Sunday, August 10, 2025



Seeds of the cosmos: How a Pakistani engineer sent wheat into space

The test tube carrying the Pakistan-origin wheat seeds was aboard the SpaceX Dragon Capsule, which was launched from Nasa's Kennedy Space Centre on August 1.

 August 8, 2025
PRISM/DAWN
Muzhira Amin is a member of staff. She tweets @NMuzhira


Space, as all Trekkies agree, is the final frontier. It is mysterious, magnificent, mighty, and draws in earthlings who have long dreamed of exploring other worlds. In recent years, these dreams have crossed over from the realm of ambition to the reality of necessity. As billion-dollar companies and superpowers race toward the stars, a Pakistani engineer has crossed the Kármán line with nothing more than a handful of wheat seeds and a vision.

“As we speak, Pakistan-origin wheat seeds are on their way to space,” Mahhad Nayyar told Dawn.com. He and his colleague, Muhammad Haroon, successfully sent the first Pakistani payload to the International Space Station through the Kármán-Jaguar Earth Seeds for Space partnership.

The initiative brought together researchers and space leaders from four countries to explore how native crops respond to microgravity. Pakistan’s contribution, wheat seeds, was spearheaded by Mahhad.















Mahhad Nayyar works on the payload at Nasa’s Kennedy Space Centre before the launch. — courtesy Jaguar Space/Ivan Castro Guatemala

The seeds took up one-quarter of the space in the test tube, equal to the Nigerian melon seeds, Armenian pomegranate seeds, and Egyptian cotton seeds. The test tube was aboard the SpaceX Dragon Capsule — mounted on a Falcon 9 rocket — which launched from Nasa’s Kennedy Space Centre in Florida, on August 1.

“I was quite literally living a dream,” Mahhad gleamed. “Watching the rocket fire up and blaze into the sky, leaving behind a trail of smoke … all of it happened just within a few minutes. For me, though, it was the experience of a lifetime.”

But the flight from land to space, one that the 34-year-old had dreamt of for years, was long and riddled with challenges.


How it started

As a young boy, Mahhad was obsessed with the boundless horizon above him. At the time, the only way he knew to explore the skies was through flying, and, in what he describes as “quintessential fashion”, the engineer joined PAF College Sargodha, where he underwent five years of training and subsequently joined the Pakistan Air Force.

“My aim was to become a fighter pilot, but I fell short due to my short-sightedness and was hence sent towards engineering by the PAF,” he recalled to Dawn.com. In 2009, Mahhad enrolled in the aeronautical engineering programme at the PAF College, Risalpur, during which he secured a scholarship at the US Air Force Academy.

This is where his life took a turn. Mahhad went to the States with the intention of studying aeronautical engineering, but came back as an astronautical engineer. “It was here that I found my love for space; when I controlled, monitored and designed satellites.” But he couldn’t explain it to the people around him when he came back home, who thought it was a subject far-fetched, one that “didn’t even have an office here”.

For the next few years, he served as a flight engineer for search and rescue helicopters during the day and volunteered for astronomical societies in the evenings. Meanwhile, Mahhad immersed himself in the world of astrodynamics — his nights were occupied by documentaries such as ‘Cosmos: A Personal Voyage’ and ‘Cosmos: A Spacetime Odyssey’.

“I fell in love with how vast the space is. I could see all the possibilities of what could be done there,” he reminisced. As years passed by, however, he couldn’t help but wonder how Pakistan was losing out on the vast potential of the cosmos.

His disappointment further grew when, in 2020, Mahhad came across a research paper featuring a world map of countries that had participated in initiatives with the ISS. One conspicuous gap was hard to ignore: Pakistan was the only one of the world’s 10 most populous countries to not have taken part.

The image stayed with him, almost as if it were imprinted in his mind. “I realised that in two and a half decades, we were unable to send an experiment into space, let alone an astronaut. This was a matter of shame to me.” He resolved to change this and bring to life the idea that space should be accessible and meaningful for everyone, not just a select few nations or industries.

So when in 2024 he came across the Kármán Project, he knew exactly what he needed to do.




A journey into space

Mahhad applied to become a pioneer for the project, named after the line 100km above the ground from where space begins. By this time, he had retired from the PAF and was pursuing a PhD from Purdue University in the US.

“I got an email from the Kármán Project one day, wherein they were seeking proposals for sending a free-of-cost experiment to space, so I drafted a proposal with the help of my colleague Haroon, who is currently studying botany at the same varsity as mine,” he said.

