Sunday, August 03, 2025

Budapest mayor questioned by police over banned pride march

Zahra Fatima
BBC News
2 days ago

Getty Images
Budapest Mayor Gergely Karacsony arrives for questioning


Budapest's mayor has been questioned by police as a suspect in helping to organise a banned LGBTQ march in the city.

The event took place on June 28 despite warnings of potential legal repercussions by Hungary's nationalist Prime Minister Viktor Orban, whose government passed a law earlier this year banning the event.

Organisers say that despite threats of fines, a record 200,000 people took part in the rally, which swiftly descended into an anti-government protest.

Wearing a rainbow T-shirt featuring the capital's coat of arms, Mayor Gergely Karacsony, who appeared at Hungary's National Bureau of Investigation on Friday, told supporters: "Neither freedom nor love can be banned in Budapest".























If charged and convicted, Karacsony could face up to a year in prison for organising and encouraging participation in a banned march.

"They described the accusation. I said that I considered this to be unfounded and that I will lodge a complaint against it," Karacsony told a crowd of some 200 supporters and journalists who had gathered outside the building where he was questioned for more than an hour.

"Neither freedom nor love can be banned in Budapest," said the mayor, who added: "If it cannot be banned, it cannot be punished."


Accompanied by his lawyer, Karacsony did not answer any questions posed by investigators but instead presented them with a statement of his own.

The annual pride march had been in doubt since the government passed a law in March restricting gatherings if they break child protection laws on the public promotion on homosexuality.

It was the latest measure from Orban's government targeting Hungary's LGBTQ+ community.

In 2020, Hungary abolished its legal recognition of transgender people, and in 2021, the government passed a law banning the depiction of homosexuality to under-18s.

Despite the ban, the mayor stood in defiance, vowing: "Budapest city hall will organise the Budapest Pride march as a local event on 28 June," and argued that police could not legally ban a municipal event.

Last month, police announced they would not take action against attendees who could have faced fines of up to €500 (£427; $586) for attending the Pride parade.

However, Hungary's National Bureau of Investigation, which is tasked with investigating serious and complex crimes, said it had launched a probe against an "unknown perpetrator" accused of organising the rally.



















 

US Ninth Circuit affirms antitrust verdict against Google as Epic Games prevails again
US Ninth Circuit affirms antitrust verdict against Google as Epic Games prevails again

The US Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit on Thursday affirmed both a 2023 jury verdict and a permanent injunction in Epic Games, Inc. v. Google LLCThe Ninth Circuit held that Google violated federal and California antitrust laws by unlawfully maintaining monopoly power in the markets for Android app distribution and Android in-app billing services. Writing for a unanimous panel, Judge M. Margaret McKeown concluded that the district court did not err in its legal or factual determinations and acted within its discretion in crafting a three-year injunctive remedy designed to restore competition.

The court upheld a previous jury verdict and rejected Google’s argument that Epic was precluded from asserting different market definitions than those adopted in its earlier case against Apple, explaining that the prior litigation involved materially distinct facts and legal theories. The opinion emphasized that antitrust market definition is inherently context-dependent, noting that Apple’s vertically integrated iOS platform differs significantly from Google’s licensable Android system. Because Epic’s allegations concerned Android-specific barriers to app store competition—including default settings, security prompts, and OEM agreements—the panel held that the litigation raised a separate and non-precluded set of claims.

The court additionally rejected Google’s procedural challenges to the trial format, jury instructions, and Epic’s standing to seek nationwide relief. The panel held that Epic, as a developer who had been removed from the Play Store, faced a continuing threat of injury and was entitled to injunctive relief tailored to address marketwide anticompetitive effects. The opinion clarified that the geographic scope of the injunction—covering the relevant market as defined at trial—was consistent with traditional principles of antitrust equity and did not run afoul of recent US Supreme Court opinion on nationwide injunctions.

Turning to the district court’s decision to enter a permanent injunction, the court applied the standards under Section 16 of the Clayton Act and reaffirmed the district court’s broad discretion to craft forward-looking relief. The court upheld key provisions of the injunction, including a mandate that Google allow rival app stores to access the Play Store’s app catalog and to distribute through the Play Store itself, subject to reasonable security measures. The opinion emphasized the connection between these remedies and the jury’s findings, stating that the provisions were “a reasonable method of eliminating the consequences of [Google’s] illegal conduct.”

The court rejected Google’s contention that the injunction imposed an unlawful “duty to deal,” distinguishing the post-verdict remedial context from the rule in Verizon v. Trinko. It also found that the injunction’s pricing provision—requiring that Google charge no more than a reasonable, cost-based fee to rival app stores using Play Store infrastructure—did not conflict with Image Technical Services v. Eastman Kodak Co., and was appropriate to prevent evasion of the remedy through excessive pricing.

Epic filed suit in 2020 after Google removed its video game “Fortnite” from the Google Play Store. The removal followed Epic’s implementation of “Project Liberty,” a direct-billing mechanism that bypassed Google Play Billing and avoided the 30 percent commission Google typically charges on in-app purchases. After extensive litigation, a jury found in December 2023 that Google had willfully acquired or maintained monopoly power and had unlawfully tied use of the Play Store to its proprietary billing system. In October 2024, the district court entered a permanent injunction requiring Google to cease certain contractual practices, allow sideloading alternatives, and make changes to Play Store policies to enable broader competition.

 

 

CJEU raises bar for safe country designation in landmark asylum ruling
CJEU raises bar for safe country designation in landmark asylum ruling

The European Court of Justice (CJEU) has issued a landmark ruling Friday that tightens legal requirements for EU member states wishing to designate “safe countries of origin” for accelerated asylum processing.

In its decision on Friday, the CJEU upheld the legality of expedited asylum procedures in principle but made clear that such classifications must be based on rigorous, transparent evidence and subject to meaningful judicial review. The ruling stems from a case brought by two Bangladeshi asylum seekers transferred by Italy to Albania, where their claims were swiftly rejected under Italy’s classification of Bangladesh as a “safe” country. The court found that Italy failed to provide sufficient legal transparency or procedural safeguards, rendering the process incompatible with EU law.

