jesus Christ sells metal and crystal gadgets promising divine healing — his room-size pyramids can cost up to $100,000.   

“There are a lot of quacks here, too,” said Marcy LeBeau, who, at, 70, is retired and living in Long Beach. LeBeau, whose iridescent purple nails would stand out anywhere else, has been attending the expo for decades. Raised Catholic, she now identifies as spiritual and said that, although you must “sift through” conference offerings, she keeps coming back to reach a “higher level of existence” by learning to “expand your consciousness.”

At a nearby booth in the exhibition hall, a psychic wearing flowing robes and a glittery headdress sits next to a giant, inflatable blue mantis. He’s a real estate agent in the D.C. metro area, but here he offers to channel wisdom from alien mantis beings.

Attendees peruse the exhibition hall during the 24th annual Conscious Life Expo, held at the LAX Hilton Hotel in Los Angeles. (RNS photo/Kathryn Post)

The influencer effect

In the last five years, the concept of channeling insights from extraterrestrials has gained traction in some corners of New Age Spirituality, thanks in large part to the influx of online influencers.

“I’m seeing groupies here this year,” said Stacey Shell, an entrepreneur who has been at the expo for five years. “I’m seeing people that are doing keynotes and panels who are bigger influencers.”

Sometimes, it’s those influencers who are broadening the expo audience. Gina Aguero, 33, from San Antonio, Texas, said she came to the expo because of influencer Althea Lucrezia Avanzo, who says she channels light language — a vibrational form of communication she expresses through sounds and hand gestures — from higher-dimensional extraterrestrial beings.

“Finding her really helped me heal my inner belief systems at the time that were making me really sick,” said Aguero, who added that she also channels light language. “This conference is actually really broadening my horizons.”

Avanzo’s content first began to take off around 2020; that’s also when Elizabeth April, a 33-year-old influencer with blonde hair and a bright smile and another featured speaker at the expo, began posting about aliens.

“I really kept it low-key, the alien thing, super low-key, until, honestly, 2020,” April told RNS in a call ahead of the event. “2020 is when I was like, yep, like, I’m talking to them. And I also feel like I am one, you know, and I’m here to awaken others who are like me. And that video blew up on my channel.”

People attend the 24th annual Conscious Life Expo, held at the LAX Hilton Hotel in Los Angeles. (RNS photo/Kathryn Post)

April, like a growing number of other expo attendees and panelists, calls herself a “starseed,” nomenclature for an incarnate galactic soul on earth to aid humanity. She has 371,000 subscribers on You

Tube, and, according to her website, she monthly channels the Galactic Federation of Light, “a group of advanced beings who watch over Earth, radiating unconditional love and support.” Asked about her growing following, April attributed the movement to a broader awakening that began during the COVID pandemic.

“I think 2020 really woke a lot of people up to their own abilities, to their own leadership, to their own powers,” said April.

The conspiracy side

That was the same period when many in the New Age spirituality space noticed a discernible uptick in hardcore conspiracy theories like QAnon, which frames Donald Trump as a savior combating an elite ring of pedophiles. Matthew Hannah, a conspiracy movement expert and author of a forthcoming book about QAnon, said the pandemic exacerbated the anti-institutional sentiment in New Age spirituality. “A lot of people in that kind of alternative health, alternative spirituality community really got turned off by what they saw as government overreach, and this really quickly coded as the deep state, which is working with Big Pharma to force vaccines on us,” he said.

Though QAnon isn’t a staple at the expo, conspiracy often is. Satva acknowledges there’s a “dark, twisted side” that can show up in some of the conspiracies at the expo that “we try to just not engage in.”

“Not that we’re in denial of it, but that our core message is more about bringing solutions and love and light,” he added.



Satva and the other expo organizers say they want to balance a commitment to anti-censorship and a desire to focus on positive values. They’ve named the basement level of the expo “The Rabbit Hole,” a tongue-in-cheek nod to the expo’s edgier content. And while they’ve asked some speakers not to return, they also expect that those who bring “dark energy” with them will ultimately lose followers.

