Thursday, January 02, 2025

Ta-Nehisi Coates’ Trip to Palestine: Facing the Zionist Backlash


Thursday 2 January 2025, by Malik Miah

Ta-Nehisi Coates  is a celebrated writer, journalist and public intellectual known for his works on racism and the Black freedom struggle. Coates has been praised for his books and essays, including establishment publications. That would change after his 2023 visit to Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories of Palestine, his first trip to the region.


As he says in his new book The Message (One World, October 2024, 250 pages):

“Writing is a powerful tool of politics. For positive action and clarity, or for misinformation and dishonesty by those in power.”

This book of essays is directed toward his students at Howard University in a writing workshop where he focuses on three trips — including to Dakar, Senegal and to Chapin, South Carolina. The controversy arose because of what he says about Israel and the Occupied Territories, where he visited the West Bank and East Jerusalem.

The Message has stirred controversy and deep anger from Zionists and pro-Israel lobbyists.

“I Felt Lied To”

Going to Palestine was “a huge shock to me,” he told the New York Times. Coming back to New York, he felt, as he told reporter Peter Beinart, “a responsibility to yell” about what he’d seen — which he describes as apartheid and which he compares to the segregated Jim Crow South in the United States.

A review in The Atlantic by Daniel Berhner wrote that Coates “had confronted, he said, Israel’s ‘Jim Crow regime,’ its ‘segregationist order,’ enforced by the ‘biggest guns I’d ever seen in my life.’”

And given that Coates had been “reared on the fight against Jim Crow, against white supremacy,” he felt mortified by his years of blindness to the brutal simplicity of the Palestinian plight. “How,” he asked, “could I not know?”

The trip took place in May 2023, before the October 7 Hamas attack that sparked Israel’s ongoing genocidal war in Gaza, now expanded to daily bombing of Lebanon.

Coates has explained in numerous interviews and speeches that when he was guided from Jerusalem to Hebron on a tour organized by the Palestine Festival of Literature in May 2023, he found that the situation was far from complicated.

It reminded him of the Jim Crow South and apartheid in South Africa. “I felt lied to,” he told New York Times columnist and podcast host Ezra Klein. “I felt lied to by my craft. I felt lied to by major media organizations.”

“I don’t think I ever, in my life, felt the glare of racism burn stronger and more intense than in Israel,” he said. “There are aspects I found familiar — the light-skinned Palestinians who speak of ‘passing,’ the Black and Arab Jews whose stories could have been staged in Atlanta instead of Tel Aviv.”

The pro-Israel lobby sharply attacked Coates as a “dupe of Hamas” and an unwitting terrorist advocate.

CBS Mornings Show Blindside

A September 30 interview with CBS Mornings news anchor Tony Dokoupil was no normal interview about a new book, nor an effort to seek the author’s reason for writing a controversial but highly acclaimed book.

It was a hit job. Coates was aggressively challenged by Dokoupil on his claims against Israel’s legitimacy. Dokoupil accused the author of engaging in extremist rhetoric.

“If I took your name out of it, took away the awards, and the acclaim, took the cover off the book, the publishing house goes away — the content of that section would not be out of place in the backpack of an extremist,” said Dokoupil.

Dokupil’s former wife and two children live in Israel, and he did not hide his pro-Zionist ideology while claiming to be an unbiased journalist.

As Coates later said after being ambushed by CBS, he asked where are the Palestinian and Muslim journalists on television? Why aren’t they allowed to tell their story?

In fact, most pro-Arab voices are pushed off the mainstream media including at CNN, MSNBC and other outlets. Coates cites a study showing that over the past 50 years (1970-2019) fewer than two percent of opinion pieces about Palestine were written by Palestinian journalists or writers. (The Message, 229)

The Message, Coates said, was not intended to be “a treatise on the entirety of the conflict between the Palestinians and the Israelis.” He isn’t offended specifically by a “Jewish state,” Coates said, but “by the idea of states built on ethnocracy, no matter where they are.”

When Dokoupil asked him why his essay ignored the “terror groups” that seek to wipe Israel off the map — which might explain Israel’s elevated level of scrutiny and lack of courtesy at security checkpoints — he replied that “Israel does exist. It’s a fact. The question of its ‘right’ is not a question that I would be faced with any other country.”

Other Rebuttals

In an interview with Trevor Noah, the South African-born former host of the “Daily Show” on Comedy Central and prominent podcaster, Coates acknowledged what he had thought about “a lot” but never said out loud before.