Their proposal, for sending wheat seeds to space, was among the four that were accepted from across the world. These seeds, once back on Earth, will be examined at length to see the changes they underwent while in space.















Mahhad Nayyar poses with colleagues at Nasa’s Kennedy Space Centre. — courtesy Jaguar Space/Ivan Castro Guatemala


“For me, just the fact that a Pakistani experiment is going to space matters the most, and the fact that we are finally on the ISS map,” Mahhad remarked. For him, it is a matter of national pride and a call to future Pakistani scientists, astronauts and aerospace engineers that nothing is beyond their reach, not even space.

The pride Mahhad talks about, he felt it the most when he visited the Kennedy Space Centre last week for the launch, making sure to keep a neatly folded Pakistani flag with him.














Mahhad holds Pakistan’s flag at the Kennedy Space Centre. — photo by Mahhad Nayyar


But Mahhad kept his excitement at bay because he knew entering the centre could be a lengthy process. It involved a lot of paperwork, and more so in his case, because Pakistan fell under the strictest criteria. A Nasa escort accompanied him throughout the visit. “Once inside, I worked with my Armenian, Nigerian and Egyptian colleagues on the final work required for the payload,” he recalled.

After a day’s delay that triggered Mahhad’s anxiety, the SpaceX Dragon Capsule finally took off from the Kennedy Space Centre’s Space Systems Processing Facility at 11:43am Eastern Time (around 8:43pm in Pakistan) on Friday and docked at the International Space Station just 15 hours after the launch.

There were many thoughts racing in his mind at the time, those of childlike wonder and pure fascination. “A rocket is essentially a controlled explosion and to put human beings on top of that and launch them to another realm of existence is not only thrilling but also leaves you in awe of how far science and technology has come for the betterment of humans.”


The science

As grand and groundbreaking as the project was, at first glance, it may seem too simple. Why wheat seeds? Isn’t that too ordinary for a space mission?

“For us, wheat seeds were a strong candidate because they’re a staple food in Pakistan and other countries,” said Haroon, the collaborator on the payload. Elaborating on the same, Mahhad told Dawn.com that the cultural and dietary significance of wheat made it a powerful symbol of sustenance, resilience and everyday life.

“Scientifically, wheat is also a strong candidate for space agriculture due to its relatively short growth cycle, high nutritional value, and adaptability to controlled environments. As space agencies explore long-duration missions and potential off-world settlements, crops like wheat will be essential to support human life sustainably,” he explained.


































The test tube that carried wheat seeds into space. — courtesy Jaguar Space/Ivan Castro Guatemala

But most importantly, the crop serves as a bridge between nations, and while it has been studied in space before, this experiment focuses on a variety native to South Asia, cultivated in different climatic and soil conditions. Hence, both Mahhad and Haroon agreed that this could open the door to valuable comparative insights into genetic resilience and environmental adaptation under extreme conditions.

The scientific objective of the payload is to observe the effects of microgravity on the seeds. “One key focus will be on studying stomatal traits — the microscopic pores on the surface of leaves that regulate gas exchange and water loss. Stomata play a vital role in photosynthesis, respiration, and overall plant-water relations.

“By observing how these traits develop in a microgravity environment, we can better understand how space conditions may affect plant physiology at a structural and functional level. This could reveal critical insights into drought tolerance, water use efficiency, and stress adaptation,” Mahhad said.

Once the seeds come back to Earth, which is expected by the end of the month, they will be germinated under controlled conditions, and their physiological and anatomical traits will be studied.














The SpaceX Dragon Capsule after launch. — photo by Mahhad Nayyar

“We will identify beneficial traits related to drought tolerance concerning stomata so these seeds won’t require extra water and will be good for both space and land. For sure they will have effect from space which will help us understand how this physiology is different from when they were sent to space,” Haroon added.

Moreover, if these traits prove to be beneficial, they could inform future breeding programmes to develop cultivars that require less water and are ideal for regions like Pakistan that are facing water scarcity or extreme climate stress. “The insights from this space-based study may help design crops that are not space-resilient but also more sustainable for vulnerable ecosystems on Earth.”
Beyond the science

But for Mahhad, the true impact of the payload goes far beyond the science behind it. Working with wheat — a staple food for millions across the globe — creates an opportunity for Pakistan and gives it a chance to connect space exploration with daily life in a way that feels intimate and real.

