Showing posts sorted by date for query Marielle Franco. Sort by relevance Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by date for query Marielle Franco. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Tuesday, May 12, 2026

Brazil

The PSOL and the Anti-Fascist Struggle


Sunday 10 May 2026, by Mariana Riscali




The International Antifascist and for the Covereignty of the Peoples Conference in March 2026 [1] gave an opportunity to discuss the PSOL’s role in the fight against the far right in Brazil and in building social struggles and an alternative. Antoine Larrache of Inprecor spoke to Mariana Riscali.

What is the situation following the movement against Bolsonaro?

The protests were massive; Bolsonaro was convicted and is in prison, but we remain in a highly polarized political situation. Just as elsewhere in the world, where Trump advances his agenda by relying on a global far-right movement, here in Brazil, the far right remains strong and polarizes the debate. On the one hand, Lula’s government represents a bulwark against this advance of the far right, but on the other, it faces numerous difficulties because it has not implemented enough policies favorable to the working class, which also generates discontent. The political situation is therefore very delicate, hence the need for us to demonstrate unity against the far right.

How do you see the role of the working class in this movement?

Despite a significant lack of movement from traditional unions, the working class continues to respond to specific agendas, such as the reduction of working hours. This is a factor that has concretely helped energize the labor movement. The goal is to reduce working hours in the country to put an end to the six-day workweek with one day off. But I would also say that other sectors have been at the forefront of the mobilizations lately, such as the indigenous movement, which has embodied a fundamental struggle against the privatization of the Amazon’s rivers.

This is an environmental issue that affects a very influential sector in Brazil, namely agribusiness. Thus, when we wage a concrete struggle like this one, we are also discussing a model of the country—the model applied by the agribusiness sector, by the bourgeoisie… I therefore believe that this helps to raise consciousness in general and to fight against the far right.

How does the population perceive the international situation and imperialist attacks in the region? Do they make the connection with the domestic situation?

The U.S. offensive against Latin America is reigniting calls for national sovereignty. It also opens up a space for us to discuss the role that imperialism plays in the world today, and the rise of the far right. It also helps foster a political debate with society as a whole, which generally recognizes that there is an imperialist advance by the United States across all of Latin America and the world. This therefore allows us to broaden this dialogue and bring back to the forefront issues that were once very important , such as the struggle against the FTAA (Free Trade Area of the Americas). These are issues that, a few decades ago, mobilized many people, and for which we now have a space once again. Today, polls show that 70% of the population is against the war waged by the United States against Iran. The defense of Palestine against the Israeli genocide also has significant support, with the important impact of the Global Sumud Flotilla, where Brazilian militants, including those from MES, accompanied the latest mission. The imperialist issue in Brazil is also strongly linked to the environmental question, the defense of the Amazon against the exploitation of our forests and other natural resources, such as the current discussion regarding rare earths We can advance an anti-imperialist orientation within this context.

Can you tell us about the debates within the PSOL and its leadership?

The PSOL was founded over 20 years ago as a party created to serve as a counterweight to the PT, at a time when the PT was adapting to the institutions, abandoning its anti-capitalist project, and adjusting to govern. The PSOL was thus founded to revive a left-wing program and defend the demands of the working class. In this context, in recent years, many sectors have joined the PSOL, including Guilherme Boulos, a leader and longtime activist in the homeless movement. Recently, he has initiated a significant political rapprochement with the PT. He became Minister-Secretary General of the government, despite a party resolution stating that PSOL would not participate in the Government.

According to our analysis, he has not played a positive role in relation to social struggles and movements. And it is Boulos and his group who have pursued a policy aimed at building a federation between the PSOL and the PT. This federation would be an instrument obliging the federated parties to act in concert for four years during elections and in parliament. Thus, in practice, the PSOL, the PT, and the other parties comprising the federation with the PT would function as a single party under the leadership of the PT, which would be the largest party in this federation. This would therefore mean a loss of independence for the PSOL and the loss of the role it plays today, namely that of adopting an independent critical stance to the left of the government.

He submitted this issue for discussion and a vote within the party, but his faction lost the vote by a large majority: 75% of the party opposed this federation with the PT.