He described the need to recognize the historical contexts that shape actions, likening the situation in Gaza to past struggles. He drew a parallel from October 7 to Nat Turner’s 1831 slave rebellion: “The example I think about all the time is like Nat Turner. This man slaughters babies in their cribs.”

He questioned whether the “degradation and dehumanization of slavery” could ever justify such acts, pondering whether some enslaved people would have thought, “This is too far. I can’t do that.”

In an interview on “Democracy Now” on October 8 he elaborated the point:

[Co-host] JUAN GONZÁLEZ: You write in the book, quote, “It occurred to me that there was still one place on the planet — under American patronage — that resembled the world that my parents were born into.” Can you elaborate?

TA-NEHISI COATES: Yes. And I think I talked about it the last time I was here, actually. These are the words I have even now, and they are probably insufficient to what a Palestinian would offer who experiences this, but the words that come to me are “segregation.”

When you are on the West Bank, there are separate roads. There are roads for Israeli settlers and citizens of Israel, and there are roads for Palestinians. These roads are not separate and equal; these roads tend to be separate and unequal. It tends to take longer to get where you want to go if you’re a Palestinian.

If you enter a city like Hebron, for instance, Hebron is quite literally segregated. There are streets that Palestinians cannot walk down. There are streets (where) Israeli settlers are given complete and free movement…

The justice system, which is deeply familiar for African Americans today, is quite literally segregated. There is a civil justice system that the minority of Israeli settlers, as Israeli citizens, enjoy, and then there is an entirely separate justice system (to which) Palestinians on the West Bank are subject…

It has been this way since 1967. And the word we use for that is “occupation,” which is a kind of a deeply vanilla word that does not actually describe what is going on.

Coates has taken the attacks of his critics and Zionists smear operatives well. It is a powerful example of how to respond to the racist right.

But The Message is much more than about Israel and Palestine. The sections on Senegal and South Carolina are worth a serious reading.

In Conclusion

Coates concludes his view of Zionism:

“I’ve been home for a year, but sometimes I still dream that I am back in Palestine…

“Zionism was conceived as a counter oppression that feels very familiar. I read the early Zionist Moses Hess naming himself as part of “an unfortunate, maligned, despised, and dispersed people—a but one that the world has not succeeded in destroying,” and I hear the prophets of Black nationalism, the struggle into which I was born, the struggle of Garvey and Malcolm, the struggle that gave me my very name….

“So much of what I saw during those ten days seemed explicitly about that particular mission. Honor. Even the platitude “Israel has the right to defend itself” made sense in the context of a people who’d so often been made to dance for their killers….

“But the security of Israel did not just require an agreement with apartheid — it required that Israel practice apartheid itself.” (207)

The founders of Zionism explicitly saw themselves and their envisioned state as an outpost of Western civilization against Asiatic barbarism. Israel today stands revealed by Amnesty International as the perpetrator of genocide in Gaza. It also leads to Jewish deaths and antisemitism around the globe.

Palestinian resisters are freedom fighters just as enslaved people from Africa were the true heroes — not the slaveholders or Founding Fathers who incorporated white supremacist ideology into the blood and bones of American democracy to this day.

Against the Current

P.S.

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Attached documents



Malik Miah

Malik Miah is a retired aviation mechanic, union and antiracist activist. He is an advisory editor of Against the Current.




International Viewpoint is published under the responsibility of the Bureau of the Fourth International. Signed articles do not necessarily reflect editorial policy. Articles can be reprinted with acknowledgement, and a live link if possible.

 

The Beautiful Idea #2: Peter Gelderloos and Prince Shakur

The Beautiful Idea Episode 2: Peter Gelderloos and Prince Shakur

From The Beautiful Idea

Podcast: Download

CLICK ON DOWNLOAD TO PLAY


On this episode of The Beautiful Idea, with the second Trump administration only weeks away, we sit down to speak with two anarchist authors and thinkers, Peter Gelderloos and Prince Shakur.

Peter is the author of such classics as How Non-Violence Protects the State and Worshiping Powerand has recently published two new books, They Will Beat the Memory Out of Us and Organization, Continuity, CommunityPeter is also currently publishing on substack.

Prince Shakur is an organizer, author, and one of two hosts who run The Dugouta Black anarchist podcast which you can check out here and follow on Instagram. Shakur is also the author of When They Tell You To Be Good.