“It will open doors for young Pakistanis to understand, discover and fall in love with space,” he said, expressing the hope that the mission is remembered as a gentle but lasting turning point — a moment when space became a little more accessible, a little more culturally grounded, and a lot more inclusive. This also comes at a time when Pakistan, in collaboration with China, plans to send its first manned space mission to the latter’s space station

Personally, though, for Mahhad, this is just the beginning for him. A PhD student at Purdue University, Mahhad’s research revolves around space situational awareness, and his study has brought him face to face with some hard realisations.

“Emerging space economies such as Pakistan have a maximum of five objects in space; we have been unable to use the space medium adequately. Now this is not just a question of scientific exploration but also that of fundamental human equity. With developed countries now exponentially populating space with their objects, the space for countries like ours is shrinking every day.”

Mahhad wants to change this, for which Pakistan’s strategic geographical location is his biggest asset. “It is one of the best sites for looking into space traffic, and this data can be sold globally,” he said.

The benefits are not just monetary. A person going about their usual day may not even realise but space plays a huge part in their lives — from enabling smooth communication to navigating through traffic (basically Google Maps) and monitoring the climate. The benefits are endless.

“But all of this can only come through with situational awareness of the space environment,” the engineer stressed. He believes that this can only happen when Pakistan starts investing in a space programme, where students in universities, schools and colleges are encouraged to develop, launch and monitor satellites.

And to play his part, the 34-year-old plans to build a virtual mentorship lab to turn his story into a conversation starter, ultimately encouraging more experiments from Pakistan in space.

To prove his point, the engineer quotes his favourite astrophysicist and writer, Neil deGrasse Tyson: “Recognise that the very molecules that make up your body, the atoms that construct the molecules, are traceable to the crucibles that were once the centres of high mass stars that exploded their chemically rich guts into the galaxy, enriching pristine gas clouds with the chemistry of life.

“So that we are all connected to each other biologically, to the earth chemically and to the rest of the universe atomically. That’s kinda cool! That makes me smile and I actually feel quite large at the end of that. It’s not that we are better than the universe, we are part of the universe. We are in the universe and the universe is in us.”

Header image: The payload of seeds sent to space. — courtesy Jaguar Space/Ivan Castro Guatemala

Modi’s efforts to woo US, China hit stalemate after frictions with Trump, Xi: report

Published August 9, 2025

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s efforts to engage with the US and China have reached a stalemate, which exposes limitations to India’s powers on the global stage, The New York Times reported.

Modi’s first attempt came in 2014 through a high-level engagement with China came. The Indian premier rolled out the red carpet for China’s President Xi Jinping in his home town, organising an intimate riverside dinner in Ahmedabad.

The meeting at the time focused on economic cooperation, with India seeking Chinese funding for an overhaul of its dilapidated railways and cooperation in nuclear energy.

However, the talks were overshadowed by a stand-off between Indian and Chinese troops along their shared border. “The flare-up in 2014 was the first of several acts of aggression that would ultimately leave Mr Modi embarrassed, his economy squeezed by the need to keep tens of thousands of Indian troops on a war footing high in the Himalayas for several years,” The New York Times said.

Subsequently, Modi steered towards the US direction. “Mr Modi developed such a bonhomie with US President Donald Trump in his first term that he broke with protocol to campaign for a second term for him at a stadium-packed event in Houston,” the outlet said, adding that the increasing alignment grew further after “the Biden administration looked past that partisan play to continue expanding relations with India, a bulwark against China”.

During a joint session of Congress last year, Modi remarked, “AI stands for ‘America and India’”, the report added.

India’s relations with the US have seemingly faltered during Trump’s second term. Terming the recent trade tensions a “very public humiliation” of Modi, the outlet said that India was singled out for a whopping 50 per cent tariff, with the US citing India’s continued imports of Russian oil and calling India’s economy “dead”.

Trump also “stirred rancour among Indians” by giving Pakistan’s leadership an “equal footing” as he tried to settle the military conflict between the two nuclear-armed neighbours earlier this year, the outlet said.

In June, Trump hosted Chief of Army Staff (COAS) Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir at the White House in the weeks following the military confrontation between India and Pakistan. This prompted a private diplomatic protest from India in a warning to Washington about risks to their bilateral ties while New Delhi is recalibrating relations with China as a hedge.