After that, he launched an initiative to leave the PSOL and bring other prominent figures with him to the PT. He eventually backed down, but his group stated that he still intended to leave the party and join the PT after the elections. I believe a shift is currently underway within the party, as it has become clearer to those sectors that were counting on Boulos as the party’s leader that he does not align with the interests and policies that—in my view—the PSOL stands for. I therefore believe that a new phase is about to begin to reaffirm the importance of the PSOL’s independence and the role the PSOL has played during this period as a left-wing alternative.

How do you see the possibility of revitalizing the PSOL and the left through social movements, and what is the role of the conference in building a unified and radical perspective?

I think the conference played a very important role, because today we have an objective need to build a front to block the path of the far right and fascism. We are going to go through an extremely polarized electoral process, in a context of significant influence from artificial intelligence and big tech, with Trump openly supporting the Bolsonaro family. We need not only an electoral and party alliance, but also one rooted in the grassroots and social movements. We believe that PSOL is fundamental to this process—combining the re-election of our combative legislators with increasing our seats in Congress and state assemblies, while simultaneously driving social struggles forward. This conference fulfilled its role in broadening this resistance, both nationally and internationally, through the unity of the parties and movements present. It brought together over 100 convening organizations and 4,000 registrants from nearly 40 countries across every continent, and the Fourth International and also CADTM played a leading role and were fundamental in making it happen. The diversity this conference demonstrated in this regard undoubtedly takes us to a new level in confronting the far right.

30 March 2026

Sunday, April 05, 2026

First International Anti-Fascist Conference: A political victory

Antifascist conference panel

The 1st International Anti-Fascist Conference, held in Porto Alegre between March 26–29, has just concluded. This is not a complete assessment, but some initial thoughts on the enormous success of the conference.

The figures speak for themselves. The opening march drew about 7000 people, evoking Porto Alegre’s tradition of struggle, and in particular its connection to the alter-globalization movement and the World Social Forum. It was an initiative that cut against the still-dominant paralysis on the left, demonstrating that mobilisation is possible. It also laid the groundwork for building upon this process.

There were 4000 registered participants, 11 thematic panels, a forum featuring government representatives and parliamentarians, and an impressive 150 self-organised activities. This effort was only possible thanks to international coordination, the urgency of the global situation, the unified mood of the local committee, and organisational commitment, with several comrades playing a decisive role. We had the presence of about 40 countries and an impressive representation from all five continents.

A leap forward in international coordination

The genesis of this triumph, beyond persisting with the activity even after its suspension due to the 2024 climate tragedy, lies in the unity between the Socialism and Freedom Party (PSOL) in Rio Grande do Sul and the Workers’ Party (PT) in Porto Alegre, which then expanded to included the Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB), the Landless Workers’ Movement (MST), and Andes, the latter responsible, along with the Lauro Campos and Marielle Franco Foundation, the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, and the Socialist Left Movement (MES)-PSOL, for being organisational guarantors of the meeting. The international scope of participation was only possible thanks to the efforts of the Committee for the Abolition of Illegitimate Debts (CADTM), led by comrade Eric Toussaint, who is connected to the Fourth International (which was represented by dozens of sections and members) and other sectors that signed up to the appeal for an international anti-fascist front, which was launched to publicise the conference.

There was a qualitatively important presence of different international revolutionary and socialist organisations. Among them were: the Democratic Socialists of America (within which the Bread & Roses current play a central role); parliamentarians from the European left, including from France Unbowed (LFI); other French anti-fascist groups such as NPA (New Anti-Capitalist Party), Après, Attac, Le Digue and Jeune Guard (Young Guard); Workers’ Party of Turkey leaders and parliamentarians; a contingent of almost 200 people from Argentina, the largest from any country, involving Vientos del Pueblo (Peoples’ Winds), Libres del Sur (Free and from the South), MST (Workers’ Socialist Movement) from the International Socialist League, and Union por la Patria (Unity for the Homeland); a Uruguayan delegation with a bus load of delegates from the PIT/CNT (Intersyndical Plenary of Workers — National Convention of Workers), the PCU (Communist Party of Uruguay) and the People’s Victory Party.