The judgment casts serious doubt on Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s flagship “Albania model,” which aimed to detain and process asylum seekers outside the EU. Legal experts say the ruling could be fatal to the plan. “It will not be possible to continue with what the Italian government had envisioned before this decision,” said Dario Belluccio, counsel for one of the asylum seekers. The detention facilities in Albania have remained largely unused, and a recent audit found their cost was seven times that of similar infrastructure in Italy.

Meloni condemned the ruling as “surprising” and politically motivated, arguing it strips elected governments of the tools needed to combat “mass illegal immigration” and defend borders. However, the CJEU emphasized that no country can be considered safe unless all population groups are protected, a point that aligns with earlier domestic rulings questioning blanket classifications.

Germany, which has also moved to tighten its asylum policies, faces growing legal challenges of its own. In June, the Berlin Administrative Court ruled that turning away asylum seekers at the border violates EU law. The court found that Germany’s policy of immediate rejection was in breach of the EU’s Dublin III Regulation, which mandates individual assessments and prohibits summary returns without due process.

Together, the CJEU and Berlin rulings highlight a widening legal gap between national migration enforcement policies and EU legal obligations. As the EU’s Migration and Asylum Pact approaches its June 2026 implementation, the legal boundaries of national asylum policies are being redrawn in real time.

Moment NYC manhole shoots fire onto street as terrified pedestrians run


Manholes exploded – with fire – in terrifying incidents that sent pedestrians running in a Brooklyn neighborhood.

A video shared on the safety network app Citizen showed cars driving on a street in the Bushwick neighbourhood shortly before 5.30pm on Thursday when a column of flames shot up from a manhole.

In the clip, a bright orange plume was seen from a distance and it cut out as the person recording it appeared to duck for cover.

The burst happened as a firefighter moved a barrier on Central Avenue between Myrtle Avenue and Stockholm Street. The firefighter was on site because the New York City Fire Department was investigating reports of higher than normal levels of carbon monoxide, WABC reported


Two manholes erupted with fire in Brooklyn’s Bushwick neighbourhood on Thursday (Pictures: @CitizenAppNYC)

No one was injured from the sudden eruption.

Con Edison, which supplies energy in New York City, responded to the scene.

However, two hours later, another manhole less a mile away spewed fire, at Lewis Avenue and Pulaski Street.

A video posted to the Citizen app showed flames coming from inside the manhole and spreading across the street and encroaching on businesses and vehicles.

BREAKING | Manhole Explosion Near-Miss Citizen App video shows a fireball erupt from a manhole, nearly hitting a firefighter seconds before he steps past it. Download Citizen to #ProtectTheWorld
A post on the Citizen app showed a fireball erupting from a manhole, nearly hitting a firefighter (Picture: X/@CitizenAppNYC)

About 60 firefighters and first responders rushed to the scene and extinguished the blaze before it hurt anyone or caused any property damage.

It happened a week after two other manhole fires occurred on Remsen Avenue in Brooklyn’s East Flatbush neighbourhood and knocked out power to five buildings and caused a small gas leak that forced evacuations, according to WABC. Con Edison said it was caused by an electrical fire.

It happened three months after a series of manhole explosions – without fire – just missed hitting a grandmother and her two grandchildren who were walking on a sidewalk after an Easter egg hunt in Poughkeepsie, which is about 80 miles north of Manhattan.

New York City has roughly 350,000 manholes across its five boroughs that cover a network of underground cables and gas lines. The cables are prone to overheating from air conditioner use in the summer and can cause the manhole explosions.

LONG READ

‘No land, no home, no future’: Himalayan Lepchas fear new dam


A glacial lake outburst flood in October 2023 washed away Sikkim’s largest hydropower dam, Teesta III, killing more than 50 people and displacing thousands.

The 1200-megawatt Teesta III dam at Chungthang in North Sikkim was swept away during a glacial lake outburst flood on October 4, 2023
 [Arunima Kar/Al Jazeera]


By Arunima Kar
31 Jul 2025
AL JAZEERA

Sikkim, India – It was the middle of the night when Tashi Choden Lepcha was jolted awake by the tremors that shook her mountainside home in Naga village. Perched above the Teesta River, which flows through a gorge just below, Naga is a remote village in India’s northeastern Himalayan state of Sikkim. For centuries, it has been home to the Indigenous Lepcha people.

“It felt like an earthquake,” the 51-year-old mother of five says of the events of October 4, 2023. “The whole house was shaking. It was raining heavily, there was no electricity, and we couldn’t see anything.”

In the pitch dark and amid the heavy downpour that night, Lepcha roused her three children, aged 13, 10 and five, and rushed out of the house with her husband, panicking. Together with a few neighbours, they searched for a safe space on higher ground. That’s when they noticed a distinct smell of mud and something like gunpowder.

Moments later, an enormous, tsunami-like wave surged down with terrifying force. Lepcha didn’t know it at the time, but it was a glacial lake outburst flood (GLOF), which had been triggered by the sudden avalanche of ice and rock into the South Lhonak Lake – a glacial lake high up in the Teesta basin in North Sikkim.

The impact breached the lake’s moraine wall, releasing more than 50 million cubic metres of water. The flood destroyed the 1,200-megawatt Teesta III dam – Sikkim’s largest hydropower plant, located at Chungthang on the River Teesta, the largest river in Sikkim, which originates in the eastern Himalayas. The dam’s collapse released an additional five million cubic metres (equivalent to 2,000 Olympic swimming pools) of reservoir water.

The high-velocity flood in the Teesta River valley carried about 270 million cubic metres of sediment and debris along with it, causing widespread devastation across Sikkim, parts of West Bengal and Bangladesh through which the Teesta flows.

At least 55 people were killed, 74 went missing, and more than 7,025 were displaced. The flood damaged nearly 26,000 buildings, destroyed 31 bridges and flooded more than 270 square kilometres of farmland. It also triggered 45 landslides, damaged four dams and destroyed long stretches of National Highway 10.

Both Teesta III and Teesta V, another hydroelectric dam near Dikchu in Balutar, have remained shut since they were severely damaged during the flood. Repair work is continuing, but neither of the dams has generated electricity for almost two years.