“All that has plunged India into a moment of soul-searching, exposing limitations to its power on the world stage despite its gargantuan size and growing economy,” The New York Times stated. The outlet also highlighted Modi’s acknowledgement this week that he might pay a “personal political price” for the trade dispute with the US.

Amid heightened tensions with the US, India has made moves indicating “increased activity toward warming ties with Beijing again”, the outlet said.

Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Guo Jiakun on Friday welcomed Modi’s plan to visit China for the first time in seven years to participate in the upcoming Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit. Last month, Indian foreign minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar made his first visit to Beijing since a deadly 2020 border clash between Indian and Chinese troops.

The outlet suggested that relations with China “remain strained” due to border disputes and China’s support for Pakistan during the recent military escalation, adding: “China, for its part, has been wary of New Delhi’s efforts to create a manufacturing alternative to China.”

It further noted Modi’s current engagement with Russia, saying, “Russia’s steadfastness as a partner is being talked up by officials in India. Mr Modi’s national security adviser was in Moscow this week to finalise details of a trip by Mr Putin to New Delhi.”

India’s aim to rise as an economic and diplomatic power “appears deflated by the sudden uncertainty”, according to The New York Times.

It said, “Stuck between two superpowers that have shown no hesitation to put India down in moments of friction, there is a growing sense among Indian officials and experts that the country will have to firmly return to its long-tested doctrine of ‘strategic autonomy’.”

This means that India was “on its own” and must “make do with a patchwork of contradictory and piecemeal ties, and avoid overcommitting to alliances”.

The outlet quoted Nirupama Rao, a former Indian ambassador to Beijing and Washington, who said that Trump’s punishing moves had upended “the strategic logic of a very consequential partnership” that had been carefully nurtured over more than two decades. “There will be ‘very pragmatic strategic recalibrations’ by New Delhi to protect its interests,” she said.

India’s growing economy allows its leaders breathing room, but it is still a moment of “deep introspection” for the country, Rao said, adding: “We have to draw our lessons from that and really focus on the national priorities and what we need to do to become strong and more influential.”

 INDIA

The Nuns, the State, and the Machinery of Suspicion: An account



Ravi Nair 




The recent arrest of two nuns in Chhattisgarh under anti-conversion and NIA laws reveals the fictional limits of the Indian State’s persecution of religious freedom, all at the cost of due process.


This is the first of a two part series on the recent arrest of two nuns in Chhattisgarh's Durg under unjustified charges of conversion. 

In a matter of relief, on August 2, 2025, bail was granted to the two Catholic nuns, Sr Preeti Mary, Sr. Vandana Francis and a tribal youth who was accompanying them in Chhattisgarh, Sukhman Mandavi.  All evidence suggests that the arrests, made on July 25, were needless in nature.

On July 25,Sr Preeti Mary and Sr. Vandana Francis of the Congregation of Assisi Sisters of Mary Immaculate were arrested by the Chhattisgarh Government Railway Police (‘GRP’) in Durg Railway Station in Chhattisgarh on unfounded charges of religious conversion and human trafficking. A young man accompanying the nuns, Sukhman Mandavi, who hailed from a tribal community, was also detained. 

The nuns, originally from Kerala, were waiting at the railway station platform with three other women, all of whom hailed from tribal communities and were aged between 18 to 20 years of age, to catch a train to Agra.Media reports suggest that when the Train Ticket Examiner enquired the three women regarding their tickets. On informing the TTE that their tickets were with the nuns, the TTE immediately called members of the Durga Vahini Matrushakti and Bajrang Dal, right-wing activist groups that have consistently engaged in harassing religious minorities in the country. Soon the nuns were surrounded, heckled and verbally abused, with a mob accusing them of forceful conversion and trafficking. This occurred even as the women and nuns reiterated that they were travelling to Agra to work in hospitals as helps at salaries of Rs 8,000 – 10,000 per month. 

Police reports state that the women were being taken to Agra for vocational training and employment. The incident escalated into a standoff, with Bajrang Dal members staging protests outside the Government Railway Police station. Counter-protests soon followed, with the local Christian community defending the nuns. 

This occurred even as the women and nuns reiterated that they were travelling to Agra to work in hospitals as helps at salaries of Rs 8,000 – 10,000 per month. 

The FIR, registered under sections of the Chhattisgarh Religious Freedom Act and the Immoral Traffic (Prevention) Act, was based on a complaint by a local Bajrang Dal worker, who alleged that the accused forcibly converted three women from Narayanpur district and were attempting to traffic them. 

