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Thursday, July 09, 2026

China’s Pacific Missile Test Sends Message To U.S. Allies – Analysis


Submarines from China's Navy. Photo Credit: Mehr News Agency



July 9, 2026 
RFA
By Taejun Kang

Key Takeaways

China Flexed Its Growing Military Reach — The test of a submarine-launched ballistic missile into the Pacific was intended to demonstrate Beijing’s advancing hypersonic and nuclear capabilities, sending a signal to regional countries including Australia and other Pacific states.

Strategic Timing and Message — The launch occurred shortly after Australia and Fiji signed a mutual defense treaty and amid major U.S.-led military exercises, interpreted by analysts as a deliberate political warning against efforts to counter Chinese influence in the Pacific.

It Risks Backfiring — While showcasing China’s ability to threaten deep into the Central Pacific (including routes relevant to Taiwan contingencies), the test has drawn sharp criticism from multiple countries and may push Pacific nations closer to the US and Australia.


China’s test of a submarine-launched ballistic missile into the Pacific this week was aimed at signaling its growing military reach to U.S. allies across the region, analysts told Radio Free Asia, as Beijing sought to frame the launch as a routine exercise.

China’s state-run Xinhua news agency reported Monday that a Chinese navy submarine launched a missile carrying a dummy warhead toward international waters in the Pacific at 12:01 p.m. local time, describing it as a “routine arrangement” in annual military training and not directed at any specific country or target.


Analysts said the timing and trajectory suggested Beijing was using the test to send a broad political and military message across the Asia-Pacific.

“China’s latest ICBM test serves several purposes,” William Yang, a Northeast Asia analyst at the Belgium-based International Crisis Group, told RFA. “It demonstrates the progress in China’s advanced missile capabilities, sends a signal to regional countries, including Australia and other Pacific states, about Beijing’s ability to respond resolutely to what it views as a challenge to its interests, and allows the People’s Liberation Army to maintain regular military drills across the Asia Pacific region.”

Though Yang referred to it as an ICBM, or intercontinental ballistic missile, Xinhua did not specifically use those words. The U.S. State Department called it an “intercontinental-range ballistic missile,” in a statement where it criticized the launch at a time when “the United States is working harder than ever to prevent nuclear proliferation,” and “China is doing the opposite.”

The launch also drew criticism from Japan, Australia, New Zealand and Taiwan, with several governments saying they had received only short notice.


The test touched a nerve across the region because it came against the backdrop of intensifying strategic competition in the Pacific, where China, the United States and its allies have been vying for influence over sea lanes, security ties with Pacific Island countries, and military access to the region.

For China, the Pacific islands have become an increasingly important diplomatic and strategic arena as Beijing seeks to expand its presence beyond East Asia. For Australia, New Zealand and the United States, the region has become a frontline in efforts to prevent China from translating economic influence into a deeper security foothold.

Australia-Fiji treaty

The missile landed in the South Pacific Nuclear Free Zone only hours after Australia and Fiji signed a mutual defense treaty.

Yang said the timing was “also a political signal to Canberra and other U.S. allies that China will not be deterred by their efforts to undercut China’s interests in deepening its influence in the Pacific region.”

The defense pact, known as the Ocean of Peace, commits Australia and Fiji to assist each other if attacked. It was signed as Canberra has sought to rebuild security ties and trust in the Pacific after years of concern among island governments over climate change, development needs and outside interference.

China has meanwhile deepened engagement with several Pacific island states through policing, aid and infrastructure agreements, raising alarm in Washington and allied capitals over the possibility of a more permanent Chinese security role in the region.

The launch occurred during “a crowded window of allied activity” that included not only the treaty signing – but also on the heels of RIMPAC, Valiant Shield, and Resolute Dragon – U.S.-led bilateral or multilateral military exercises focusing on the broader Pacific region, Aadil Brar, a Taipei-based independent analyst and former visiting scholar at National Chengchi University, told RFA.

Message sent

Though the Chinese navy said that the launch was directed at no particular country or target, Brar said the distance and direction was deliberate.

“That trajectory alone shows the real aim was less about any single target and more about proving China can range deep into the Central Pacific, threading through waters used by the Philippines, Guam-based U.S. forces, and Pacific island states, all at once,” he said.