There were also significant delegations from North America, with dozens of cadres and leaders, including from Puerto Rico (Socialist Democracy and the Citizen Victory Movement, among others) and Mexico (MSP [Socialist Movement for Popular Power], ONPP [National Organisation of Popular Power], PRT [Revolutionary Workers Party], as well as leaders of the electrical workers’ union). Comrades from Zabalaza for Socialism in South Africa, and from Socialist Alliance and Green Left in Australia also attended.

CADTM was represented by delegations from various countries, especially from Africa and Asia, including from South Africa, Mali, Congo, Kenya, Ivory Coast, Morocco, India, Pakistan and the Philippines. Two other very special delegations, which fought a decisive battle in defence of internationalist principles at the conference, were those of the Russian and Ukrainian comrades, linked to the European Solidarity Network with Ukraine and the Marxist opposition in Russia.

CPAC with Flávio Bolsonaro and Trump, Porto Alegre in the streets

The same weekend as the conference, there was a meeting of CPAC — the Conservative Political Action Conference, a rising neo-fascist international network based in Trump’s United States. Flávio Bolsonaro, the son of jailed far-right leader Jair Bolsonaro, spoke, establishing himself as the representative of Trumpism in Brazil.

Porto Alegre was, in practice, the immediate counterpoint to that forum. The conference also established a link with the March 24 demonstrations [against the former military dictatorship] in Argentina; with the Nuestra America convoy that carried solidarity and solar panels to Cuba (many of its members returned in time for the conference); with the enormous anti-fascist demonstration that took place in London (where some 500,000 people attended); and with the discussions over Iran, which has resisted and transformed Trump and Netanyahu’s offensive into a deep problem. Above all, it connected with the large No Kings demonstrations, the third unified day of action against Trump that mobilised millions of people in thousands of cities across the US.

As the conference manifesto states, Porto Alegre was where a response began to be prepared, one prioritising street protests against the actions of the far right:

Never has the struggle against imperialism and fascism been as urgent and necessary as it is today. This struggle must be organized internationally. The Antifascist Conference for the Sovereignty of Peoples commits to continuing the struggle without rest and to serving as a space for building unity against the rise of the far right and imperialist aggression. In the face of barbarism, we raise the banner of international solidarity, the struggle of peoples, and a socialist, ecological, democratic, feminist, and anti-racist future.

MES/PSOL activities

In addition to the large opening march, we were involved in both some of the main panels and self-organised activities. The launch of Retomada magazine brought together hundreds of comrades along with our collaborator, Vladimir Safatle, and many other significant figures. Our new magazine, a dossier named “The Name For This is Fascism” was launched, resuming the battle of ideas in service of a critical anti-capitalist reference in Brazil.

The launch of the Fourth International’s Ecosocialist Manifesto, attended by comrade Michael Löwy, was another point of participation.

We also built and supported significant activities such as the Ecosocialist Youth plenary, with the presence of Juntos, an organisation that stood out at various moments of the conference for its large and vibrant contingent; the launch of the Maré Negra (Black Tide) movement manifesto, with US Connecticut councillor Abdul Osmanu and political thinker Mireille Fannon; a meeting of delegations from the Emancipa Network of Popular Education; and union activities with the presence of SEPE, Andes, Fasubra, Metro Workers of Rio Grande do Sul and Sao Paulo, ASERGHC, and Municipal Workers. We also participated in activities on feminism, through Juntas and our public figures, and in a workshop on Big Tech, reflecting on the growing body of knowledge about the digital issue. In addition, we took in part in numerous international activities on topics such as Argentina, the US, Ukraine, Russia, France, Kurdistan, and Puerto Rico.

An example of the need to fight and win

The unity expressed in the activity, with the leading role played by MES-PSOL and various sectors of the Fourth International, without excluding or imposing on other sectors, is a step forward. The Porto Alegre conference leaves us better equipped, nationally and internationally, for the challenges ahead, including the Brazilian elections, which will be a key chapter in the confrontation with imperialism and Trump. We have three decisive, polarised elections, coming up, in which Big Tech is more than likely to interfere: Colombia’s presidential election, Brazil’s general election, and the US midterm elections.