Even though the police arrived while the right-wing group workers were heckling and intimidating the group, they did not intervene to stop the intimidation of the nuns. The trio (the two nuns and the youth) were then arrested and taken to the Durg Police station. Then, a local court sent them to judicial custody till August 8. 

They were charged under various sections of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023 , the Chhattisgarh Freedom of Religion Act and the National Investigation Agency (NIA) Act

According to the FIR, charges include:

  • Section 143 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) – Trafficking of person

  • Section 4 of the Chhattisgarh Freedom of Religion Act – Unlawful Conversions

As trafficking is considered a ‘Scheduled Offense’ under the amended NIA Act, the Centre can invoke the provisions of the Act for investigation by the NIA, with proceedings before the special NIA Court.

The nuns moved bail applications before both the Judicial Magistrate First Class (‘JFMC’) and the Sessions Court at Durg, in succession. The JFMC rejected the bail application on July 29, 2025. On July 30, the Sessions Court also denied bail on the ground that only the NIA Court had jurisdiction to hear the application because of the human trafficking charge. The sanction of the Central government, on application from the state government, to try the case as a Scheduled Offence under the NIA Act, need only be furnished in fifteen days. 

On August 2, the nuns and the tribal youth were conditionally granted bail by the NIA Court in Bilaspur, Chhattisgarh, at a bond of Rs 50,000 each. The court also imposed the condition that all three must surrender their passports and fulfill reporting requirements. 

Amidst increasing anti-Christian sentiment, religious freedom is at a crossroad

As a secular state, India is characterised by religious tolerance, equal treatment of all religious groups and respect for all faiths and religions. Constitutionally, all religions enjoy the same protection without favour or discrimination. Secularism is a basic feature of the Constitution, and the latter protects freedom of religion and conscience, as well as the right of all individuals to freely profess, practice and propagate religion under Article 25,. 

While freedom of religion and conscience is a fundamental right in India, its operation is subject to public order, morality, health and other fundamental rights. This is in consonance with Article 18(3) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

In 2022, a written statement submitted by the European Centre on Law and Justice to the UN General Assembly highlighted the scope and extent of violence perpetrated against the Christian community in the country owing to these state anti-conversion laws.

However, in India, various anti-conversion laws impose restrictions, prohibit conversions from one religion to another by the use of force, inducement, allurement, or fraudulent means. In 2022, a written statement submitted by the European Centre on Law and Justice to the UN General Assembly highlighted the scope and extent of violence perpetrated against the Christian community in the country owing to these state anti-conversion laws. The statement also urged the UNGA to call on India to repeal the anti-conversion laws. The constitutional validity of these laws has been contested before state High Courts and the Supreme Court. 

In Rev Stanislaus v. State of Madhya Pradesh (1977) the Supreme Court of India had upheld the constitutional validity of a legislation prohibiting conversion of a person by force, fraud or allurement. While this has precedential value, the rulings in states are not uniform. In fact, leading up to the Rev Stanislaus decision, the Orissa High Court had, in 1972, held such a law as unconstitutional, a decision subsequently overturned by the top Court five years later.

The anti-conversion laws are in effect against the constitutional guarantee to practice and propagate one’s religion. If freedom of religion is essential to support personal beliefs rooted in the inward association doctrinethen individuals must have the right to change their beliefs and religion. Limiting this freedom to change one's religion undermines the very principle of religious freedom. They limit and punish an individual’s right to convert and right to persuade or support another individual to convert voluntarily.

Moreover, while upholding the constitutionality of such laws, the Supreme Court, in 1977, failed to discuss the definitions of inducement and allurement. This wide scope for defining the terms allows irresponsible statements from people in powerful positions, with very real implications for practitioners of the faith. 

This is precisely what happened in the case concerning the nuns in Chhattisgarh. Framing the incident as one of women’s safety, Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Vishnu Deo Sai posted on X: “Three daughters of Narayanpur were promised nursing training and later jobs. It’s an attempt to convert people through human trafficking by allurement. Investigation is ongoing. The case is sub-judice.” The equivalence of allurement to employment and education opportunities without any reasonable boundaries further permit the harassment of the community on unreasonable grounds.

Such laws empower and encourage government persecution, vigilante violence, and discrimination against religious minorities, while also intensifying efforts to suppress civil society organizations. Given these particularly severe religious freedom violations, the USCIRF in 2023 recommended that the U.S. Department of State designate India as a country of particular concern under the International Religious Freedom Act. 