During our episode we speak with both Peter and Prince about their thoughts on the coming Trump administration and how people involved in social movements and struggles should ready themselves and their communities. Is it fair to call Trump a fascist and what can we expect from the incoming administration? What cracks can we see forming within the ruling order going forward, and what opportunities and challenges do autonomous rebels face in this new terrain?

 

So Long Gerardo

 From Ediçþes Tormenta (instagram)

December 9, 2024

In these southern abyayala territories, a great Anarkopunk comrade has passed away, Gerardo Dekadencia Humana (also the name of his Fanzine), a comrade who from his beginnings on the path of punk and Anarkopunk, never abandoned and was a constant precursor of the ideas of total liberation, punkitude and non-violent direct action, spreading Love as a revolutionary and against hatred that only destroys, a supporter of an ideal of building a punk, internationalist community, nomad, croto, supported animal liberation, harmony between body and mind through health, diet and training, believed in conversation and debate before conflict between peers, fighter against fascism, which touched him very closely in the city where he lived, active for many years in the “Juventud Moderna” library where the specific anarchist library was located and where he built the “Fanzinoteca” with thousands of copies of zines from all over the world.

As well as the zine “Dekadencia Humana,” he had another zine called “Pulenta con pajarito”, which dealt with mothers/fathers and their experiences.

He organized the International AnarchoPunk in 2004 in Mar del Plata - an international anarcho-punk meeting with punks from all over the world.

He was part of the bands “Teoria del Kaos” and “Kamenish.”

He took part in the “Tinta roja” squat where Anti-Alca 2005 was organized, the IV meeting of the Alca was in Mdp that year where there were many punks and anarchists and that space welcomed us fraternally.

He was very active in support of Mumia Abu-Jamal through non-violent direct action, on the streets with banners and art.

Text written by: Costu Knup

Gerardo's two websites:
http://dekadencia-humana-punkzine.blogspot.com/
http://punkzinoteka.blogspot.com/

Video memorial to Gerardo from Fan Pipols Crew (instagram):
https://www.instagram.com/fanpipolscrew/reel/DDa3LeER8zO/

Gerardo's words from the intro to the song "Spirito from '77" by Fun People:

"We ignore life, we ignore death, what we can be and achieve. We wander between dreams, frustrations, some falling with the weapons that the system imposes on us, we celebrate the great dance of the losers day after day, consciously ignoring our life and death, ignoring how wonderful life is. I refuse to think that prejudices, divisions, hatred and violence took over our hearts destroying our rebellion, our attitude, our friendship, our dream, our real love. I refuse to think that we have been defeated, that the lives kidnapped, tortured and murdered by the terrorist states of this battered planet Earth were in vain, the freedom we enjoy today did not arise from nothing, please do not trample it, despite the fact that many friends and companions are no longer here, I am still standing, we are still standing, we will continue standing forever, for love we will continue!!"

Another obituary from "AdiĂłs Lili Marleen: Combat Rock Magazine":
http://adios-lili.blogspot.com/2024/12/gerardo-dekadencia-humana-fanzine...

 

Federation of Anarchism Era Interviewd the Tekoşina Anarchist IN KURDISTAN

The Federation of Anarchism Era’s Interview with the Tekoşina Anarchist in Rojava

From The Federation of Anarchism Era

With greetings to the comrades in Tekoşîna Anarşîst;

We, as individual and collective self-organizations within the Federation of Anarchism Era in the geography of Afghanistan and Iran, are pleased to send you this interview in the form of questions and answers. The hope is that publishing this interview will provide our audience with a better understanding of your ideas and an insight into a decade of your anarchist struggles in Rojava, Kurdistan.

  1. Please share with us the history behind the organization of Tekoşîna Anarşîst and the types of activities you engage in.

Tekoşîna Anarşîst is an anarchist organization that has been fighting in Rojava since 2017, when it was formed. We came together to give collective answers to the questions and hopes that brought many of us here, to support and to defend this revolution. This forced us to reflect about our dynamics and our history, not just as individuals or as organization, but also as a movement. Coming together from different places and different anarchist traditions created some challenges for us, but it also opened opportunities to develop more diverse and comprehensive analysis and perspectives. This allowed us to reflect on strengths and shortcomings of the movements we come from, as well as ways to improve.