Scientists say the scale of the destruction makes it one of the most devastating flooding disasters recorded in the Himalayas in recent decades.

[Teesta Bazar in Kalimpong, downstream from the Teesta III dam, was badly damaged by the 2023 flooding, Arunima Kar/Al Jazeera]


Rebuilding amid ruin


Today, Naga village, located about 73 kilometres from Sikkim’s capital, Gangtok, is deserted due to continuous land subsidence. Houses are cracked, have collapsed or are still standing but leaning towards the river flowing below. The main NH10 road passing through the village has been destroyed with long, deep cracks.

In all, about 150 families lost their homes and land in the flood and now face an uncertain future. Lepcha’s family lost both their houses, which collapsed in the landslides. They, along with 19 other families, are now living temporarily in a government tourist lodge in Singhik, about 10km from their home.

As the region struggles to recover, and communities along the Teesta remain displaced and vulnerable, the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change (MoEF&CC) has approved plans to rebuild the Teesta III dam without any public consultation, despite concerns about the risk of future glacial lake outburst floods and the fact that the Himalayan range running across Sikkim is seismically sensitive.

With the ongoing monsoon season, the Teesta’s water levels have risen significantly. This has already caused several landslides in North Sikkim, washing away the under-construction Sankalang bridge and cutting off large parts of the region.

Long stretches of roads across North Sikkim are still unpaved, muddy and full of rubble. Several bridges damaged during the 2023 flood and the monsoon next year are yet to be rebuilt.

The quality control lab at the Chungthang dam site has also been swept away, halting construction work. “It looks like a war-torn area. How will they rebuild Teesta III?” asks Gyatso Lepcha, a climate activist with Affected Citizens of Teesta (ACT), a group of Lepchas campaigning against large hydropower projects and environmental conservation in the region.

“A detailed risk assessment considering future climate scenarios, glacial behaviour, hydrological changes, and sedimentation rates is essential before deciding to rebuild the dam in the same location,” says Farooq Azam, senior cryosphere specialist at the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD).

In the absence of such an assessment, the region’s Lepcha communities, who fear further disaster, are protesting against the construction.

Naga village in north Sikkim, with its cracked and sinking houses and roads, is deserted following the glacial lake flood in 2023 [Arunima Kar/Al Jazeera]

A controversial dam

Sikkim is home to 40 of India’s 189 potentially dangerous glacial lakes across the Himalayan region, many of which are at risk due to rising temperatures and glacial melt driven by climate change.

Built on a river already lined with dams constructed by the National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC), the Teesta III dam was originally pitched as a renewable energy project.

Approved in 2005 with a budget of Rs 5,705 crore (about $667m), the dam actually cost more than Rs 14,000 crore ($1.6bn) to build by the time it became operational in 2017. Delays were caused by the 2011 earthquake, which destroyed major infrastructure, and also repeated flash floods and landslides.

The dam faced criticism from environmentalists and the All India Power Engineers Federation (AIPEF), which described it as a “failed example of public-private partnership” for the massive cost overruns, years of delay, ecological damage and disregard for Indigenous rights and livelihoods.

The operator, Sikkim Urja Limited (formerly Teesta Urja Ltd or TUL), was forced to sell electricity at half the agreed rate as buyers, including the states of Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan, refused to pay higher prices. In 2017, transmission delays caused yet more losses of about Rs 6 crore ($701,000) per day from June to September 2017.

Following the devastating flooding of 2023, the estimated reconstruction cost for the dam is now Rs 4,189 crore ($490m), but experts question how such a large-scale reconstruction could be completed at less than a third of its original building cost.

An investigation in May this year renewed concerns about the project. The Sikkim Vigilance Police, a special police force, found irregularities in the process used to select the independent power producer, who, according to the findings of the police investigation, lacked the qualifications for a project of this scale. It was alleged that critical dam design parameters had been compromised as a result.

Other reports have found that environmental assessments also overlooked key risks. A 2006 biodiversity report [PDF] from Delhi University had identified the Chungthang region as a highly sensitive ecological zone. Yet the project received swift environmental clearance from the environment ministry based on a report which claimed that little to no significant wildlife existed in the area. The clearance procedure also bypassed the ministry’s own directive that no dams could be approved in Sikkim until a full “carrying capacity study” (a study of an area’s capacity for supporting human life and industry) of the Teesta basin had been completed.

“What was the hurry to give clearance for rebuilding even before the Central Water Commission and Central Electricity Authority cleared the design?” asks Himanshu Thakkar, coordinator of South Asia Network on Dams, Rivers and People (SANDRP), an advocacy group working on the water sector. “The Environmental Impact Report (EIA) used was done before 2006, which didn’t consider the risk of a GLOF. It contributed to the disaster, and now the same flawed EIA is being used again. Even the dam safety report prepared after the collapse hasn’t been made public or considered for this decision.”

Teesta Bazar in Kalimpong, West Bengal, endured extensive destruction in the October 2023 glacial lake outburst flood [Arunima Kar/Al Jazeera]

While a “concrete faced rockfill dam” is planned this time – supposedly more resilient to flooding than the old “concrete gravity dam” design – experts and local communities still worry this won’t be enough because, they say, key impact studies are incomplete.

Al Jazeera reached out to MoEF&CC with questions about why the Teesta III reconstruction had been approved without a new EIA, despite concerns over safety and ecological impacts. Questions were also sent to Sikkim Urja Ltd regarding reconstruction plans and structural safety and to NHPC about the cumulative impacts of multiple dams along the Teesta. Emails and calls to all these offices remained unanswered by the time of publication.

Tunnelling and blasting during the original construction of Teesta III, before it opened in 2017, led to landslides, erosion and damage to homes. Yet, no comprehensive assessment has been conducted on seismic risks, reduced river flow or long-term ecological impacts.

“Our soil is fragile,” says Sangdup Lepcha, president of ACT. “We are seeing more landslides every year. During the GLOF, the soil was completely washed away. If tunnels are dug again under our villages, the area could collapse.”