The arrest of the nuns comes amidst growing fear and marginalization faced by Adivasi (indigenous) Christians in Chhattisgarh. Reports highlight instances of families being ostracized, denied access to local resources, and even prohibited from burying their dead-on ancestral land. Observers note that the rising hostility includes social boycotts, violence, and pressure to reconvert. 

Degree Prasad Chouhan, state convener of the Chhattisgarh Association for Justice and Equality, recently told Frontline that such incidents are on the rise, fuelled by state repression and caste tensions. He emphasised, “Anti-conversion rhetoric is being used to justify discrimination against Adivasi Christians. Despite constitutional protections, Christians are treated with suspicion, legally harassed, and deprived of basic rights." He also pointed out that local gram sabhas (village councils) have exploited laws such as the Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, which grants autonomy to tribal communities, to prevent nuns and priests from entering villages.

Moreover, as noted earlier, the FIR was registered on the basis of a complaint by right-wing group workers, and not the alleged ‘victims’ of conversion (the women in question). 

Notably, the Karnataka High Court last month, in Mustafa and Ors v State of Karnataka (2025),  read down provisions of Section 4 of the state anti-conversion law , quashing a FIR against three Muslim men and holding that third parties cannot file such cases. 

In the case of the nuns, although the Freedom of Religion Act has been invoked, no evidence points to the fact of conversion. One of the women involved in the incident has publicly stated that she was coerced into making statements against the nuns. Despite her repeated pleas and statements pointing otherwise, the police recorded statements to the contrary. This could have been done seemingly under influence of right-wing group workers. 

The family members of the tribal women also denied allegations of coercion. “Our parents are no longer alive, and I sent my sister with the nuns so she could take up a nursing job in Agra,” one family member has stated, “The sisters (nuns) have done nothing wrong. Even the boy is being falsely implicated.” 

Eyewitnesses reported that before their arrest, the nuns were illegally detained, harassed, and humiliated by Sharma and her associates in the presence of police personnel.

Increasingly, state machineries are giving in to mob justice

That the TTE prioritised calling right-wing Hindutva group functionaries instead of the police first is telling of the anti-Christian sentiment rife within public institutions in the country. That the police stood by and watched as the nuns were intimidated by the right-wing Hindu fundamentalist activists gives more credence to this assertion. Videos circulated of the incident show one woman in particular, Jyoti Sharma, a member of the Durga Vahini Matrushakti, use derogatory language while accusing the nuns of forcibly converting and trafficking the girls. 

Eyewitnesses reported that before their arrest, the nuns were illegally detained, harassed, and humiliated by Sharma and her associates in the presence of police personnel. Despite this, no FIR has been filed against Sharma. The Chhattisgarh Christian Forum claims it will file a counter FIR.

Only law enforcement agencies possess the authority to detain and question suspects and investigate crimes, and they must do so in accordance with due process. However, concerned citizens have raised doubts about the impartiality of the law enforcement agencies in such a tense situation. Rather than de-escalating the conflict and properly investigating the allegations, the Chhattisgarh police based their FIR largely on the statements from the right-wing group.

The Supreme Court has, on several occasions, underlined the dangers of mob vigilantism. But, as noted in a recent editorial in Indian Express , whether it is cow protection cases or matters related to religious conversion, law enforcement agencies show a disturbing tendency to let self-proclaimed community leaders take over.

The NIA Act has been invoked to create procedural ambiguity

The NIA Act constitutes an investigation agency at the national level to investigate and prosecute offences affecting the sovereignty, security and integrity of India, security of State, friendly relations with foreign States and offences under Acts enacted to implement international treaties, agreements, conventions and resolutions of the UN, its agencies and other international organizations. 

The legislation empowers the Central government to direct the NIA to take over a case on a request made by the state government or in its own capacity. The NIA Act was amended in 2019 to enlarge the mandate of the NIA by inclusion of offences related to human trafficking, manufacture/sale of prohibited arms, cyber-terrorism and offences under the Explosive Substances Act, 1908, and expanded its jurisdiction beyond India.

The NIA Act was brought in to facilitate speedy trials and deliver quick judicial pronouncements by the establishment of the special courts. As of December 5, 2024, the NIA had registered 640 cases since its inception. There were 109 cases under active investigation and 395 under further investigation. 505 cases had been charge- sheeted, while 4174 accused had been arrested so far by the NIA. 595 have been convicted. 