We defend Iran’s military victory against Israel and Trump, without lending political support to the regime; Cuba’s campaign against the blockade; the struggle of immigrants throughout the planet; and the demand for the release of President Nicolás Maduro and National Assembly deputy Cília Flores, as well as denouncing Putin’s imperialism and standing with the resistance of Ukrainian workers against Russian aggression.

To win in Brazil, we must combine the key banners of struggle — shorten the workday, tax the rich, defend the Amazon and the environment, and fight against gender violence — with a broad mobilisation that affirms sovereignty. The next steps will involve new conferences and activities, such as those in the Porto Alegre Manifesto, especially considering the dynamics of the Argentine situation, which will host the next event of this kind: a defeat for Argentine President Javier Milei would be costly for the far right and could open a new political cycle in the country.

Porto Alegre has once again placed itself at the forefront of the international struggle. Let us take up the challenge and fight to defeat the far right.

Israel Dutra is a sociologist, PSOL Secretary of Social Movements, and MES/PSOL National Directorate member.

Friday, March 27, 2026

Anti-fascism

Towards an international anti-fascist convergence


Tuesday 24 March 2026, by Éric Toussaint




Uniting the forces of the left across the globe to confront the rise of the far right – and imperialist wars. This is the objective of the First International Anti-Fascist Conference for the Sovereignty of Peoples. The meeting will open on 26 March in Porto Alegre, capital of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, which was the birthplace of the anti-globalisation movement in the early 2000s. The initiative, which aims to overcome the fragmentation of resistance in the face of the ongoing neo-fascist shift, was supported by an appeal signed by a wide range of figures representing the militant left and social movements from across five continents (see below). Le Courrier spoke with Eric Toussaint, of the Committee for the Abolition of Illegitimate Debt (CADTM), one of the driving forces behind this initiative.

What is the background to this international conference?

Eric Toussaint: On 8 January 2023, shortly after losing the presidential election to Lula, Jair Bolsonaro attempted a coup d’état in Brazil. Citing alleged electoral fraud, supporters of the neo-fascist former president stormed the headquarters of Congress and the Federal Supreme Court, mirroring the storming of the Capitol by Donald Trump’s supporters two years earlier. These events highlighted the danger posed by the rise of the far right. From this realisation emerged the idea of organising an international anti-fascist initiative.

Why was the city of Porto Alegre, in southern Brazil, chosen?

The symbolism is powerful, as it was in this city that the World Social Forum (WSF) was born: in January 2001, 20,000 people gathered there to define a common agenda for the anti-globalisation movement, which was then in full swing.
Secondly, because by defeating Jair Bolsonaro in 2022, the Brazilian left proved that it is possible to block the path of the neo-fascist threat: parties – from the social-democratic PT to the radical-left PSOL – popular movements and trade unions overcame their differences to secure Lula’s victory. These actors are represented within the united committee organising the conference.

Scheduled for May 2024, the meeting had to be postponed due to the severe flooding – a consequence of climate change – that hit the state of Rio Grande do Sul the previous month. Given the increase in military aggression by Donald Trump since the start of his term, we have since decided to add an anti-imperialist component to the event.

Is the world currently experiencing a neo-fascist turning point?

The Trump administration is at the helm of the world’s leading power. It is implementing a policy characterised by extreme nationalism, supremacism and homophobia, whilst using the ICE militia to carry out mass deportations of non-white people. It can therefore be described as neo-fascist. A shift explicitly symbolised by Elon Musk’s Nazi salute at Trump’s inauguration.

At the same time, the far right threatens to come to power in most European states; in Russia, Vladimir Putin’s regime bears striking similarities to Trump’s; India is led by a radical Hindu nationalist and Islamophobe, Narendra Modi. Meanwhile, in Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu’s neo-fascist government has been carrying out a genocide in Gaza for over two and a half years.