The route described by Brar, from the Chinese coast across the Philippine Sea and south of Guam before landing near the Marshall Islands and Nauru, would have taken the missile through a corridor that matters strategically to both Washington and Beijing. It passes through waters used by U.S. forces based in Guam, near routes that could be critical for moving reinforcements in a regional conflict, including one involving Taiwan.

Brar said Taiwan was not directly overflown this time, but the test still carried implications for the island because it demonstrated China’s ability “to hold reinforcement routes at risk well beyond the first island chain,” the arc of islands running from Japan through Taiwan and the Philippines to Borneo, forming a key maritime boundary around China’s near seas.

Such abilities would complicate any U.S. intervention in a hypothetical Taiwan Strait crisis, he said.

Taiwan, which China claims as its own territory, has long warned that Beijing is stepping up military pressure on the democratically governed island through war games, air and naval patrols, and missile development. Chinese officials have not ruled out the use of force to bring Taiwan under Beijing’s control.

Still, Yang said he did not think the launch was directly related to Taiwan in this case, arguing that Beijing’s “target audience is the wider region rather than the Taiwanese government,” given its timing alongside the Australia-Fiji agreement and the missile’s launch and impact areas.

The test launch might not have been the best strategy for China, Gregory Brown, director of the Alliance Futures Initiative, a Washington-based think tank, told RFA.

“I don’t know that the intention from the Chinese is actually to threaten the Pacific Islands or Australia. It certainly got everybody’s attention,” said Brown. “It’s probably an own goal for China to have done this now, because now there’s reason to say this is the sort of thing and sort of behavior why Fiji would want to sign a treaty with Australia or maybe get closer to the United States.”

China last publicly conducted an intercontinental ballistic missile test in 2024, in a launch that underscored the country’s growing strategic capabilities and prompted renewed scrutiny of the pace and opacity of its nuclear modernization.



About RFA
Radio Free Asia’s mission is to provide accurate and timely news and information to Asian countries whose governments prohibit access to a free press. Content used with the permission of Radio Free Asia, 2025 M St. NW, Suite 300, Washington DC 20036.
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Submarine missile test puts China's Pacific ambitions on display

A Chinese submarine test-fired a "strategic" missile carrying a dummy warhead into the Pacific Ocean on Monday, Beijing said, prompting immediate condemnation across the region.



Issued on: 08/07/2026 - RFI

Screenshot of the WeChat channel of China's Defence Ministry showing the launch of an ICBM that would land in the Pacific, 25 September 2024. © Screengrab WeChat via agencies


By: Jan van der Made

“It’s the first known submarine-based missile test since 1982,” according to Professor Michael Dillon, a China specialist affiliated with the Lau China Institute at London’s King’s College, and "the first ever from a nuclear-powered submarine."

According to Dillon, Beijing wants to demonstrate that "the Chinese Navy is here and it is in a position to fire missiles."

China’s state-controlled People’s Daily called the launch a “routine arrangement of the annual training of the PLA Navy."

But Australia’s PM Anthony Albanese, on a visit to the Solomon Islands called it a "provocative act by China which does destabilise the region,” during a joint press conference with the Solomon’s PM Mathew Wale, who remarked that he launched a “strong protest" with the Chinese ambassador.

The US State Department expressed concern. According to the Japan Times, Tokyo had “strongly urged” China to refrain from the test prior to the launch, and on Wednesday, Tuvalu Prime Minister Feleti Teo on condemned the test near its waters.

Clive Hamilton, the Australia-based author of Hidden Hand, a book that describes China’s growing influence around the world, points out that the missile launch comes immediately after Australia signed a mutual defence pact with Fiji.

"China is afraid that its push to gain more influence in and over Pacific nations is facing serious pushback,” he told RFI.

“This missile test has the appearance of a deliberate rebuke to Pacific Island states and Australia for undertaking more systematic military and economic cooperation,” he says.

A spokesperson for China's Minstry of National Defense (MND) announcing the launch of a ICBM into the Pacific, 25 September 2024. © Screenshot Chinese Ministry of National Defense website

The missile tests also shows the “urgent need for Australia to build its military capability” in the Pacific, according to Hamilton, and "far from intimidating Pacific island states out of military cooperation with Australia, it may well force them to become closer to Australia and by implication also New Zealand and the United States."