Sangdup, who lives in Sanggong village in Lower Dzongu, says the 10km stretch from Namprikdang to Dikchu is the only remaining stretch of the Teesta without any dams.

Many worry that if the rebuilding of Teesta III continues without safeguards, it will put villages at risk. “We have already seen what happened in Naga,” says Sangdup. “Why is the project getting emergency clearance while affected families are still waiting for rehabilitation?”

Teesta Bazar in Kalimpong, West Bengal, was one of the worst-hit areas downstream of the Sikkim dam during the October 2023 glacial lake outburst flood. Roads are still unstable and cracked, and many houses are sinking into the Teesta River [Arunima Kar/Al Jazeera]


Sacred land


Dzongu, a region bordering the Kanchenjunga Biosphere Reserve in North Sikkim, is a protected reserve for the Indigenous Lepcha community. Known for their spiritual ties to the rivers and mountains, the Lepchas from Dzongu have long resisted large-scale hydropower projects in the region to protect their identity, livelihoods and the biodiversity of the region.

When multiple dams were proposed in the early 2000s along the Teesta basin – a river the Lepchas revere as a living deity – ACT spearheaded protests against dam construction. Their hunger strikes and protests led to the cancellation of four major hydropower projects in Dzongu and four outside.

“We are animists,” says Mayalmit Lepcha, ACT’s general secretary. “Our traditions, culture, identity, and everything else are tied to Mount Kanchenjunga, Teesta, Rangeet and Rongyong rivers here.”

Despite their long history of activism, the communities say they were ignored during the public consultation process, even though their land and rivers would be used for the proposed 520 MW Teesta IV hydroelectric project.

At least 16 villages lie near the potential construction site, across the agricultural belt of North Sikkim. The project would include building tunnels underneath Hee Gyathang and Sanggong villages in Dzongu to carry water to the power station. The siltation tunnel, which will divert sediment-laden water away from the main reservoir, is supposed to run beneath the Tung Kyong Dho, a sacred lake known for its rich biodiversity.

Songmit Lepcha, from Dzongu’s Hee Gyathang village, told Al Jazeera that she lost her livestock and plantation during flash floods in June last year. “We are scared of rebuilding our homes,” Songmit said, her voice filled with worry.

Opposition Citizen Action Party (CAP) leader Ganesh Rai told Al Jazeera that he is particularly worried about the new plans to rebuild the dam to a height of 118.64 metres, twice as high as the original. “With climate change intensifying, any future breach could submerge all of Chungthang,” he said. “It won’t just affect Dzongu but everyone downstream.”

That could include settlements in Dikchu, Rangpo, Singtam and Kalimpong, and Darjeeling and Jalpaiguri districts in West Bengal, which were severely affected by the 2023 flood. In places like Bhalukhola near Melli, families have been living in makeshift relief camps since the 2023 floods. Conditions are difficult, with limited access to clean water, sanitation and medical care.

Leboon Thapa’s house in Bhalukhola, Kalimpong, was destroyed by the 2023 glacial lake outburst flood in Sikkim. He has been living with his parents in a single, cramped room in the relief camp alongside the Teesta highway since then [Arunima Kar/Al Jazeera]

Struggles downstream


The 2023 flood did not just destroy 22-year-old Leboon Thapa’s family home in Bhalukhola in north Bengal, about 100km downstream from the site of the old Teesta III dam. It also disrupted his dreams of a professional football career.

Leboon is now living with his parents in a single, cramped room inside a relief camp along the Teesta highway, which is situated above Bhalukhola. They are sandwiched between works being done to widen the highway in front of their site, and the ongoing tunnel construction work for the Sevoke-Rangpo railway project behind them. The exposed location leaves them at risk of landslides and flooding.

“If they are rebuilding the dam, they must build protection walls here for our safety,” says the lanky, athletic young man, looking around at what’s left of his village. The fields he played football in as a child, as well as the playground he once ran about in, are now buried under silt and debris. “We only have this land. If we lose it, where do we go?”

About 10km further downstream in Teesta Bazar, 68-year-old Tikaram Karki lost his house and motorcycle repair shop to the 2023 flooding. His home, built above the riverbank, began cracking and sliding just a few days after the flood.

“We were hiding in the mountains in the rain. When we came back at 6am, there were no houses, roads, or electricity,” he says, as he stands next to what remains of his house and shop, both of which are leaning steeply towards the Teesta. He smiles even as he talks about his losses since that dreadful night.

Tikaram now lives in a rented house with his family of four. He is paying Rs 8,000 ($93) monthly rent while struggling with financial losses as he has no way to run his business.

He received some compensation from the West Bengal state government, but it does not cover all he has lost. “I have been living here for 30 years and spent Rs 30 lakh ($35,000) building my house. I only got Rs 75,000 ($876) in compensation. What will happen with that?”

Like others here, Tikaram says he believes the destruction was made worse by years of poor planning and unchecked silt buildup caused by the dam, which raised the riverbed of the Teesta.

“If they had cleared the silt during the dry months, we wouldn’t be so vulnerable now,” he says.

“I cannot tell the government not to build the dam, but they should build proper protection for all the people still living along Teesta,” adds Tikaram.

Tikaram Karki’s home and motorcycle repair shop in Teesta Bazar, Kalimpong, are sinking into the Teesta River following the October 2023 flood, which caused massive destruction to property in the region [Arunima Kar/Al Jazeera]


Rising risk

In a January 2025 study by an international team of scientists and NGOs published in the Science journal, researchers warned that South Lhonak Lake is one of the more rapidly expanding and hazardous glacial lakes in Sikkim. The lake expanded from 0.15 square kilometres in 1975 to 1.68sq km by 2023, posing a danger of flooding to the communities downstream.

“The Teesta-III dam played a significant role in amplifying the downstream impact of the South Lhonak GLOF disaster,” Azam, at the International Centre for Integrated Mountain Development (ICIMOD), tells Al Jazeera.

Azam explains that while the disastrous flood could not have been prevented, its impact could have been significantly reduced through better infrastructure planning and active monitoring of the lake. “Reinforced spillways, sediment handling systems, and early warning systems linked to upstream sensors could have provided critical response time,” he says.

