Showing posts sorted by date for query Marielle Franco. Sort by relevance Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by date for query Marielle Franco. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Sunday, April 05, 2026

First International Anti-Fascist Conference: A political victory

Antifascist conference panel

The 1st International Anti-Fascist Conference, held in Porto Alegre between March 26–29, has just concluded. This is not a complete assessment, but some initial thoughts on the enormous success of the conference.

The figures speak for themselves. The opening march drew about 7000 people, evoking Porto Alegre’s tradition of struggle, and in particular its connection to the alter-globalization movement and the World Social Forum. It was an initiative that cut against the still-dominant paralysis on the left, demonstrating that mobilisation is possible. It also laid the groundwork for building upon this process.

There were 4000 registered participants, 11 thematic panels, a forum featuring government representatives and parliamentarians, and an impressive 150 self-organised activities. This effort was only possible thanks to international coordination, the urgency of the global situation, the unified mood of the local committee, and organisational commitment, with several comrades playing a decisive role. We had the presence of about 40 countries and an impressive representation from all five continents.

A leap forward in international coordination

The genesis of this triumph, beyond persisting with the activity even after its suspension due to the 2024 climate tragedy, lies in the unity between the Socialism and Freedom Party (PSOL) in Rio Grande do Sul and the Workers’ Party (PT) in Porto Alegre, which then expanded to included the Communist Party of Brazil (PCdoB), the Landless Workers’ Movement (MST), and Andes, the latter responsible, along with the Lauro Campos and Marielle Franco Foundation, the Rosa Luxemburg Foundation, and the Socialist Left Movement (MES)-PSOL, for being organisational guarantors of the meeting. The international scope of participation was only possible thanks to the efforts of the Committee for the Abolition of Illegitimate Debts (CADTM), led by comrade Eric Toussaint, who is connected to the Fourth International (which was represented by dozens of sections and members) and other sectors that signed up to the appeal for an international anti-fascist front, which was launched to publicise the conference.

There was a qualitatively important presence of different international revolutionary and socialist organisations. Among them were: the Democratic Socialists of America (within which the Bread & Roses current play a central role); parliamentarians from the European left, including from France Unbowed (LFI); other French anti-fascist groups such as NPA (New Anti-Capitalist Party), Après, Attac, Le Digue and Jeune Guard (Young Guard); Workers’ Party of Turkey leaders and parliamentarians; a contingent of almost 200 people from Argentina, the largest from any country, involving Vientos del Pueblo (Peoples’ Winds), Libres del Sur (Free and from the South), MST (Workers’ Socialist Movement) from the International Socialist League, and Union por la Patria (Unity for the Homeland); a Uruguayan delegation with a bus load of delegates from the PIT/CNT (Intersyndical Plenary of Workers — National Convention of Workers), the PCU (Communist Party of Uruguay) and the People’s Victory Party.

There were also significant delegations from North America, with dozens of cadres and leaders, including from Puerto Rico (Socialist Democracy and the Citizen Victory Movement, among others) and Mexico (MSP [Socialist Movement for Popular Power], ONPP [National Organisation of Popular Power], PRT [Revolutionary Workers Party], as well as leaders of the electrical workers’ union). Comrades from Zabalaza for Socialism in South Africa, and from Socialist Alliance and Green Left in Australia also attended.

CADTM was represented by delegations from various countries, especially from Africa and Asia, including from South Africa, Mali, Congo, Kenya, Ivory Coast, Morocco, India, Pakistan and the Philippines. Two other very special delegations, which fought a decisive battle in defence of internationalist principles at the conference, were those of the Russian and Ukrainian comrades, linked to the European Solidarity Network with Ukraine and the Marxist opposition in Russia.

CPAC with Flávio Bolsonaro and Trump, Porto Alegre in the streets

The same weekend as the conference, there was a meeting of CPAC — the Conservative Political Action Conference, a rising neo-fascist international network based in Trump’s United States. Flávio Bolsonaro, the son of jailed far-right leader Jair Bolsonaro, spoke, establishing himself as the representative of Trumpism in Brazil.