According to defconlevel.com, an organisation consisting of intelligence analysts and nuclear specialists, China currently disposes of some 600 nuclear war heads, and 6 Jin type 094 nuclear submarines, capable of launching strategic missiles.
'Drive the US out'

The Chinese missile test coincides with the “Joint Sea-2026” naval exercises that performed with Russia, that will continue through July 13.

The naval exercise are aimed at "complicating United States maritime superiority” in the Pacific theatre, according to defence watchdog Defence Security Asia, while intensifies "Indo-Pacific military competition surrounding Taiwan” with countries like Australia, Japan and the Philippines.

According to Hamilton, the “Joint Sea-2026” drills "reflect China's broader attempts, in its alliances with Russia and Iran and North Korea to project a more formidable and more threatening military capability.” and part of a "longer term strategy to drive the US out of the Western Pacific.”

In this photo released by Xinhua News Agency, Chinese naval frigate Binzhou takes part in a joint naval drills with Russian warships in the East China Sea on Dec. 27, 2022. AP - Xu Wei

However, Dillon points out that the relationship between China and Russia remains “complex,” and in spite of China’s covert support for Russia’s war in Ukraine, there has been “a lot of tension” between the two countries - including not fully resolved historical territorial claims and Russia’s concern about a growing influx of Chinese in eastern Siberia.

"China is wanting to demonstrate that it is ahead (of Russia) in missile terms,” according to Dillon.

Security pact


France, because of its territories New Caledonia and French Polynesia, is also a pacific power that worries about China’s growing military activities in the region; officially New Caledonia’s ocean territory borders that of the Solomon Islands, that currently enjoys a security pact with China.

China expands military might as far as French borders with Solomon Islands pact

But even for the Solomon Islands, the ICBM test was a step too far: “China's a good friend of Solomon Islands - but this is not something a friend does,” according to its PM Mathew Wale.

“We don't want to see any more countries, China, America, testing ICBMs in the Pacific Islands region. That's the bottom line,” he said.

While Australia is looking to improve ties with the island nation, Hamilton also stresses that ties with France can be improved. “It could be "beneficial if Australia decided to spend a substantial sum buying some armaments from France.”

Former admiral urges Australia to renege on Aukus deal and buy French subs

In 2021, Canberra joined the AUKUS military alliance with the US and the UK and cancelled a billion Euro submarine deal with Paris, leaving relations with France today “still fairly cool” in spite of a new government. Under the AUKUS deal, the US will sell nuclear submarines to Australia.

Buying French arms could "help repair the relationship” with Canberra, says Hamilton, which would be advantageous in the face of China’s growing military might in the region.

Tuesday, June 30, 2026

THE LAST COLONY 

New Caledonia election tests territory's future after unrest and deadlock


Polling stations have just closed in New Caledonia following provincial elections in a vote that will test the French Pacific territory's future after years of political deadlock and unrest.


Issued on: 28/06/2026 -  RFI

People vote at the Veyret-Kafoa polling station during New Caledonia's provincial elections in the Riviere Salee neighbourhood of Noumea, New Caledonia, on 28 June, 2026. AFP - DELPHINE MAYEUR


By: 
Alison Hird

The provincial elections are often described as the most important vote in New Caledonian politics because they determine not only who governs the territory, but also who represents each camp in negotiations over its future relationship with France.

Voters across the archipelago will elect members of three provincial assemblies and the local parliament, known as Congress.

The 54-member Congress will then choose a new government and play a central role in future negotiations with Paris over New Caledonia's political status.

Political balance

Currently, pro-France loyalists hold 13 seats, the leading pro-independence groups hold 25 and the remaining seats are divided between smaller parties.

The vote was originally due to take place in June 2024 but was postponed three times after riots in May that year left 14 people dead and caused more than €2 billion in damage.

Voting rules have changed since the last provincial elections in 2019. Around 10,500 additional people born in New Caledonia have been added to the electoral roll, taking the number of eligible voters to 192,584. About 27,000 residents remain excluded.

The elections are also the first territory-wide vote since three independence referendums in 2018, 2020 and 2021, all of which returned votes in favour of remaining part of France, although the 2021 poll was boycotted by the pro-independence FLNKS (Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front).

Long-standing divide


The result of Sunday's vote will help determine who leads the next round of talks on the territory's future.