Here we struggle together with the Kurdish Liberation Movement, and this has been one of the main sources of inspiration for us. We also work with other revolutionary organizations that came to defend this revolution, as well as local structures of this revolutionary society. Many Syrian Arab comrades from different parts of Syria are now working with the self-administration, as well as local Armenians, Assyrians, Turkmens and many more, organizing their communities and building this colorful confederal system.  All this creates a unique and extraordinary ground from where we can gather experience and learn important lessons, that we also work to translate and share with other anarchist groups and organizations.

Many things changed in the more than 7 years we have been here, and we also had to adapt our work to the circumstances. The first years of our organization where mostly focused on the war against ISIS, with our participation in the front lines to defend the revolution being our priority. We also had to confront the Turkish bombs in the invasions of Afrin and Serekaniye, as well as the constant attacks of Turkish army and their proxy forces. As time passes, we are growing more rooted and integrated in the local reality, allowing us to have better insights of what it means to make a revolution. This brings important reflections on how to build revolutionary movements back home, evaluating what our movements are doing right and where we should direct our efforts. In the last years we have been working on some documents and materials that resulted from our studies on different anarchist revolutions and movements, aiming to open a wider debate about the situation of the anarchist movement today. We hope that we can continue working on that soon, but for now we had to halt all our activities due to the ongoing events in Syria. Probably you know about it, but finally the regime collapsed and al-Assad is gone. We wrote a couple of statements about that and we are writing updates about the situation on the ground.

  1. Were you aware from the outset of the manifesto and the action plan implemented in North and East Syria? How did you come into contact with this knowledge?

The ideas of Abdullah Öcalan and the ‘Manifesto for a Democratic Civilization’ were known to some of us before coming here. Many of those ideas have many similarities with Bookchin’s proposal of libertarian municipalism, connected to what he framed as social ecology. The book “Ecology of Freedom” has a very clear influence in the philosophy of Öcalan, and they even exchanged some letters before Bookchin passed away. But it was with the resistance of Kobane against ISIS that the struggle of the Kurdish people gained international attention.

After that, many more internationalists started to come here. The International Freedom Battallion was formed in answer to that new ??, taking inspiration from the international brigades in the Spanish revolution of 1936. Many anarchists fought in the ranks of IFB, together with many other groups and organizations, building international bridges and networks of solidarity. The word spread fast among anarchist circles, and soon we were also organizing solidarity committees with the Rojava Revolution all around the world.

Many anarchists followed the steps of those who traveled here, and many more joined the solidarity committees and initiatives to support the revolution from abroad. The books of Öcalan also started to be published in other languages, making them more accessible to non Kurdish and Turkish speakers. Articles and statements were written for anarchist websites and magazines, talks and debates about Rojava became common at anarchist bookfairs, many anarcho-syndicalist unions and even punk music groups made campaigns to support Rojava. Those on the ground were reporting to comrades back home, igniting a new lighthouse for international revolutionaries, often connected with past traditions like Chiapas and Palestinian solidarity. Among those lines you can find most of our trajectories, but of course every one of us have quite extraordinary stories about how we ended up here.

  1. To what extent do you assess that the “Manifesto of Democratic Confederalism” aligns with and is closely connected to the anarchist alternative? Is this solely a nationalist revolution or also an anti-capitalist and class revolution?

We discussed those question in depth for years, and soon we expect to publish more organized materials about that. But in short, yes, it aligns with anarchist and anti-capitalist values, that’s why we are here. It is a revolution born from a national liberation struggle, but it also transcends the logic of nation-state with arguments that anarchists upheld for more than a century. This brings important lessons and anti-colonial perspectives, that especially western anarchists should consider and reflect on. The model of democratic confedralism proposed by Öcalan is tailored to the reality of the kurdish struggle, but it can be an inspiration and a blueprint for many other liberation movements. It’s implementation in Rojava is still in progress, but already many impressive steps have been made. 12 years is not time enough to achieve the anti-patriarchal, anti-capitalist and anti-state model proposed; revolution is a process and not an event. The speed and extent of these transformations are conditioned by the situation of war and the material reality , and also depend on the relations, alliances and balance of forces with other actors on the ground.