Porto Alegre was, in practice, the immediate counterpoint to that forum. The conference also established a link with the March 24 demonstrations [against the former military dictatorship] in Argentina; with the Nuestra America convoy that carried solidarity and solar panels to Cuba (many of its members returned in time for the conference); with the enormous anti-fascist demonstration that took place in London (where some 500,000 people attended); and with the discussions over Iran, which has resisted and transformed Trump and Netanyahu’s offensive into a deep problem. Above all, it connected with the large No Kings demonstrations, the third unified day of action against Trump that mobilised millions of people in thousands of cities across the US.

As the conference manifesto states, Porto Alegre was where a response began to be prepared, one prioritising street protests against the actions of the far right:

Never has the struggle against imperialism and fascism been as urgent and necessary as it is today. This struggle must be organized internationally. The Antifascist Conference for the Sovereignty of Peoples commits to continuing the struggle without rest and to serving as a space for building unity against the rise of the far right and imperialist aggression. In the face of barbarism, we raise the banner of international solidarity, the struggle of peoples, and a socialist, ecological, democratic, feminist, and anti-racist future.

MES/PSOL activities

In addition to the large opening march, we were involved in both some of the main panels and self-organised activities. The launch of Retomada magazine brought together hundreds of comrades along with our collaborator, Vladimir Safatle, and many other significant figures. Our new magazine, a dossier named “The Name For This is Fascism” was launched, resuming the battle of ideas in service of a critical anti-capitalist reference in Brazil.

The launch of the Fourth International’s Ecosocialist Manifesto, attended by comrade Michael Löwy, was another point of participation.

We also built and supported significant activities such as the Ecosocialist Youth plenary, with the presence of Juntos, an organisation that stood out at various moments of the conference for its large and vibrant contingent; the launch of the Maré Negra (Black Tide) movement manifesto, with US Connecticut councillor Abdul Osmanu and political thinker Mireille Fannon; a meeting of delegations from the Emancipa Network of Popular Education; and union activities with the presence of SEPE, Andes, Fasubra, Metro Workers of Rio Grande do Sul and Sao Paulo, ASERGHC, and Municipal Workers. We also participated in activities on feminism, through Juntas and our public figures, and in a workshop on Big Tech, reflecting on the growing body of knowledge about the digital issue. In addition, we took in part in numerous international activities on topics such as Argentina, the US, Ukraine, Russia, France, Kurdistan, and Puerto Rico.

An example of the need to fight and win

The unity expressed in the activity, with the leading role played by MES-PSOL and various sectors of the Fourth International, without excluding or imposing on other sectors, is a step forward. The Porto Alegre conference leaves us better equipped, nationally and internationally, for the challenges ahead, including the Brazilian elections, which will be a key chapter in the confrontation with imperialism and Trump. We have three decisive, polarised elections, coming up, in which Big Tech is more than likely to interfere: Colombia’s presidential election, Brazil’s general election, and the US midterm elections.

We defend Iran’s military victory against Israel and Trump, without lending political support to the regime; Cuba’s campaign against the blockade; the struggle of immigrants throughout the planet; and the demand for the release of President Nicolás Maduro and National Assembly deputy Cília Flores, as well as denouncing Putin’s imperialism and standing with the resistance of Ukrainian workers against Russian aggression.

To win in Brazil, we must combine the key banners of struggle — shorten the workday, tax the rich, defend the Amazon and the environment, and fight against gender violence — with a broad mobilisation that affirms sovereignty. The next steps will involve new conferences and activities, such as those in the Porto Alegre Manifesto, especially considering the dynamics of the Argentine situation, which will host the next event of this kind: a defeat for Argentine President Javier Milei would be costly for the far right and could open a new political cycle in the country.

Porto Alegre has once again placed itself at the forefront of the international struggle. Let us take up the challenge and fight to defeat the far right.

Israel Dutra is a sociologist, PSOL Secretary of Social Movements, and MES/PSOL National Directorate member.