The night the flood hit, the dam’s power station was still operating. According to Thakkar, authorities had received alerts well in advance, but there were no standard operating procedures or emergency protocols in place about opening spillway gates during such situations. “And there has been no accountability since,” he added.

Thakkar says he is deeply concerned that the dam is being rebuilt without taking into account the flood potential based on current rainfall patterns.

“And what happens to the other downstream dams when this one releases excess water during the next flood?” he asked. “None of them are being redesigned to withstand that kind of excess flow.”

At the end of May, there was a landslide at the Teesta VI dam site in Singtam. “This is happening every monsoon,” said Gyatso.

Rai criticises the state’s priorities, saying the government was “pushing for more dams instead of strengthening disaster preparedness” at a time when the frequency of extreme weather events is expected to increase.

Once a thriving town, Chungthang in North Sikkim is now strewn with rocks, boulders and a deep layer of sand and debris after the 1,200-megawatt Teesta III dam was destroyed by a massive glacial lake outburst flood from South Lhonak Lake, above, in Lachen [Arunima Kar/Al Jazeera]



‘No Future Here’


Nearly two years after the October 2023 flood, Tashi Choden Lepcha still has no home. Her voice chokes up as she speaks about her houses in Naga village.

“We were born there, raised children there. Now we have nothing,” she says of herself and her husband, wiping her tears. Her brother used to live next door: he lost everything as well.

After the disaster, she, her husband and children stayed in a school building in Naga. But when cracks appeared in the school walls, they were shifted to Singhik. The lodge, too, is beginning to show cracks in the kitchen and bathroom.

Her husband and children have since relocated to Siliguri, about 150km away, for work and education, while she stayed behind alone because she teaches at Naga Secondary School.

The government gave them Rs 1.3 lakh ($1,520) in compensation, but most of it went on the cost of moving their belongings to different locations.

There have been discussions about allocating land higher up in the mountains for the displaced families. But many of them fear it could take years before they are rehoused. “If the government gives us land in a safe location, we can build a house. How long can we live like this? We have no future here,” she says now.

Most people in the surrounding villages share her fears. They want the dam project scrapped or moved to a safer location.

Mayalmit echoes this call for caution. “We’re going to have more GLOFs, there’s no doubt,” she says.

“People will have confidence only if decisions are based on proper impact assessments, considering all factors, and done in a transparent way,” Thakkar adds. “But that’s not happening now, which is why there’s scepticism about hydro projects among locals.”

He says that Indigenous communities must be part of the decision-making process. “They’re the ones most at risk, and also the most knowledgeable.”

Praful Rao of Save The Hills, an NGO working in disaster management in North Bengal and Sikkim, has called for joint disaster planning between the two states. “What happens upstream affects us downstream. It is time we work together for science-based disaster planning, not blindly push dam projects for revenue.”

While hydroelectricity is important for India’s energy future, Rao warns against unchecked expansion. “You can’t build dams every few kilometres. We need to study how many this fragile region can safely support.”

Mayalmit urges central and state authorities to reconsider the approval. “Don’t act against Indigenous rights, the environment. I speak for the rivers, the birds and the animals here.”


Source: Al Jazeera
India Will Not Buy F-35 Fighter Jets from the United States

August 1, 2025
By: Peter Suciu
NATIONAL INTEREST

The cancellation comes from Indian reactions to US tariffs, Russian defense ties, and a preference for domestic military production over foreign hardware purchases.

Earlier this year, US President Donald Trump opened the door to India purchasing the fifth-generation Lockheed Martin F-35 Lightning II. However, New Delhi has all but slammed shut that door, after Trump also announced a 25 percent tariff on Indian goods that was to go into effect on Friday.

Indian officials were reportedly “shocked and disappointed” by the news. While New Delhi hasn’t made any retaliatory moves of its own, it is also not seeking to move forward with efforts to acquire the multi-role stealth fighter.

Trump’s 25 percent tariffs could hinder the Pentagon’s efforts to persuade India to shift its military hardware acquisition away from Russia. New Delhi remains Moscow’s largest foreign customer, and this is unlikely to change anytime soon.

Washington has engaged in a gradual effort to deepen defense-industrial ties, which has included the sale of the MH-60R Seahawk helicopter and the P-8I maritime patrol aircraft.

Why Did the United States Offer the F-35 to India?

President Trump had pitched the Lightning II to Prime Minister Narendra Modi during the latter’s visit to the White House in February, the first foreign visit of Trump’s second term.

“We’ll be increasing military sales to India by many billions of dollars. We’re also paving the way to provide India with the F-35 stealth fighters, ultimately,” Trump told reporters in February, according to Reuters.

Even at the time, there were questions about whether such a deal could materialize.

For one, India operates the same S-400 Triumf air defense system that caused NATO member Turkey to be expelled from the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter program during Trump’s first term. It is difficult to reconcile how New Delhi would be approved to operate the stealth fighter when Washington and NATO had taken a hard line that the F-35 and S-400 were incompatible and that Turkey’s adoption of both would compromise the aircraft’s security.

India also has numerous partnership deals, including the licensed production of Russian hardware, and New Delhi has made it clear that this is a direction it would seek to continue heading as part of its “Make in India” initiative.

“The government is more interested in a partnership focused on jointly designing and manufacturing defense equipment domestically,” an Indian official told Bloomberg on Thursday.

Russia Wants to Sell Fighter Jets to India

Russia’s military-industrial conglomerate Rostec has repeatedly proposed a partnership for the production of the Sukhoi Su-57 (NATO reporting name Felon), but so far, nothing has materialized.

However, last month, another proposal was presented that would see the Su-57E, the export model of the Felon, and the Sukhoi Su-35M (NATO reporting name Flanker-E/M) air superiority fighter manufactured under license.

The Defense Blog reported that it could include a “full technology transfer” for the fifth-generation fighter, which could be assembled domestically at India’s Hindustan Aeronautics Limited’s Nasik facility. The same factory has manufactured over 220 Sukhoi Su-30MKI (NATO reporting name: Flanker-H) fighters.