The question of class, fundamental for anarchist theory and it’s development, has a different meaning for a colonized people in the Middle East than for the European working class of the 19th century. Furthermore, the issue of how we approach the question of class in the 21st century is a widely contested point and topic of discussion between different anarchist tendencies. For those interested in this discussions, we expect to publish soon some materials and evaluations that can help to clarify our perspective on it. As we said before, this theoretical work is something that the current attacks on Syria forced us to put on hold, but if the situation stabilizes we will give priority to that work. We hope the discussions that follow can bring new arguments and perspectives, building better coherence among anarchist revolutionary tendencies.

  1. Have any regional governments or international alliances taken measures to support and defend the regions in North and East Syria?

For now the government of Catalonia is the most relevant institution that officially recognized the Democratic Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (DAANES). There have been some partnerships at the municipal level with different Italian and German cities, as well as political delegations from Scotland, France, Basque country and many other places. But most of these institutional partnerships stay on a surface level of humanitarian and international cooperation and support. There has also been correspondence with revolutionary forces in Myanmar, as well as solidarity calls from Chiapas and other autonomous territories, but nothing that had a massive impact on the ground. The most relevant example we can mention is probably the new hospital built in Qamishlo, funded by the municipality of Barcelona together with other organizations and institutions for international cooperation.

  1. Considering that the fascist Turkish government’s airstrikes against the northern and eastern regions have been ongoing for several years and that the government’s mercenaries now control more areas in Syria, what is your view on the future of democratic confederalism in North and East Syria?

The revolutionary project will continue, fighting to defend the social transformations achieved until now. Self-defense is a primary element of this revolution, and people will fight fiercely to defend the revolution, not just on the front lines but also on the political and social spheres. The revolution of Rojava always claimed itself as part of Syria, not pushing for a formal independence but for a democratization of Syria in a federal system. Diplomatic bodies of the DAANES are already in talks with the provisional government working in that direction. They published a list of 10 points for to the ongoing negotiations, calling for unity and sovereignty of Syria, a stop to military aggressions and occupations, the right to return for displaced people, fair distribution of wealth and more women’s participation in politics. As for now, there are diplomatic efforts to be part of the transitional process ongoing in Syria. The military defense against Turkish occupation is still the main priority, and those two spheres are interconnected. We know that too often power stems from the barrel of a gun, but it is when combined with political organization that social transformations are possible.

There is also a need of more military activity against the resurgence of ISIS, that has dramatically increased their attacks since the collapse of the regime. The caliphate was defeated but some cells still active in the Syrian desert, now more than? they raided and looted some army depots from the old regime when soldiers ran away. The Islamist groups supported by Turkey are also giving ISIS new motivation to attack, making use of the instability of Syria and the mobilization of SDF to the front lines to expand their activities. Intelligence agencies are already calling attention to the threats this poses. Thousand of ISIS fighters are currently held in SDF-controlled territories, and Turkey has bombed security facilities next to ISIS prisons in the past, facilitating mutinies and escape attempts, some of which even succeeded. This would be catastrophic, not just for Syria and the Middle East but for the whole world.

Even if we manage to avoid these catastrophic scenarios, the future of the revolution will see big challenges. With the current transitional government in such close relations with Turkey, any negotiations are going to be very hard, with conditions put on the table that are going to be in many ways humiliating. Turkey have a massive army ready to invade Syria, this means that the self-administration is navigating a path where wrong steps can easily lead to annihilation. This is therefore a crossroad between existence and annihilation, a struggle for the right to exist in the new Syria in the making.

The DAANES will have to make important concessions to be allowed to continue, while pushing for a federal model that allows a certain degree of autonomy. Many minorities and secular groups will easily find themselves in harmony with the political proposal of the DAANES, but the authoritarian lines of HTS will be invigorated by any external support. This means that the more Turkey steps in and makes deals with HTS, the more the international community legitimizes the transitional government of HTS, the more difficult for the revolution to reach good agreements on the diplomatic table. On the other hand, the more that other minorities, other revolutionary and secular groups and specially womens organizations fight back in harmony with the political project of the DAANES, the more strength we will have in the negotiations for a democratic and decentralized Syria.

But of course the most important is that people continue organizing in their local communes and regional councils, making sure that whatever form of State comes after, popular power grows stronger and more able to resist any State interference. We, as international revolutionaries, have a responsibility to support this process and defend the achievements of this revolution. But also, as anarchists, should keep always a critical voice on those statecraft politics that remove agency from the people, imitating parliamentary politics and moving away from grassroots organizing. After years here, we also need to come to terms with the material conditions of the reality on the ground, aware that a Turkish military occupation will be catastrophic for the important steps achieved until now. Ideological dogmatism may look nice when we read it in theory books, but Rojava made it so far partly thanks to the pragmatic flexibility of the kurdish liberation movement. We have our ideological line, but also a lot of important lessons we can learn from what is going on here.