By booking the nuns under NIA, religious freedom has been completely conflated with terrorist activities and trafficking. This indicates the lengths to which the State is willing to go in order to create a chilling effect for religious minorities in India. The procedural ambiguities in legislations like the NIA further ensures that the accused are systemically denied due process and their right to a fair trial, creating endless points of contention with the State.

For the nuns and the young women, a routine train travel for better economic opportunities has turned into a nightmare facilitated by state machinery and legislation. The sanctity of the religious habit has been violated to further a collective agenda to impinge on the fundamental rights of religious minorities in the country.

The situation of minorities, and in particular Muslims and Christians, continues to remain parlous. 

The next part of the series shall focus on the national and international politics surrounding the arrests.

The writer is the executive director, South Asia Human Rights Documentation Centre.

Courtesy: The Leaflet




Every Year, Sanctions Kill More People Than Wars



Ana Vračar 


Between 2010 and 2021, unilateral sanctions caused over 500,000 deaths annually, surpassing yearly global deaths from armed conflict.


Between 2010 and 2021, unilateral sanctions caused an estimated 564,258 deaths each year – more than five times the number of people killed annually in direct armed combat. This warning comes from a new report published in The Lancet, which contextualizes decades of data on how sanctions affect mortality.

“From a rights-based perspective, evidence that sanctions lead to losses in lives should be sufficient reason to advocate for the suspension of their use,” the study’s authors argue. But that is far from reality. Over the same decade, nearly a quarter of all of the world’s countries were affected by sanctions, driven primarily by a sharp increase in unilateral economic measures imposed by the United States and its European allies.

While Western sanctions “have the claimed aim to end wars, protect human rights, or promote democracy,” the report shows they do the very opposite. By restricting a country’s ability to import essential goods like food, medicine, and medical supplies, and by slashing public budgets, sanctions systematically undermine healthcare systems and other vital services.

“The unilateral coercive measures imposed on Venezuela have taken a devastating toll on most of the population, constituting an act of collective punishment and thus a crime against humanity,” Carlos Ron, former Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs for North America, told Peoples Health Dispatch. “We could never know exactly how many lives could have been saved had it not been for these measures – state-led, partially or fully subsidized programs that distributed medicine for chronic illnesses, including HIV and cancer treatment, were affected.”

The COVID-19 pandemic brought this dynamic into even harsher focus. Countries like Iran and Venezuela struggled to import critical supplies, including testing kits, vaccine materials, and vaccines themselves.

“Vaccination campaigns were disrupted by the inability to obtain specific components, increasing health risks for children in situations that could have been entirely preventable,” Ron noted. “The most notable and outrageous case was that of COVID-19 vaccines, which Venezuela was not allowed to purchase using public funds held in its illegally frozen foreign accounts. At the onset of the pandemic, Venezuela could have easily bought all the vaccines needed for its entire population from these accounts, some of which remain frozen to this day.”

All economic sanctions are sanctions on health

“All economic sanctions ultimately function as sanctions on health,” adds the editorial in the same issue of The Lancet. This means they fuel illness and death, especially among the most vulnerable population groups, like children and the elderly.

“Deaths of children younger than 5 years represented 51% of total deaths caused by sanctions over the 1970-2021 period,” the authors of the study warned. These deaths are associated with slow, avoidable deterioration – lack of food, medicine, and functioning health services. Deterioration associated with sanctions accumulates and expands over time, so the longer these measures are implemented, the more harm they do.

A tool of US imperialism

Nowadays, the overwhelming majority of sanctions are imposed unilaterally (and illegally), without the approval of the UN, by the US and European countries. According to the report, it is precisely this type of sanction – particularly when imposed by the US – that has the greatest impact on mortality.

On the other hand, sanctions of any kind are rarely imposed on US allies, no matter how serious their actions. The report suggests: “They [the US and Europe] are unlikely to be inclined to sanction their own allies; if they do so, it will be when a great deal of consensus has emerged that the target country has done something egregious enough so as to merit multilateral condemnation, in which case sanctions will also be imposed by the UN and by definition not be unilateral.”

Apparently, some of these allies won’t face sanctions even if they commit the most serious of crimes. The most glaring example of this is Israel. Despite its ongoing genocide in Gaza – where at least 60,000 people have been killed and dozens are murdered in aid lines every day – Israel faces no Western sanctions. In contrast, Cuba, Venezuela, and Iran continue to be heavily sanctioned, while the EU routinely expands financial measures against the Russian Federation.