Friday, March 27, 2026

Anti-fascism

Towards an international anti-fascist convergence


Tuesday 24 March 2026, by Éric Toussaint




Uniting the forces of the left across the globe to confront the rise of the far right – and imperialist wars. This is the objective of the First International Anti-Fascist Conference for the Sovereignty of Peoples. The meeting will open on 26 March in Porto Alegre, capital of the state of Rio Grande do Sul, which was the birthplace of the anti-globalisation movement in the early 2000s. The initiative, which aims to overcome the fragmentation of resistance in the face of the ongoing neo-fascist shift, was supported by an appeal signed by a wide range of figures representing the militant left and social movements from across five continents (see below). Le Courrier spoke with Eric Toussaint, of the Committee for the Abolition of Illegitimate Debt (CADTM), one of the driving forces behind this initiative.

What is the background to this international conference?

Eric Toussaint: On 8 January 2023, shortly after losing the presidential election to Lula, Jair Bolsonaro attempted a coup d’état in Brazil. Citing alleged electoral fraud, supporters of the neo-fascist former president stormed the headquarters of Congress and the Federal Supreme Court, mirroring the storming of the Capitol by Donald Trump’s supporters two years earlier. These events highlighted the danger posed by the rise of the far right. From this realisation emerged the idea of organising an international anti-fascist initiative.

Why was the city of Porto Alegre, in southern Brazil, chosen?

The symbolism is powerful, as it was in this city that the World Social Forum (WSF) was born: in January 2001, 20,000 people gathered there to define a common agenda for the anti-globalisation movement, which was then in full swing.
Secondly, because by defeating Jair Bolsonaro in 2022, the Brazilian left proved that it is possible to block the path of the neo-fascist threat: parties – from the social-democratic PT to the radical-left PSOL – popular movements and trade unions overcame their differences to secure Lula’s victory. These actors are represented within the united committee organising the conference.

Scheduled for May 2024, the meeting had to be postponed due to the severe flooding – a consequence of climate change – that hit the state of Rio Grande do Sul the previous month. Given the increase in military aggression by Donald Trump since the start of his term, we have since decided to add an anti-imperialist component to the event.

Is the world currently experiencing a neo-fascist turning point?

The Trump administration is at the helm of the world’s leading power. It is implementing a policy characterised by extreme nationalism, supremacism and homophobia, whilst using the ICE militia to carry out mass deportations of non-white people. It can therefore be described as neo-fascist. A shift explicitly symbolised by Elon Musk’s Nazi salute at Trump’s inauguration.

At the same time, the far right threatens to come to power in most European states; in Russia, Vladimir Putin’s regime bears striking similarities to Trump’s; India is led by a radical Hindu nationalist and Islamophobe, Narendra Modi. Meanwhile, in Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu’s neo-fascist government has been carrying out a genocide in Gaza for over two and a half years.

In Latin America, the election of Javier Milei in November 2023 was followed by that of Juan-Antonio Kast in Chile in 2025. Meanwhile, Ecuador’s president, Daniel Noboa, is modelling his regime on the authoritarian rule of Nayib Bukele in El Salvador. And the far right will do everything in its power to win the presidential election this autumn in Brazil, against Lula, with the support of an international network. If it succeeds, this will have terrible repercussions across the entire continent, which has endured brutal dictatorships over the last century.

The radical right appears to have a strong global network. Is this the case?

We are witnessing the emergence of a kind of neo-fascist international, driven in particular by Donald Trump’s United States. In his national security strategy published in 2025, the US president clearly lends his support to the ‘patriotic’ parties of the Old Continent. In Latin America, which he once again regards as a ‘backyard’, he does not hesitate to interfere directly in political and electoral processes to favour far-right candidates.

Admittedly, these forces do not have a single global command. But coordination structures are already in place. The Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC) brings together the radical right-wing parties of the Americas and Europe every year. It has recently organised conferences in the United States, Hungary and several Latin American countries. Launched by the Spanish party Vox, the Madrid forum is another event that brings these parties together.

Is the Porto Alegre conference intended as a response to this neo-fascist globalisation?