  1. On January 20, 2018, the canton of Afrin was occupied and taken over by the fascist Turkish government forces following a military offensive. Does the “Syrian Democratic Forces” have any plans to reclaim and liberate this canton?

SDF always stated their intention to return to Afrin, and of course with the ongoing situation this is now more relevant than ever. Many refugees from Afrin were living in refugee camps in the region of Shehba, area that the Turkish proxies occupied in this last offensive. More than 100.000 people have been forced to flee once again from the Turkish bombs and their jihadist mercenaries, unraveling a new humanitarian crisis. These are people from Afrin that are waiting for SDF to liberate those territories to go back to their homes. We also need to remark that the Afrin Liberation Forces have been carrying out insurgent actions against the occupation for more than 6 years, attacking Turkish military bases and taking down commanders of the occupation forces. With the recent developments, one of the conditions brought by diplomatic bodies of the self-administration in negotiations with the provisional government of HTS is the return of all IDP to their homes. Of course, this includes Afrin. We know that Turkey will not withdraw their occupation out of good will, and that probably this will be something that will require use of force. SDF is now pushing on many fronts, playing 4D chess to ensure the survival of the revolutionary developments of north-east Syria. If the conditions for the liberation of Afrin ripen, be sure that SDF will push for any chance to make it happen.

  1. How can Libertarian individuals and Anarchist unions around the world join the revolutionary process in the region or show their solidarity with this revolution?

There are many things you can do, we already gave some examples in our last statement “We carry a new world in our hearts”. But besides all these important (and practical) ways to support the revolution, there is another element we want to call your attention to.

As anarchist, we know that we are not free until everybody is free, therefore any revolutionary process in Syria won’t be able to survive if it is not in harmony with many other revolutionary processes all around the world. We won’t change the world tomorrow, not in the next years, and probably not even in our lifetimes. A truly revolutionary process to abolish patriarchy, overthrow capitalism and wither the states away will need a long time. It will also need a world wide revolutionary movement ready to fight for it. It is our duty to build such a movement, and for that we need to listen to each other, understand each other, and build alliances toward our revolutionary dreams. We also need to learn from past experiences and remember those who struggled and even gave their lives in the struggle, because if we are where we are today, it is thanks to their efforts and sacrifices. In that sense, we also call to remember Omar Aziz, an anarchist from Damascus that dedicated his life to the struggle, giving his life after suffering the hardships and tortures of the regime prisons. We honor his legacy together with many other anarchist comrades who gave their life here, like şehĂŽd Ciwan Firan, şehĂŽd Demhat Goldman, şehĂŽd Kawa Amed, şehĂŽd ŞahĂŽn HusseinĂŽ, şehĂŽd Şevger Ara Makhno, şehĂŽd HĂŞlĂŽn Qereçox, şehĂŽd ŞahĂŽn Qereçox, şehĂŽd Tekoşer Piling, şehĂŽd Elefteria HambĂŽ. Those are just some of the anarchist revolutionaries who joined the ranks of this revolution and never went back home. Their memory is still alive in our hearts, we remember them together with all those who gave their life for this revolution. Revolutionary greetings!

Thank you for your participation in this interview with the Federation of Anarchism Era.

ONE WORLD, ONE STRUGGLE!

For Freedom! For life!

 

Encounters with Anarchist Individualism

From Libertarian Labyrinth by Shawn P. Wilbur

How does one become an anarchist?

The process would seem to involve an encounter with anarchism.

Perhaps we find, in the anarchism we encounter — and let’s say, from the outset, that anarchism comes in a variety of flavors — something that appeals to us. Perhaps the opposite is true, but, finding something in the underlying idea of anarchy that still tugs at us, we persist — and in drawing our own conclusions about the Beautiful Idea, we encounter a different kind of anarchism, one of our own construction, — perhaps very rudimentary in its elaboration, at least at first — in the practical consequences that we suspect will emerge from some more sustained encounter.