The election is largely being fought between two rival camps: parties that want New Caledonia to remain part of France and those that ultimately seek independence.

Pro-France parties have united behind a single Loyalist list. While the main pro-independence coalition, FLNKS, remains a leading force, divisions within the movement mean several independence-supporting groups are contesting separately.

A growing number of smaller parties are also trying to offer an alternative to the traditional divide. Many focus on social issues, inequality and economic recovery rather than constitutional questions.

Their challenge is turning that message into seats, since any list must secure at least 5 percent of registered voters to enter the assemblies.



Future status

The roots of the current power struggle go back a long way.

France annexed New Caledonia in 1853 and the archipelago's modern semi-autonomous status was shaped by the Matignon Agreements in 1988 and the Nouméa Accord in 1998, which transferred greater powers to local institutions and set out a path towards self-determination.

Voting rights remain at the heart of ongoing divisions.

The Nouméa Accord created a restricted electoral roll for provincial elections, designed to protect the political influence of the Indigenous Kanak population, which now makes up around 40 percent of New Caledonia's 297,000 people.

In 2024, the French government sought to "unfreeze" the electoral roll, prompting widespread protests mainly from supporters of independence, who argued the move would weaken protections established under the Nouméa Accord.

The proposed change was suspended in June 2024 after President Emmanuel Macron dissolved parliament, but a partial unfreezing was approved in May this year.

An attempt to break the political deadlock between Paris and the archipelago's political groups came with the Bougival Agreement in 2025. The proposal offered greater autonomy while keeping New Caledonia within the French Republic and included measures aimed at supporting economic recovery.

Most importantly, it brought rival political camps back into the same discussion about the territory's future. But the compromise failed to secure lasting support and was rejected first by the FLNKS and later by French MPs.

Sunday's election will therefore serve as a new test of political strength before fresh negotiations between local leaders and Paris.

Struggling economy

Political uncertainty has been compounded by economic difficulties.

Two years after the unrest, the archipelago still bears the scars. Despite €130 million in state aid in state aid, many businesses have not recovered. Around 11,000 jobs have been lost after companies were damaged or destroyed.

Transport services remain disrupted in parts of the territory while health services are also under pressure, with some areas struggling to maintain staffing levels as health professionals return to mainland France.

The legacy of the 2024 unrest also hangs over the election.

France has maintained a strong security presence during the campaign. Investigations are continuing into several recent incidents, including vandalism and theft of telecommunications infrastructure.

Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu has also warned of possible foreign digital interference during the campaign, citing concerns raised by France's cyber-monitoring authorities.

Friday, June 05, 2026

 

Global mangrove forests rebound, offering hopeful sign for climate and coastal resilience




Tulane University
Global mangrove forests rebound, offering hopeful sign for climate and coastal resilience 

image: 

Mangroves are thriving in Ouvéa, a breathtaking crescent-shaped atoll in New Caledonia's Loyalty Islands in the South Pacific. A new study from Tulane University finds that mangrove forests worldwide are no longer in net decline and are now growing overall. 

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Credit: Daniel Friess/Tulane University






Mangrove forests, once considered one of the world’s most threatened coastal ecosystems, are showing signs of recovery worldwide, according to new research from Tulane University that finds decades of losses largely offset by regrowth and expansion.

The study, based on four decades of satellite data and published in the journal Science, finds that mangrove forests worldwide are no longer in net decline and are now growing overall. After decades of loss driven by deforestation and coastal development, mangroves are expanding in many regions, largely through natural regeneration and expansion into newly formed coastal areas.

The findings suggest a more hopeful trajectory for these ecosystems, which play a critical role in protecting coastlines, supporting fisheries and storing climate-warming carbon.

“After decades of loss, we’re finally seeing a global turning point for mangroves,” said Zhen Zhang, a postdoctoral scholar at Tulane University School of Science and Engineering and lead author of the study. “This highlights their strong resilience and their potential as a powerful nature-based solution for climate mitigation and coastal protection.”

Mangrove forests declined through much of the late 20th century, losing nearly 2,900 square kilometers between the 1980s and 2010.  During the past 16 years, gains have outpaced losses. By 2023, mangrove areas had rebounded, resulting in only about a 1% net decline over the entire four-decade period – a much smaller loss than previously estimated.