On the left, we are lagging behind: we have not yet begun to internationalise our response to the far right. Admittedly, the forces fighting fascism and imperialist aggression are very diverse, and there is no question of erasing these differences. However, it is essential to build a broad front, on a global scale, against these increasingly threatening enemies. This convergence must include all forces willing to defend the working class, the peasantry, migrants, women, LGBTQIA+ people, people of colour, oppressed minorities and indigenous peoples – whilst defending nature and supporting the struggles against imperialism. Our conference will seek to provide the beginnings of a response to this challenge.

In practical terms, what might this initiative lead to?

One of the keys to success is to remain modest. The idea is not to create a new global structure, but to bring together parties, prominent figures and activists around a space capable of convening and supporting joint initiatives and mobilisations against the far right. All whilst supporting the battles being fought in different countries.

Following this first global meeting, a second significant step forward would be to organise a similar initiative in the world’s major regions, starting in 2027.

THOUSANDS OF ACTIVISTS EXPECTED

Several thousand people, from around 70 countries, are expected to attend the First Anti-Fascist Conference for People’s Sovereignty, to be held in Porto Alegre from 26 to 29 March. The event will open with a large demonstration in the streets of the capital of the state of Rio Grande do Sul. Over three days, it will feature eleven thematic plenary sessions and 150 self-organised activities. Discussions will focus on strengthening social, feminist and trade union movements, as well as international solidarity in the fight against fascism – but also on the potential and limitations of institutional action. Solidarity with Gaza, the struggles against climate denial and for agrarian reform, and the situation on the American continent will be other key themes. The debates will conclude with the adoption of a charter at a general assembly.

Whilst a large proportion of the speakers will come from the Americas, a wide range of organisations and movements will be represented in the capital of Rio Grande do Sul, which was the birthplace of one of the main social movements on the Latin American continent, the Landless Workers’ Movement (MST), in the 1980s. This is evidenced by the more than 1,500 prominent figures and activists from five continents who have signed the international call inviting people to the conference. They include, notably: leaders of grassroots and political organisations from Latin America, including the leader of the MST, João Pedro Stédile; feminist authors and activists Nancy Fraser and Tithi Bhattacharya; Indian journalist and activist Vijay Prashad; Haitian economist Camille Chalmers; Solange Koné, of the World March of Women (WMW) in Côte d’Ivoire; Frei Betto, a Brazilian writer and figure in liberation theology; MEP (La France Insoumise) Rima Hassan and Thiago Silva, participants in the global Soumoud flotilla for Gaza; Ada Colau, the former mayor of Barcelona; Annie Ernaux, winner of the 2022 Nobel Prize in Literature; former leader of the British Labour Party, Jeremy Corbyn; the leader of La France Insoumise, Jean-Luc Mélenchon, alongside Italian and Spanish parliamentarians and members of DSA, the left-wing faction of the US Democratic Party. In Switzerland, sociologist Jean Ziegler, former UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food, has signed the appeal. Mathilde Marendaz, an activist with the Solidarité & Ecologie party and a member of the Ensemble à gauche group in the Vaud Grand Council, will be travelling to Porto Alegre.

CADTM

Saturday, March 14, 2026

Brazil

The courts convict those who ordered the murder of Marielle Franco

Saturday 14 March 2026, by Revista Movimiento





The Federal Supreme Court condemned the Brazão brothers for ordering the execution of Marielle Franco, the PSOL city councillor in Rio de Janeiro [1] and her driver Anderson Gomes. This landmark ruling highlights the links between institutional politics, militias and economic interests in Rio de Janeiro.

The Federal Supreme Court (STF) issued a landmark ruling on Wednesday, February 25, in one of the most emblematic political cases in the country’s recent history. The First Chamber of the Federal Supreme Court unanimously convicted brothers Domingos and Chiquinho Brazão as masterminds behind the murder of Rio de Janeiro city councilwoman Marielle Franco and her driver Anderson Gomes, which occurred on March 14, 2018, in the city centre. Each was sentenced to 76 years and three months in prison.