Or perhaps we don’t get out much, politically speaking, and instead of encountering any of the established forms of anarchistic thought, we follow our own path from the recognition of a fundamental, structural obstacle to our happiness — a glimpse of archy, the dominant idea, an idea so dominant that its name may strike us as alien, although the idea behind the name is ubiquitous; — perhaps we the recognize the archism underlying all of the other ideologies of the status quo — with or without being able to put a name to it — and then go in search of the opposite principle, in search of the oppositional practice. No doubt this sort of immaculate conception in the realm of ideology is comparatively rare, in a world where manufacturing new -isms is a social media sport, but there doesn’t seem to be any obvious limit to range of ways in which we can mix suffocating connection and real isolation these days.

So let’s just acknowledge that there is a wide variety of different paths that we can take from our first brush with anarchist ideas to the subsequent encounters by means of which we manage to attach ourselves to anarchism, to become an anarchist in some meaningful sense. Sometimes the path is one marked by careful analysis. More often, I suspect, it involves a sort of leap of faith. It isn’t clear that the identification, the attachment is any more authentic in one case than in the other.

What does seem clear is that the process of attachment, of becoming an anarchist — whether we manage to make anarchism our own or whether we make our own anarchism — is almost certain to be an ongoing one…

I must have written a dozen variations on this theme over the last few years, as I have gradually refined my ideas about anarchism-in-general. Those familiar with my past work will recognize a variety of allusions, going back to the decade-old work on “the anarchic encounter,” which once enjoyed a certain pride of place in the revived theory of anarchistic mutualism. The notion of the encounter as a fundamental element of anarchist practice is one that I have returned to quite a number of times over the years, both on the blog and in my notebooks. Towards the end of Constructing Anarchisms, I went so far as to posit the encounter as essentially the whole of anarchist practice. 

In this approximation of anarchism, I am ultimately giving in to the temptation of reducing “anarchist practice” to the practice of three kinds of encounter:

  1. Encounters with the self, in which we recognize the anarchic, plural and evolving character of selfhood;

  2. Encounters with others who share with us a commitment to the pursuit of anarchy (if, perhaps, they don’t always share precisely the same understanding of that notion);

  3. Encounters with those who do not share that commitment.

And in subsequent work in the notebooks, I’ve made some attempts to take the reduction even one step further, looking for a conception of anarchistic practice to go with the definitions proposed in “A Schematic Anarchism.”

I am not, of course, particularly known for a tendency to reduction or simplification — and I have lost none of my sense that anarchists, collectively, still have a complex, difficult and important work ahead of them, tending to elements of the anarchist tradition that are almost certainly overdue for a bit of care and maintenance, if we are ever to transform the rich, but barely intelligible bundle of things that we have inherited into a basis for organizing fundamental change in our relations. However, as I have said before:

Anarchy is a simple, accessible notion, sufficient to provide the necessary glue for a real, diverse and evolving anarchism—the only anarchism worthy of the name. (Propositions for Discussion, 2015)

Nothing about the application of anarchy, nothing about anarchism or being an anarchist seems particularly simple, but anarchy itself —our beautiful idea — remains, I think, a beacon, a point by which we can orient ourselves, despite the inescapable difficulties of practical anarchism and the old messes we still probably have to clean up.

The question for some time now has been to find the shortest distance between what is simple about anarchy and what we would need to know about its application in anarchism in order to make a good start at the work of care and maintenance that the anarchist tradition seems to require. My intuition, which has grown stronger the deeper I have dug into the history of anarchisms, is that there are probably shortcuts — gambits of precisely the sort that I prefer — built right into the foundations of that anarchist tradition.

The “schematic anarchism,” “the journey back” and the “bilge-rat’s gambit” are all, in the end, attempts to cheat a bit in the face of all the complexity, conflict and sometimes outright confusion that the anarchist tradition confronts us with, whether we are engaged in our first encounters with it or whether we are old hands. This return to the metaphor of the encounter and the book that I’m hoping to construct over the next few years — make no mistake — they are a bit of a cheat as well. And I want to highlight that fact, perhaps even a little bit more than is strictly necessary. Anyone who claims to have a single, coherent story to tell you about anarchism and its tradition, anyone who claims to be privy to the proverbial “verdict of history,” anyone really who isn’t just a bit overwhelmed by the question of where to go from the encounter with the beautiful idea — which is indeed beautiful, but not safe or comfortable to love — is probably either kidding themselves or trying to kid you…

There’s a funny lesson that I’ve learned in my decades of studying the anarchist tradition. Or maybe it’s two lessons. Anarchism has been blessed or cursed with a number of remarkably successful slogans, bons mots, etc., starting with “property is theft!” The first lesson — or first part of the lesson — is that those slogans have proven extraordinarily serviceable. The funny part of the lesson is that we have very consistently forgotten or misunderstood their origins and their original meanings — part of that mess we really still need to clean up — but somehow they have still served us pretty well.