“What we’re seeing now is a real shift. Mangroves are now showing a net increase globally, and the rate of degradation is slowing,” said Daniel Friess, Cochran Family Professor of Earth and Environmental Sciences at Tulane and director of The Mangrove Lab.

“While some mangroves are still being lost, this could make them a rare conservation success story and an important source of optimism for climate action,” said Friess, who also serves as director for the Center for Public Policy Research at the Murphy Institute.

The recovery is being driven by a combination of restoration efforts and natural processes. In many regions, mangroves are recolonizing abandoned aquaculture ponds and expanding into newly formed coastal mudflats, especially in river deltas where sediment creates ideal growing conditions.

Along the U.S. Gulf Coast, mangrove trends reflect a different but related process. In the Mississippi River Delta, mangrove area declined slightly from the 1980s through the late 1990s, then began to increase, with more pronounced expansion after 2012. Researchers attribute this growth primarily to warming temperatures, which allow mangroves typically found in tropical and subtropical climates – to expand into higher-latitude regions.

Louisiana has also seen an overall increase in mangroves over the past four decades, underscoring the broader regional shift.

Beyond increases in area, the research highlights another encouraging trend: many existing mangrove forests are becoming denser and healthier. Closed-canopy mangrove forests, which store more carbon and provide stronger coastal protection, have expanded globally over the past four decades. Rates of degradation have dropped significantly since the 1980s, reflecting the growing impact of conservation policies and restoration programs worldwide.

That growth suggests that mangroves may be capturing more carbon than previously recognized. At the same time, the study shows how vulnerable these gains can be. In Texas, for example, mangroves have expanded in recent decades but experienced a sharp decline in 2021 due to an extreme freeze event, highlighting how climate extremes can quickly reverse progress.

Still, researchers caution that the recovery is not complete. Newly established mangrove forests are often young and less capable of providing the full ecological benefits of mature systems. And deforestation remains a threat in some regions, particularly where coastal land is converted for agriculture or development.

The study underscores that continued protection is key to sustaining the rebound.

“The most immediate and effective way to protect mangroves is to stop deforestation,” Zhang said. “When mangroves are cleared, large amounts of long-stored carbon are released into the atmosphere. But when deforestation stops, mangroves can continue to accumulate carbon naturally over time, so there’s a major climate benefit in both avoiding emissions now and allowing future carbon storage.”

Protecting the natural processes that support mangrove growth is equally important, he said. 

“Much of mangrove expansion happens on newly formed mudflats, which depend on a steady supply of river sediment,” Zhang said. “Maintaining that sediment flow is critical for creating the conditions mangroves need to establish and spread.”

The findings also suggest that conservation strategies should look beyond simply measuring total area. 

“As countries invest in nature-based solutions to climate change, mangroves stand out as a rare example of an ecosystem where global trends are beginning to move in the right direction,” Zhang said.  

Tuesday, June 02, 2026

Reflecting on Socialism Through the Lens of the Paris Commune



 June 1, 2026

A barricade thrown up by the Communard National Guard on 18 March 1871 – Public Domain

May 28, 2026, marks the 155th anniversary of the Communards’ last stand at Père-Lachaise Cemetery and the end of the Paris Commune. A few days ago, the Tricontinental Institute published an article by our friend and comrade Vijay Prashad who seeks to draw lessons from past socialist experiences. On this occasion, he notes that “All socialist revolutions in the modern world have taken place in the poorer nations, where the peasantry predominates and where wealth has been systematically leached from their territory into distant lands.”

The Paris Commune reminds us of an important fact: here was one revolution that did not take place in a poorer country, but in one of the world’s leading capitalist nations. One need only read Émile Zola, the famous chronicler of nineteenth-century France, to remember how profoundly Second Empire society had already been transformed by capitalism. By 1871, when the Commune broke out, France was already well on the way to transitioning from competitive capitalism to imperialist capitalism, even though the latter would truly take off only after the Commune with the scramble for Africa.

In a sense, Vijay Prashad’s exclusion of the Commune from the revolutionary experiences he analyses is justified. The Commune was exceptionally short-lived (72 days!), and it lacked both a clear revolutionary programme and a revolutionary organisation. Indeed, the Commune can easily be seen as the first socialist revolution, but also as the last of the pre-modern revolutions in which craftsmen and the petty bourgeoisie indisputably played a key role alongside a working class that already represented half of Paris’ population. But this revolution was so brief that the revolutionary moment did not develop into a revolutionary experience capable of transforming society in a deep and lasting way.