Whether New Delhi moves forward with any deal with Moscow has yet to be seen, but it is clear that this is more than just tariffs.

“Buying is not enough, we want to build,” the unnamed Indian official added.

That could allow the Su-57 to claim a big win over the F-35.

About the Author: Peter Suciu

Peter Suciu has contributed over 3,200 published pieces to more than four dozen magazines and websites over a thirty-year career in journalism. He regularly writes about military hardware, firearms history, cybersecurity, politics, and international affairs. Peter is also a Contributing Writer for Forbes and Clearance Jobs. He is based in Michigan. You can follow him on Twitter: @PeterSuciu. You can email the author: Editor@nationalinterest.org.
Agatha Christie’s historic Baghdad house in danger of collapsing


August 1, 2025 
MEMO



Historic house on the banks of the Tigris River, where British crime writer Agatha Christie lived for many years, is in need of repair in Baghdad, Iraq on July 25, 2025. [Murtadha Al-Sudani – Anadolu Agency]



The historic house on the banks of the Tigris River in Iraq’s capital Baghdad, where classic British crime writer Agatha Christie lived for many years, is rich in history, but badly in need of repair, Anadolu reports.

The walls of the vintage house in the Karadat Maryam district of the capital bear now the warning: “Caution! Danger of collapse.”

Despite the risk of collapse, the house, which holds Agatha Christie’s memories of Baghdad, continues to bear witness to the deep history of the region.



– Agatha Christie’s 13-year hiatus in Iraq

Iraqi historian Adil Ardavi told Anadolu that Agatha Christie lived in Iraq for about 13 years.

“Many of the artifacts her husband, an expert in historical artifacts, found here are now in museums. Agatha Christie was an ambitious woman who also traveled to neighboring countries from Iraq,” Ardavi said.

Ardavi said that when Christie wanted to live in Baghdad, she chose a house on the banks of the Tigris that symbolized the architecture of old Baghdad, adding that he believes the view of the famed river from the house inspired her in her acclaimed writing.

He said that before the “Queen of Crime” lived there, it was rumored that Ali, the brother of Iraq’s King Faisal I (who reigned in 1921-1933), lived in the house.

“Agatha Christie has many writings and novels about Baghdad. Her novel Murder on the Orient Express has parts in Baghdad. At that time, there was a train in Baghdad that people could take to Türkiye and Europe. Agatha Christie loved Iraqis very much because she lived in Baghdad for a long time and became a friend of Iraq.”

Though the house Christie lived in is now in ruins, if the British Embassy in Baghdad and Iraqi authorities cooperated, the house could be turned into a museum, Ardavi said.

Hamza Ebu Sali, a bookseller on Mutanabbi Street, a hub for used bookstores in Baghdad, also mentioned how Christie was in Iraq in the 1930s.

Ebu Sali said that Iraqis have a great interest in Christie’s novels and that the British crime writer’s books are always among the most sought-after books.
OPINION


Africa’s billionaire boom masks a crisis for the many

The surge in African billionaires signals elite capture rather than economic progress, locking millions into poverty.

Tafi Mhaka
Al Jazeera columnist
Published On 1 Aug 2025

Prince Andrew, Duke of York speaks to Aliko Dangote during the London Global African Investment Summit at St James' Palace on December 1, 2015 in London, England [Anthony Devlin-WPA Pool/Getty Images]


On July 9, 2025, I was overwhelmed by a profound sense of despair and disappointment upon reading a report from Oxfam International, a globally recognised NGO, revealing that just four of Africa’s richest billionaires hold a combined wealth of $57.4bn. According to Oxfam, this figure exceeds the total wealth of approximately 750 million Africans, roughly half of the continent’s population.

Moreover, the top 5 percent of Africans now control nearly $4 trillion in wealth, more than double the combined assets of the remaining 95 percent.

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Titled Africa’s Inequality Crisis and the Rise of the Super‑Rich, the report profiles the four wealthiest individuals on the continent. At number one is Aliko Dangote of Nigeria, estimated to be worth $23.3bn. Next is Johann Rupert and his family from South Africa, with about $14.2bn in wealth. Following them are Nicky Oppenheimer and his family, also South African, with a fortune of $10.2bn. Finally, Egyptian Nassef Sawiris holds approximately $9.4bn in net worth.

I find myself among the bottom 95 percent, the hopeful yet under‑resourced individuals who have laboured for modest incomes while yearning for socioeconomic transformation. At the dawn of the 21st century, in 2000, Africa had no billionaires. Today it is home to 23 billionaires, predominantly male, whose combined wealth has soared by 56 percent over the past five years, reaching an astounding $112.6bn.

Today, no two nations better illustrate Africa’s stark wealth disparity and oligarchic dominance than Nigeria and South Africa, and no business leader exemplifies the rise of crony capitalism on the continent more than Aliko Dangote.

Here is why.


Twenty‑five years ago, Dangote was simply an ambitious multimillionaire businessman. Then, on February 23, 1999, he made a substantial donation to General Olusegun Obasanjo’s presidential campaign. That seemingly benign investment proved decisive for his business trajectory.

A year later, the Obasanjo administration embarked on a sweeping privatisation of state‑owned enterprises, aiming to liberalise the economy, attract private investment and foster domestic entrepreneurship under the Backward Integration Policy (BIP). Dangote acquired Benue Cement in 2000 and Obajana Cement in 2002, laying the foundations for Dangote Cement, now Africa’s largest cement producer.

Between 2010 and 2015, Dangote Cement reportedly paid an effective tax rate of less than 1 percent on profits of approximately 1 trillion Nigerian naira (about $6bn at 2015 exchange rates). Dangote himself became Nigeria’s richest entrepreneur in 2007, attaining billionaire status amid the company’s rapid expansion.

Since then, the quid pro quo strategies between Dangote and the Obasanjo administration have become a conventional aspect of Nigerian politics and business, albeit a controversial one.

Critics argue that the BIP has stifled competition and fostered monopolistic practices in key sectors like sugar and cement, disproportionately benefitting politically connected elites – including Dangote – at the expense of smaller enterprises and ordinary Nigerians.