I’ve thought a lot about cases like “property is theft,” as I have proposed my concept of “a schematic anarchism,” and now again, as I prepare to propose an anarchistic encounter as the “one weird trick” at the center of a book on general, synthetic anarchist theory. Proudhon’s phrase has been almost universally misunderstood, when it hasn’t just functioned as a kind of inkblot test, onto which any number of would-be interpreters of Proudhon and anarchism have simply projected more-or-less fanciful interpretations of their own. Proudhon’s own explanation is perhaps not the most compelling part of his work on property, nor is it a part of his work that has drawn much specific attention. And, let’s face it, nobody really likes that kid anyway… Still, somehow, the phrase remains, is known, however vaguely, by people who have no idea who said it. This is no small thing, when it’s time to try to explain what old Pierre-Joseph was actually talking about. As much as I may roll my eyes at nearly all of the popular interpretations in circulation, I couldn’t be more thankful for the fact that there is so often at least a place to start to correct the misconceptions.

The strategy for the writings on “a schematic anarchism” was born from a search for similarly durable landmarks, from which an examination of anarchism could start and to which it could return if, as seemed likely to be the case, some parts of the process simply led us astray. Starting from etymology is obviously the silliest move, the sort of thing that we groan about when we encounter it in debate, but somehow it seems to work — and to work quite well, provided we don’t kid ourselves about what we’re up to.

The “anarchic encounter” was always really a metaphor, on which I hoped to eventually hang a more thorough analysis of anarchistic social relations. The elaboration has been slow, but the metaphor has remained surprisingly serviceable — and saw a real revival over the course of the “Constructing Anarchisms” project. The metaphor has its source in a pair of passages from Proudhon’s Justice in the Revolution and in the Church — a work that I have translated over the past couple of years and will continue to revise and annotate in 2025 — which summarize in just a few lines a rudimentary anarchist social system. There is a little more to work with than a bon mot or some etymological cues, but not a great deal more. Again, it is a question of a focus for elaborations that it would probably not be accurate to say all follow directly from the original source. But you have to start somewhere — or start again somewhere, as many times as it is necessary to start again — and the encounter is a somewhere that has served me well for some time now. I’m hoping others will have a similar experience.

The experience will begin in earnest in the next installment. I’m going to sip a bit of cheap merlot and listen to the last of the soggy neighborhood fireworks barrage, before turning in for the night. What I can and should say right now is that this work of general, synthetic anarchist theory that I’ve taken on attempts to draw on the literatures of various anarchist tendencies as sources for the elaboration of those focal paragraphs from Proudhon’s Justice, starting with what I expect will be a year-long encounter with anarchist individualism, as I try to work out a theory of the anarchistic subject. The center of my exploration of anarchist individualism will be E. Armand’s most substantial work, the Anarchist Individualist Initiation, a book that I have grown to appreciate more and more, the deeper into Armand’s body of work my research has taken me. I will also be engaging in an issue-by-issue reading of at least the early years of Armand’s newspaper, l’en dehors, those leading up to the publication of the Initiation and those during which discussion of the work formed a significant part of the paper’s content. Beyond that, I expect to return to the method of the “Rambles in the Field of Anarchist Individualism,” following leads through the literature as they appear.

Expect at least a couple of posts each week in this series of “Encounters with Anarchist Individualism.” At this point, I don’t have any clear idea about a writing schedule. The various ongoing translation and annotation projects will probably determine that. As the year progresses, there will undoubtedly be some convergence of the two projects — the New Proudhon Library and the Encounters — as I work toward a concerted study of mutualism in 2026, which will itself involve addressing the close connections between anarchist individualism and mutualism.

I had intended to add some new translations to this first post, including Armand’s  The ABC of « our » anarchist individualist demands — which celebrates its hundredth anniversary on December 31, 2024 — but decided not to wait. You’ll find it and a collection of Armand’s writings about Christmas among the items feature on the front page of the Labyrinth. Enjoy those for now. There are others either completed or nearly so.


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