Nevertheless, in New Times and Old Mistakes in a New Guise—Lenin’s text that Vijay Prashad quotes, the Russian revolutionary reflects on the construction of socialism and explicitly refers to the government of the Commune as a precursor to the Soviet government.

But is there really nothing to be learnt from the Paris Commune, apart from a legend and a few magnificent revolutionary songs, such as “The Internationale”? Admittedly, it would be a mistake to celebrate the Commune. It lasted only 72 days, and the Commune—besieged, starved, poorly armed, and divided—was ultimately crushed with a brutality that shook the whole of Europe. But it would be an even greater mistake to bury it after ceremonially paying our respects to our heroic fallen comrades. Because the Commune is the only revolutionary experiment at the heart of capitalism, we must ask ourselves, without fetishism or discouragement, what can be learnt from it. The Commune must not become a dusty museum. It must be a laboratory—a place of concrete possibilities, fatal errors, and lessons that never grow old.

I. The State is Not Neutral: A Truth That The Republic Has Written in Blood

One of the most persistent myths of French republicanism that haunts the French left is the idea of an impartial state, acting as an arbiter above the classes. The Commune shattered that myth.

In 1871, the Third Republic—Adolphe Thiers’s Republic, the one that claimed to champion ‘freedom’—reached an explicit agreement with Bismarck, the national enemy, so that Prussian troops would release tens of thousands of French soldiers in order to crush the workers of Paris. The “national defence” government, led first by Jules Favre and then by Adolphe Thiers, was in reality a class alliance against the working class.

French communists, socialists and anarchists are commemorating the Bloody Week this Sunday. What we are commemorating remains a matter of historical assessment. French bourgeois media, from Le Monde to France Culture, eagerly circulate the fanciful figures of the British historian Robert Tombs (aptly named!). In an attempt to downplay the number of casualties, he puts the death toll at between 6,000 and 7,000, hoping to show that the Bloody Week claimed fewer lives than the so-called “Reign of Terror” during France’s 1789 revolution. The message is revolutionaries are more bloodthirsty than the bourgeoisie, who hold back when it is, alas, necessary to restore order to avert an even greater bloodbath.

The Paris City Council itself circulated these figures, reducing them even further. In an article marking the 150th anniversary of the Commune, it evoked the death toll of 3,000 to 5,000 souls – even though, elsewhere, it admits 20,000 deaths — as does the French Senate. To repeat this figure of 3,000 to 4,000 deaths is not a matter of methodological error but of state amnesia. Yet the sources tell a different story. The Prefect of Police at the time estimated that 17,000 bodies had been buried at the city’s expense. Marshal Mac Mahon, the first president of the Third Republic — and thus the butcher of the Bloody Week — put forward the same figure. Camille Pelletan, a radical journalist who was not a Communard but dedicated its life to document the massacres, identified 18,000 of those shot by name.

Today, the most rigorous historical studies agree on a figure of at least 30,000 deaths in a single week. And to this horrifying number, one should add the 3,000 deaths in detention or during deportation in New Caledonia (Kanaky) and French Guiana. Less visible revealing the ferocious repression that the Communards endured, 28,000 workers were arrested, and tens of thousands were forced onto the road of exile. Camille Pelletan using the numbers of registered voters in Paris before and after the Commune, arrives at a reduction in the urban population of 150,000 people, meaning 100,000 Parisians had to flee.

In total, nearly one in four Parisian workers were shot, imprisoned or driven out. In the 11th arrondissement of Paris, a modest plaque recalling that there were so few Parisian workers remained after the Commune that workers had to be brought in from Belgium and elsewhere. Contemporary accounts report that it was impossible to find a carpenter in Paris. That construction workers were in short supply everywhere. Consequently, the years following the Commune marked the beginning of the great migration for workers from rural France to Paris.