Nigeria is richly endowed with natural resources and possesses world-class human capital. Nevertheless, more than 112 million people, nearly half of Nigeria’s population, live in poverty, based on the most recent population estimates of around 227 million. At the same time, the country’s five wealthiest individuals, dominating sectors such as oil and gas, banking, telecommunications, and real estate, have amassed a combined fortune of $29.9bn.

The dysfunctional system that has enabled Nigeria’s “big five” entrepreneurs and fostered oligarchic patterns is not unique to Nigeria. South Africa, Africa’s most industrialised nation, confronts similar but distinct challenges in its post-apartheid era.

After apartheid ended on April 27, 1994, the African National Congress (ANC) introduced Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) and Broad-Based BEE initiatives (BBBEE). These policies aimed to advance the effective participation of Black people in the economy, achieve higher growth, increase employment and ensure fairer income distribution.

However, over time, the ANC itself acknowledged that these affirmative action programs have not appreciably benefitted most Black South Africans, especially Black women. In the 31 years since apartheid, economic conditions have only marginally improved. While a few Black business leaders have emerged, they continue to succeed within a system engineered to favour a narrow elite.

One such example is Patrice Motsepe, a mining magnate and among Africa’s richest individuals, with an estimated net worth of approximately $3bn. Supporters view him as a tangible beneficiary of post-apartheid economic transformation, but critics, including economist Moeletsi Mbeki, argue that his wealth reflects crony capitalism rather than broad-based entrepreneurship. Motsepe, who is also the brother-in-law of President Cyril Ramaphosa, remains a rare exception in a system marked by elite capture.

By April 2025, South Africa’s official unemployment rate stood at 32.9 percent, equating to about 8.2 million people actively seeking work, while the broader rate, including discouraged jobseekers, rose to 43.1 percent. Around the same time, approximately 34.3 million South Africans, or more than half the population, were living in poverty.

Meanwhile, the Oppenheimer family, whose immense fortune in diamond mining has deep historical roots tied to South Africa’s colonial past, continues to expand its wealth. A Harvard Growth Lab study published in November 2023 concluded that three decades after the end of apartheid, the economy is defined by stagnation and exclusion, and current strategies are not achieving inclusion and empowerment in practice.

Unsurprisingly, the most prominent beneficiaries of BEE initiatives have been ANC insiders and aligned business elites, including President Ramaphosa, former Gauteng Premier Tokyo Sexwale, Saki Macozoma, a former ANC MP, and Bridgette Radebe, sister to Motsepe and wife of ANC stalwart Jeff Radebe.

This distinct class of elites starkly contrasts with BEE’s intended beneficiaries, everyday South Africans. Instead, these individuals are grappling with the lingering consequences of oligarchic state capture, widespread corruption, poor service delivery, and sustained cuts to education and health budgets.

Nigeria shares this pattern. At the very least, Dangote’s vast wealth should represent the pinnacle of success in a thriving African economy. Instead, he exemplifies Africa’s most prominent and wealthiest oligarch, demonstrating how proximity to political power can create controversial paths to fortune. Regrettably, almost every African country has its own Dangote or Motsepe whose influence hinders fair and inclusive economic development.

Crony capitalism is a sharp break from free market ideals, where political connections override merit and innovation. This distortion breeds corruption, economic inefficiency and social inequality. It also weakens democratic norms by allowing private interests to gain excessive influence over public policy.

A 2015 study by Columbia University concluded that wealth accumulated by politically connected oligarchs has a strongly negative impact on economic growth, while the fortunes of unconnected billionaires have little effect. This finding suggests African economies could grow more rapidly if the enormous influence of politically connected elites was curtailed.

Now is the time for meaningful reform.

African nations must implement a wealth tax on high-net-worth individuals and direct the revenue towards essential services in impoverished areas.

According to Oxfam, a modest tax increase consisting of a 1 percent levy on wealth and a 10 percent income tax on the richest individuals could generate $66bn annually, equivalent to 2.29 percent of Africa’s gross domestic product, and help close critical funding gaps in education and electricity access.

Above all, African countries must adopt economic policies focused on equity to reduce poverty and improve wellbeing.

We, the neglected and disenfranchised 95 percent, stand against oligarchy.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance

.
Tafi Mhaka
Al Jazeera columnist
Mhaka, a social and political commentator, has a BA Honours degree from the University of Cape Town



Africa has the capital. Now it needs the tools to fund its own development


Joseph Atta-Mensah
August 1st, 2025
LSE

Africa’s development financing gap is not just about money—it’s about missed opportunities. With billions in remittances, pension funds, and sovereign wealth, the continent has the capital. But, as Joseph Atta-Mensah writes, without the right tools, these resources remain underused.

Africa does not need to beg for development finance. It already has the capital. The continent generates wealth through vast natural endowments, growing institutional capital, and a vibrant diaspora.

Yet year after year, African governments struggle to meet their basic development financing needs, leaving health, education, climate, and infrastructure gaps unresolved.

The numbers are daunting. To achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030, Africa needs to mobilise an additional £148 billion annually. The continent also faces massive infrastructure deficits, requiring up to £134 billion annually to close gaps in energy, transport, and digital connectivity. The agricultural sector alone requires £41 billion each year for sustainable modernisation, while health, education, water, and clean energy collectively demand over £158 billion annually. Climate change adds another layer of urgency, with an estimated £2 trillion needed for adaptation and mitigation by 2030.

Trapped capital and misaligned systems

But here’s the paradox: the money is already in Africa. Remittances to Africa reached £71 billion in 2022. Since 2008, they have exceeded both foreign direct investment (FDI) and official development assistance (ODA). African pension funds hold assets worth an estimated £369 billion and are projected to grow to over £5 trillion by 2050. Sovereign wealth funds, currently estimated at between £95 and £104 billion, are also on the rise. Together, these sources represent nearly 15 per cent of Africa’s GDP, compared to 2 per cent of GDP for ODA and 1.7 per cent for FDI. Yet less than 3 per cent of African pension assets are invested in critical sectors like infrastructure. Much of the capital remains parked in low-yield assets abroad, not due to lack of intent but because domestic financial ecosystems are not designed to absorb it.