Back in 2005, the People’s Health Movement warned that war threatens not only health but the very fabric of society. In the first edition of Global Health Watch, its authors wrote that war “has an enormous and tragic impact on people’s lives,” contributing to more death and disability than many major diseases. The new Lancet report comes as a reminder that the same is true for sanctions.

People’s Health Dispatch is a fortnightly bulletin published by the People’s Health Movement and Peoples Dispatch. For more articles and to subscribe to People’s Health Dispatch, click here.

Courtesy: Peoples Dispatch

 

India Outstrips China in Smartphone Exports to US


Arsh K.S. 



But Trump’s tariffs and pressure on Apple to shift manufacturing back home may squeeze American iPhone consumers the most.




Representational Image. Image Courtesy: PickPik

In the period between April to June this year, India has leapfrogged China to become the major exporter of smartphones to the US market. In this period, the country exported 44% of the smartphones bought by the US market, while China dropped down to 25% from 61%, compared with the same quarter last year.

There are two primary reasons for this, one being the ongoing tariff war between the US and China. The Donald Trump administration has imposed tariffs as high as 51% against Chinese goods coming to the US market. China has, in turn, levied tariffs of 32.6% against American goods entering the Chinese market. This situation may escalate, as the US has threatened to increase tariffs against China to as high as 145% if no agreement is reached between the nations by August 12.

India has profited from this situation, but this alone is not the whole story. Apple has also been shifting its production operation to India from China, partly to counteract the ramping tariffs that the Trump administration is mounting against China. This is the primary factor really, as in terms of production costs alone it is still about 5-8% cheaper to produce an iPhone in China as compared to India.

This week, the Trump administration threatened to impose tariffs as high as 25% against goods from India, with added sanctions on India’s continuing purchase of Russian oil and weaponry. Even with these tariffs in place, India will still be in a more favourable position when compared to China for Apple’s manufacturing units and supply chains to the US market. It is to be noted that at present, electronics and consequently iPhones, are exempt from these tariffs. This could, however, change.

In terms of manufacturing capabilities, Apple has three manufacturing plants in India, two in Tamil Nadu and one in Karnataka. There are plans underway to add two more plants, one in Hosur, Tamil Nadu, run by the Tatas, an Indian company, and the other in Bengaluru to be run by Foxconn, a Taiwanese company.

It is worth noting that the US has no domestic iPhone manufacturing facilities, with the approximately 60 million units that are sold in that market being shipped in from other countries. Were we to look at the total smartphone imports to the US market, we have already accounted for the percentages of this, which are made and shipped by India and China, and Vietnam making up for most of the rest.

Read Also: US threatens sanctions against India for Buying Russian Oil

The backdrop leading to these developments is the pressure put on Apple by Trump to steer its manufacturing away from China and India and to the US. Apple has responded to this with a promise to invest $500 billion toward the making of Apple products in the US. To the chagrin of Trump, however, Apple, whose present CEO is Tim Cook, also intends to up its production in India with the aim of making 25% of its iPhones that are shipped globally in the country.

In the mix of this is the very real issue of what an iPhone made in the US may end up costing the buyer. Estimates regarding the inflation in price range from 25% to over 190%. This mostly has to do with labour costs for assembly and testing, which per unit in China comes to about $40, whereas in the US it would be $200.

Even if this were to be handled in some way, most of the components for the iPhone are actually manufactured in Asia. The design of the product does admittedly still come from Apple’s headquarters in California. The processor, however, is made by the Taiwanese Semiconductor Manufacturing Co. in Taiwan, the display is produced by South Korean companies LG and Samsung. The Gorilla glass that protects the display is a rare exception, as it is made by Corning, a company based in the US, with most of the other components being made in China.

Even if assembly and manufacture were to be relocated to the US, from its present situation in factories based out of China, India, and Vietnam, transferring this entire supply chain would be a tall order. A step in this direction is visible, however, with the Taiwanese Semiconductor Manufacturing Co. having opened a chip manufacturing plant in Arizona, which has already started operations.

The assembly, probably the easiest part in the entire production operation would be the simplest aspect to institute in US shores. Yet, doing so would mean that Apple would have to bear the brunt of higher labour and testing costs. How these long-term challenges for industry are met by the Trump administration and Apple, remain to be seen.

K S Arsh is an independent journalist pursuing a PhD in Philosophy. The views are personal.