This debate over the Bloody week’s death toll is not merely academic: it determines the nature of the bourgeois Republic. The Republic did not defend the masses’ freedoms; it played the role of executioner of its own working class. Figures are a weapon. To deny the mass slaughter is to refuse to learn the lesson: when the bourgeois state feels threatened, it does not engage in debate—it shoots. With 30,000 dead, the Bloody Week was the greatest massacre of civilians in history within such a short period of time, over such a limited area. Marx learned the lesson when he wrote that “after every revolution marking a progressive phase in the class struggle, the purely repressive character of the state power stands out in bolder and bolder relief.”

For us Marxists, the lesson is clear: the bourgeois state—whether monarchical, imperial or republican—is not an instrument to be reformed, but rather one to be dismantled. Social security institutions, public schools, hospitals: all these can be defended under capitalism, but they are not socialist strongholds. The army, the police, the central bank, the courts: this is where real power lies—and the Commune teaches us that they must be smashed. State power must be seized. Without that, the workers’ conquests are, at best, tolerated; at worst, destroyed in bloodshed.

II. The mistakes of 1871: what is killing us is indecision

If the Commune is an educational treasure, it is also because of its weaknesses. Marx never hid them.

The first mistake: failing to march on Versailles on 18 March. Thiers was isolated and defenceless, without an army. A three-hour march would have been enough. But the Communards, concerned about ‘legitimacy’, wanted to organise elections first. It was a mistake: two weeks later, Versailles had rebuilt its army.

The second mistake: failing to seize the Banque de France. This was undoubtedly the mistake with the most serious consequences. The Banque de France, the nation’s treasury, held billions in gold, banknotes and deposits. Seizing it would have deprived Versailles of its ability to pay the army, fund the repression and buy the Prussians’ complicity. But the Commune did nothing of the sort. It borrowed money from the bank — 16.9 million francs, or nearly 40% of its budget — without nationalising it. Why? Because, as Charles Beslay, the Commune’s finance delegate, put it with bewildering naivety: “We cannot be generous with other people’s money.” This sentence, uttered by an old Proudhonian haunted by respect for property, sealed the fate of the insurrection. Capital remained standing, unscathed, and financed its own arsenal against the Communards. The key stronghold of finance capital remained standing. In 1924, France’s first left-wing government was shattered by capital flight. In 2015, Syriza capitulated because it did not dare touch the Bank of Greece. The lesson spans the centuries: one does not negotiate with capital. Either you place it under revolutionary control, or it destroys you.

The third mistake: the absence of a centralised revolutionary party. The Commune was a mix of Proudhonists, Blanquists, Jacobins and anarchists. A magnificent “union of the left” ahead of its time. A superb display of impotence with deadly consequences. Without a single leadership, and lacking both military and political discipline, it allowed infiltrators from Versailles to move about freely.

The conclusion is not ‘authoritarianism for authoritarianism’s sake’, but rather: ‘A revolution without an organised party, without democratic centralism, without the ability to strike quickly and decisively, dooms itself.” The creativity of the masses is indispensable. Constant improvisation is a death sentence. Lenin and the Bolsheviks learnt this lesson by heart. With hindsight, we can (and must!) judge the Bolsheviks’ mistakes. Perhaps they were sometimes too harsh. Perhaps they were heavy-handed. But when the Bolshevik Revolution broke out, the Bloody Week was not even 50 years old. The blood was not yet dry and, for the Russian leaders and Lenin, born in 1870, it was not a distant memory; it was a childhood trauma.

The Commune teaches us not to forgive — not out of vengeance, but out of clear-sightedness. The bourgeois in Versailles did not forgive. They shot the wounded in hospitals, women and the elderly. A revolution that refuses to disarm its enemies always ends up being murdered. Not because violence is beautiful, but because the class enemy never calls a truce.

III. Living the Commune: what remains in our practice

So what should we take away from these 72 days in practical terms?

First, we must reject defeatism and fatalism. The Commune showed that a revolution at the heart of imperialism is possible. In 1871, France was a world power, not a colony. Yet the workers seized power — albeit briefly, and albeit clumsily.

Second, we must understand that the programme is not written in a quiet office, but forged in the heat of battle. The Commune did not have a pre-written ‘socialist programme’. It pioneered: the election of judges, the abolition of the standing army, the separation of church and state (34 years before it was finally voted in France), equal pay for women and men in education — a world first. It asked the trade unions to prepare for the takeover of abandoned workshops in the form of cooperatives.