Marielle was shot dead in the Estácio neighbourhood as she left a political meeting. Besides her and Anderson, councilwoman Fernanda Chaves was also targeted in the attack and survived. From the outset, this crime has been seen as a political assassination, characterized by misogyny, racism, and an attempt to silence a Black congresswoman from a favela and a human rights advocate who opposed powerful interests in Rio.

Militias, land grabbing and political conflict

According to the Attorney General, Domingos Brazão, a former advisor to the Rio de Janeiro State Court of Auditors, ordered Marielle’s assassination due to financial interests that would have been jeopardized by the regularization of land titles in areas controlled by militias, particularly in the western part of Rio de Janeiro’s capital. His brother, Francisco Brazão, known as Chiquinho, then a city councillor and later a disgraced federal deputy, allegedly participated in the decision to eliminate the parliamentarian.

The prosecution argued that Marielle was in direct political conflict with the brothers over land-use planning programmes, urban regularization, and the fight against land grabbing, which ran counter to the interests of the militias that profited from this system. According to the federal prosecutor’s office, the Brazão brothers were part of an armed criminal organization that operated in an organized manner within political institutions and wielded significant influence over the territory.

In the deliberations that led to the conviction, the case rapporteur, Minister Alexandre de Moraes, emphasized the political and symbolic nature of the crime.

The political aspect was added to misogyny, racism, and discrimination. Marielle Franco was a poor, Black woman who, let’s say, in the working-class neighbourhood, opposed the interests of the militiamen. What stronger message could have been sent? And in the sexist and prejudiced minds of those who ordered and carried out the attack, who was going to pay any attention to it?

According to Moraes, the masterminds actually underestimated the impact of such a crime.

“In his deposition, from which I will quote some extracts here, the repentant Ronnie Lessa evokes the concern of the masterminds regarding the repercussions, which they had not anticipated ," he said.

Convictions and sentences

In addition to the Brazão brothers, the Supreme Court convicted other individuals involved. Former military police officer Ronald Paulo Alves Pereira was sentenced to 56 years in prison for the murders of Marielle and Anderson and for the attempted murder of Fernanda Chaves. Robson Calixto Fonseca, a former advisor to Domingos Brazão, was sentenced to nine years in prison for organized crime.

Former Rio de Janeiro civil police chief Rivaldo Barbosa was acquitted of direct involvement in the murder but sentenced to 18 years in prison for obstruction of justice, aggravated passive corruption, and organized crime. Ministers determined there was insufficient evidence to link him to the planning of the murder but acknowledged his role in obstructing the investigation.

Despite the harsh sentences, Brazilian law limits the maximum prison term to 30 years. All the defendants remain in prison—with the exception of Chiquinho Brazão, who is serving a sentence of house arrest—and were immediately stripped of their public offices and declared ineligible for office.

Compensation and human impact

The ruling also awarded compensation totalling 7 million reais . Marielle’s family will receive 3 million reais, divided between her mother, father, daughter Luyara Franco, and her widow, Mônica Benício. Anderson Gomes’s family will receive an additional 3 million reais, and Fernanda Chaves, survivor of the attack, will receive 1 million reais .

The trial was marked by a highly emotional atmosphere. Marielle’s daughter felt unwell during the reading of Moraes’s vote and had to be escorted from the courtroom. The city councillor’s mother, Marinete da Silva, also felt unwell. Both returned to attend the end of the session, which was also attended by the Minister for Racial Equality, Anielle Franco, Marielle’s sister.

A blow for Brazil

Following the rapporteur’s vote, Minister Cármen Lúcia emphasized the profound impact of this crime on Brazilian society:

"This trial has caused me a lot of spiritual harm, a lot of psychological harm, a lot of even physical harm these past few weeks [∞] This burst of machine gun fire that rang out in the night did not only shatter the bodies of these people, it wounded all of Brazil."

25 February 2026

Published initially on Movimento. Translated to French by ESSF.

Footnotes

[1See Fourth International statements: “One year after her murder: Justice for Marielle! Tuesday, 5 March 2019 and “Our comrade Marielle Franco murdered”, Friday 16 March 2018.