On Friday evening, former rock musician Sacha Stone held a late-night lecture deep in the bowels of “The Rabbit Hole.” A self-described human rights advocate, Stone is better known to critics as a New Age conspiracist who platforms vaccine disinformation and anti-establishment, Illuminati-style conspiracy narratives. In his cutoff shirt, white skinny jeans and bare feet, Stone paced around the platform, gripping the mic and gesticulating as he blasted through his fast-paced 90-minute lecture that touched on anti-gravitational technology, an alien base under Romania, human control of the climate and the pizzagate conspiracy.

“The planetary reset is now imminent, courtesy of the revelation, by God’s grace, of the ritual Satanism, the pedophilia, the trafficking, the cannibalism going on in the basement of our power centers,” he declared to his audience of mostly middle-age women.

Sacha Stone presents in “The Rabbit Hole” during the Conscious Life Expo, Friday, Feb. 20, 2026, at the LAX Hilton Hotel in Los Angeles. (RNS photo/Kathryn Post)

Noelle Cook, author of “The Conspiracists: Women, Extremism, and the Lure of Belonging,” said Stone is emblematic of the blend of MAGA enthusiasm, conspiracy and New Age spirituality she unpacks in her book, noting that he was featured in former Trump adviser Michael Flynn’s Christian nationalist ReAwaken America Tour. While he doesn’t use the QAnon label, his belief in a Satanic global elite and industrial-scale child trafficking illustrates how these ideas are repackaged for New Age audiences. 

“The danger comes when you’re not discerning,” said Cook, whose book profiles women at the Jan. 6 insurrection who embraced New Age spirituality. “Most of the women I was studying were not actually seeking extremism. They were seeking a purpose, identity and some coherence in their life.”

“Cinematic stories”

The merging between New Age beliefs and conspiracies — dubbed “conspirituality” by researcher Charlotte Ward and sociologist David Voas in 2011 — is inescapable at the expo: in panels offering secret knowledge; in stories of an elect group on a mission to aid humanity; and in warnings of a coming, global dimensional shift.

While the expo largely avoided political content this year, some speakers described cosmic narratives that echoed End Times religious teachings. At the final panel, titled “Something Is Coming!” panelists described a time of coming chaos, possible solar events and a potential collective shift into a new age. 

“Between 2025 and 2030 there will be an event involving the sun, and it may destroy parts of the surfaces of the whole earth,” said UFO investigator Linda Moulton Howe. Self-styled polymath and entrepreneur Robert Edward Grant added that “2030 will be our year No. 1,” telling panel attendees to expect a “profound shift” in 2029.

During the Q&A, a woman shared fears that her husband would not ascend to the next dimension with her, referencing New Age beliefs about shifting from a limited, 3D state to a better, higher dimension. “I’m excited about it, the 3D to 5D, the consciousness. I’m thrilled I’m going there,” she said. After a pause, she added, “I don’t think my husband is coming with me.”

A panel during the 24th annual Conscious Life Expo, held at the LAX Hilton Hotel in Los Angeles. (RNS photo/Kathryn Post)

Despite the panel’s content, the tone was light. Panelists joked about buying toilet paper and suggested preparation should be about personal spiritual alignment, not selling stocks.

That levity was also present at Saturday evening’s “Judgement Day” play, written by Quicksilver. Longtime expo speakers donned alien masks and face paint, their extraterrestrial characters deciding that humans were worth saving despite their faults, in part due to their “sacred bond with the planet, its living creatures and each other.” 



“I think these larger, more cinematic stories help create a new identity and a new framework for society and for the world,” said Satva. “With AI, nobody knows what’s real anymore. So, if you don’t know what’s real, might as well enjoy and believe in something much more fun and exciting.”