In Latin America, the election of Javier Milei in November 2023 was followed by that of Juan-Antonio Kast in Chile in 2025. Meanwhile, Ecuador’s president, Daniel Noboa, is modelling his regime on the authoritarian rule of Nayib Bukele in El Salvador. And the far right will do everything in its power to win the presidential election this autumn in Brazil, against Lula, with the support of an international network. If it succeeds, this will have terrible repercussions across the entire continent, which has endured brutal dictatorships over the last century.

The radical right appears to have a strong global network. Is this the case?

We are witnessing the emergence of a kind of neo-fascist international, driven in particular by Donald Trump’s United States. In his national security strategy published in 2025, the US president clearly lends his support to the ‘patriotic’ parties of the Old Continent. In Latin America, which he once again regards as a ‘backyard’, he does not hesitate to interfere directly in political and electoral processes to favour far-right candidates.

Admittedly, these forces do not have a single global command. But coordination structures are already in place. The Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) brings together the radical right-wing parties of the Americas and Europe every year. It has recently organised conferences in the United States, Hungary and several Latin American countries. Launched by the Spanish party Vox, the Madrid forum is another event that brings these parties together.

Is the Porto Alegre conference intended as a response to this neo-fascist globalisation?

On the left, we are lagging behind: we have not yet begun to internationalise our response to the far right. Admittedly, the forces fighting fascism and imperialist aggression are very diverse, and there is no question of erasing these differences. However, it is essential to build a broad front, on a global scale, against these increasingly threatening enemies. This convergence must include all forces willing to defend the working class, the peasantry, migrants, women, LGBTQIA+ people, people of colour, oppressed minorities and indigenous peoples – whilst defending nature and supporting the struggles against imperialism. Our conference will seek to provide the beginnings of a response to this challenge.

In practical terms, what might this initiative lead to?

One of the keys to success is to remain modest. The idea is not to create a new global structure, but to bring together parties, prominent figures and activists around a space capable of convening and supporting joint initiatives and mobilisations against the far right. All whilst supporting the battles being fought in different countries.

Following this first global meeting, a second significant step forward would be to organise a similar initiative in the world’s major regions, starting in 2027.

THOUSANDS OF ACTIVISTS EXPECTED

Several thousand people, from around 70 countries, are expected to attend the First Anti-Fascist Conference for People’s Sovereignty, to be held in Porto Alegre from 26 to 29 March. The event will open with a large demonstration in the streets of the capital of the state of Rio Grande do Sul. Over three days, it will feature eleven thematic plenary sessions and 150 self-organised activities. Discussions will focus on strengthening social, feminist and trade union movements, as well as international solidarity in the fight against fascism – but also on the potential and limitations of institutional action. Solidarity with Gaza, the struggles against climate denial and for agrarian reform, and the situation on the American continent will be other key themes. The debates will conclude with the adoption of a charter at a general assembly.

Whilst a large proportion of the speakers will come from the Americas, a wide range of organisations and movements will be represented in the capital of Rio Grande do Sul, which was the birthplace of one of the main social movements on the Latin American continent, the Landless Workers’ Movement (MST), in the 1980s. This is evidenced by the more than 1,500 prominent figures and activists from five continents who have signed the international call inviting people to the conference. They include, notably: leaders of grassroots and political organisations from Latin America, including the leader of the MST, João Pedro Stédile; feminist authors and activists Nancy Fraser and Tithi Bhattacharya; Indian journalist and activist Vijay Prashad; Haitian economist Camille Chalmers; Solange Koné, of the World March of Women (WMW) in Côte d’Ivoire; Frei Betto, a Brazilian writer and figure in liberation theology; MEP (La France Insoumise) Rima Hassan and Thiago Silva, participants in the global Soumoud flotilla for Gaza; Ada Colau, the former mayor of Barcelona; Annie Ernaux, winner of the 2022 Nobel Prize in Literature; former leader of the British Labour Party, Jeremy Corbyn; the leader of La France Insoumise, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, alongside Italian and Spanish parliamentarians and members of DSA, the left-wing faction of the US Democratic Party. In Switzerland, sociologist Jean Ziegler, former UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food, has signed the appeal. Mathilde Marendaz, an activist with the Solidarité & Ecologie party and a member of the Ensemble à gauche group in the Vaud Grand Council, will be travelling to Porto Alegre.

CADTM