This is the approach we must adopt: theorising on the basis of practice, daring to take partial measures that are oriented towards socialism, and never waiting for the ‘perfect moment’. We are right to discuss what socialism will be. That is how we will be ready. But we must not spend too much time on it. When Marx, in Critique of the Gotha Programme, defines socialism and communism, he does so in two succinct paragraphs. Socialism, “the first phase of communist society as it is when it has just emerged after prolonged birth pangs from capitalist society”, will have “inevitable defects”, and will in particular be organised around the principle of contribution, which is “therefore, a right of inequality”. Everyone receives in proportion to what they contribute. The primary goal is the abolition of the capitalist class, that is to say, the abolition of the parasitic logic whereby some receive without even contributing to labour.

It is only “in a higher phase of communist society, after the enslaving subordination of the individual to the division of labour, and therewith also the antithesis between mental and physical labour, has vanished; after labour has become not only a means of life but life’s prime want; after the productive forces have also increased with the all-around development of the individual, and all the springs of co-operative wealth flow more abundantly – only then can the narrow horizon of bourgeois right be crossed in its entirety and society inscribe on its banners: From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs!”

The concept of socialism is less important for describing a ready-made system or a set of institutions and reforms (even if this thought experiment is useful as a preparatory exercise); it is important as an inaugural moment. And this is what the Paris Commune reminds us of. What matters is the revolutionary moment of seizing state power, which makes reforms possible. Above all, the capitalist class must be disarmed because it is prepared to do anything to prevent the construction of socialism. To fail to envisage seizing state power and to transform it radically is to leave the enemy the opportunity (which they will not fail to seize) to destroy the workers’ conquests as soon as these go too far and call into question the centrality of the rate of profit. It is the difference between the reforms initiated after the inaugural revolutionary moment and far-reaching reforms under capitalist rule. Capitalists cannot endure a socialist government, even when it limits its reforms for various reasons as the Commune’s did, but they can stomach large reform that does not question their rule, because they know they can simply unravel them over time—as capitalist have resigned themselves to do with the Social security system that annoys them. This, too, is a lesson Marx draws from the Commune in The Civil War in France. We would do well to reread it frequently and make it our own, to avoid the idealist fallacy of thinking that it is by having the best, most tightly knit, most coherent project that we will win. Indeed,

The working class did not expect miracles from the Commune. They have no ready-made utopias to introduce par décret du peuple. They know that in order to work out their own emancipation, and along with it that higher form to which present society is irresistably tending by its own economical agencies, they will have to pass through long struggles, through a series of historic processes, transforming circumstances and men. They have no ideals to realize, but to set free the elements of the new society with which old collapsing bourgeois society itself is pregnant.

In conclusion

155 years after the Bloody Week, what does the Commune tell us?

It tells us:

+ That the bourgeois state kills its own children when it must;

+ That revolutionary timidity costs more than boldness;

+ That victory is impossible without a disciplined party, without taking control of the banks, without military leadership;

+ That the people invent their new forms of government as they go along.

In short, it teaches us that socialism as an inaugural moment—involving tactical thinking to hasten and prepare for the seizure of state power by raising class consciousness and strengthening class organisation—is at least as important as socialism as a project in the battle of ideas.

Le Temps des cerises (The Time of Cherries) by Jean-Baptiste Clément, that revolutionary song disguised as a love song, reminds us of the importance of the revolutionary moment:

But the time for cherries is short,
Coral pendants that you pick while dreaming.
When you are in the season of cherries,
If you are afraid of heartache
Avoid the beautiful ones.
I, who do not fear cruel sorrows,
I shall not live without suffering one day.
When you are in the season of cherries,
You’ll have love pains too.

Just as love always returns when a relationship ends, the Revolution will flare up again, and we, the revolutionaries of the twenty-first century, will make mistakes and suffer the consequences. The Commune teaches us how to avoid some of them, but let us be certain that we will make others. Without its lessons, Lenin might not have been able to dance in the snow on the 73rd day of the Bolshevik Revolution to celebrate the fact that the Soviet government had lasted longer than the Paris Commune, as some say he did.

Kevin Guillas-Cavan is the France Research Fellow at the Institute for Economic and Social Research (IRES) and part of the collective of Communistes & Matérialistes, where this essay first appeared in French.