The absence of investable pipelines, weak regulatory safeguards, and high perceived risks deter investment at home. Africa’s fragmented financial systems, shallow capital markets, and limited credit enhancements make it easier for capital to leave the continent than to productively contribute to it.

Meanwhile, Africa loses an estimated £65 billion annually through illicit financial flows. These leakages—from trade mis-invoicing, tax evasion, and corruption—erode the very foundation of domestic resource mobilisation. The outflows drain public revenues, undermine economic sovereignty, and deprive governments of the resources needed for development.

A system that punishes the vulnerable

Africa’s economies face an unfair financial system where countries pay a risk premium of 100 to 260 basis points more than peers with similar fundamentals, making borrowing needlessly expensive. The result is a development model that depends heavily on external debt and aid—neither of which is reliable or sustainable.

Africa’s voice is often marginal in global financial institutions, where decisions are dominated by wealthier countries with greater voting power that reflect their financial contributions rather than the needs of those most affected. This leaves African countries with little influence over policies that directly affect their economies, and they are left to bear the brunt of their consequences.

The Fourth International Conference on Financing for Development (FFD4), which took place in Spain at the beginning of July 2025, was a missed opportunity for African leaders to rewrite the rules. Rather than seeking more aid or temporary relief, the continent must demand structural reforms to both domestic and global financing systems.


The tools to mobilise capital

Rather than asking for more aid or softer loans, African countries should demand structural changes that enable them to finance their own development. This means showing that Africa is ready with the vision, leadership, and financial muscle to chart its own path. The following strategic actions are recommended:

Formalise remittance flows to unlock investment potential: Governments should promote the use of formal channels for remittances by expanding digital financial services, lowering transaction costs, and improving financial inclusion. When remittances flow through banks and regulated platforms, recipients gain access to savings, credit, and investment products—turning personal transfers into tools for long-term economic development.

Leverage diaspora bonds and remittance securitisation: African countries should tap into diaspora savings by issuing well-structured diaspora bonds and securitising future remittance flows. Success requires transparency, sound governance, and clear communication to build trust. When aligned with national priorities, these instruments can channel stable, long-term capital into infrastructure and development projects.

Scale up blended finance to unlock institutional capital: To mobilise long-term capital from pension funds, sovereign wealth funds, and diaspora remittances, African governments must develop investable project pipelines and enabling policy environments. Blended finance platforms—such as public-private partnerships, guarantees, concessional loans, and first-loss capital—can reduce risk and attract private investment. These tools are especially vital for financing clean energy, sustainable mining, and blue economy initiatives. Africa’s rich biodiversity and carbon sinks can also generate revenue through high-integrity carbon markets and conservation finance.

Reform global and regional financial architecture to retain and direct capital: Africa must push for a fairer global financial system—one that reallocates Special Drawing Rights (SDRs), strengthens African development banks, and corrects credit rating biases. Regionally, bolstering institutions like the AfCFTA and deepening capital markets will help reduce currency risk, expand innovation, and build a foundation for self-financed development.

Strengthen domestic revenue systems and deepen capital markets: To fund its development from within, Africa must retain more of the wealth it already generates. This means modernising tax systems, closing loopholes, and curbing illicit financial flows that drain billions each year through mispricing, evasion, and corruption. At the same time, Africa must unlock more value from its natural assets—particularly through fair, transparent contracts and domestic value addition—ensuring resource revenues stay on the continent. Strengthening capital markets will also enable governments and businesses to access long-term finance domestically, reducing dependence on external debt.

The future is African, but only if Africa builds it

Africa’s future should not hinge on external goodwill or concessional aid. The capital is already here, flowing through remittances, embedded in sovereign funds, and held in pension reserves. What’s missing is the architecture to move it from potential to power. As global leaders gathered at FFD4, African policymakers should have shown that the continent is not merely waiting for solutions; it is ready to lead them.

Financing Africa’s development is not just possible. It’s necessary, urgent, and inevitable. The time has come for governments, financial institutions, and regional bodies to take ownership, build the tools, and align resources with Africa’s development priorities. The continent has the means. Now it must build the will.

Photo credit: Sue Thompson used with permission CC BY-ND 2.0



About the author

Joseph Atta-Mensah
Joseph Atta-Mensah is a Senior Fellow at the African Centre for Economic Transformation. Until his retirement in August 2023, he held several senior leadership positions, including Director roles, at the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa. He previously served as a Senior Economist at the Bank of Canada. He holds a PhD in Financial Economics from Simon Fraser University, British Columbia, Canada.

US No. 2 World Destination for Migrating Millionaires




By Mark Swanson | Sunday, 03 August 2025 
NEWSMAX


The U.S. is set to gain a net 7,500 millionaires in 2025, making it the No. 2 destination in the world for high-net-worth individuals (HNWIs) choosing to relocate, Business Insider reported Sunday.


The United Arab Emirates is the top destination, with 9,800 HNWIs, and Italy is third (3,600), according to the report. In all, 142,000 millionaires are set to relocate in 2025, bringing billions of investable wealth with them, according to the report.

The U.K. leads the world in millionaire outflows, one expert told BI, followed by China and India. Britain is projected to lose 16,500 millionaires in 2025.

"A record-breaking 142,000 millionaires are projected to relocate internationally, and for the first time in a decade of tracking, a European country — the U.K. — leads the world in millionaire outflows," Dominic Volek, the head of private clients at Henley & Partners, an investment migration consultancy, told Business Insider. "It reflects a deepening perception among the wealthy that greater opportunity, freedom, and stability lie elsewhere."

Volek said Florida is "especially popular" with incoming HNWIs, and California's Silicon Valley remains No. 1 globally among wealthy tech entrepreneurs.

"The USA is still attracting record numbers of HNWIs in 2025," Volek told BI, "with strong inflows coming from Asia, Latin America and the U.K."

Switzerland and Saudi Arabia round out the top 5 of incoming millionaires. Singapore, Portugal, Greece, Canada, and Australia round out the top 10, according to BI.