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Wednesday, September 09, 2026

Eiffel Tower row over Hindu sect BAPS unites French politicians – but divides Indian diaspora


France got a crash course on the Bochasanwasi Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha (BAPS), a Hindu sect at the heart of an Eiffel Tower strike this week. But for Indians in France who have been trying to raise awareness of far-right Hindu groups, it comes too late. As the 2027 election campaign goes into high gear, some fear the issue will be politicised by the French far right.


Issued on: 09/09/2026 - FRANCE24
By: Leela JACINTO

Bochasanwasi Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha (BAPS) Hindu monks participate in a religious ceremony in front of the Eiffel Tower on September 3, 2026. © Kenzo Tribouillard, AFP


On Saturday, September 5, as members of a Hindu sect were set to make a splash visit to the Eiffel Tower, an organisation of progressive Indians living in France held a public meeting in Paris to shed some light on the religious group and the international spread of Hindu nationalism, which has been turbocharged during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s tenure.

The French press was invited to the event organised by the Indian Alliance Paris (IAP) and co-hosted by three other organisations, including France’s CGT union. Speakers at the public meeting included activists and researchers from France, as well as the US and India, who joined via video link. They focused on the Bochasanwasi Akshar Purushottam Swaminarayan Sanstha (BAPS), a sect that was opening a large new temple in a Paris suburb. Issues were raised and addressed, a documentary was screened, and a press statement was released after the event.

But there was not much coverage in the French press of a weekend meeting held by one of many diaspora groups in Paris.

That changed on Monday, when the Eiffel Tower was closed after staff went on strike over female workers being removed and replaced by men during a private tour by a BAPS delegation of the Paris landmark.

Suddenly, BAPS and its giant temple in Bussy-Saint-Georges, an eastern suburb located between the French capital and Disneyland Paris, was all over the news. Audiences got a crash course on a sect practicing a “very conservative form of Hinduism” with “close links” to the Modi administration.

“We tried to highlight this issue. We tried to tell them that these people are very conservative and they are very misogynistic. But it didn’t really come into the spotlight,” said IAP secretary Joy Banerjee, listing the many ways his organisation attempted to reach out to left-leaning French political parties. “Suddenly, the mask was dropped on Monday because of the strike.”

The Eiffel Tower reopened to the public on Tuesday. BAPS released a statement noting that, “To our knowledge, at no time was access to the Eiffel Tower denied to anyone. Nevertheless, we sincerely apologise for any pain or inconvenience caused.”

By then, every French politician worth their salt – and with an eye on the 2027 election – had commented on the fracas. Socialist Paris Mayor Emmanuel Grégoire promised an investigation. Valérie Pécresse, president of the Île-de-France Paris metropolitan area and member of the conservative Les Républicains party, expressed her “shock” on X. French far-right leader Marine Le Pen also got into the act, noting that, “In France, we will never accept that the presence of women be limited."

Just days after many diaspora Indians in France opposed to Modi’s policies got together to raise awareness of BAPS, some were worried about a French far-right, anti-immigrant backlash. On Tuesday morning, the IAP took to X to warn that, “the Eiffel Tower story must not become fodder for more racism,” adding, “BAPS does not represent all Hindus and it certainly does not represent India.”

It was not the first time a progressive diaspora group in the West has tried to raise awareness of the inroads far-right ideologies from their homeland were making in their new countries. Many of them have spent months and years watching as Western leaders, driven by economic or geopolitical interests, ignore their warnings and lay out the red carpet for nationalist demagogues without raising human rights concerns. Now, as the far right extends its reach across Western Europe, many fear the awareness amounts to too little, too late.

From village temple to global network

Founded in 1907 with the consecration of a mandir, or temple, in the village of Bochasan in the western Indian region of Gujarat, BAPS is a denomination of the Swaminarayan Sampradaya, a Vaishnavite sect of Hinduism.

From a little-known village temple, BAPS has grown into a global organisation that manages more than 1,300 temples and more than 5,025 centres across India, North America, Europe, West Asia, Africa and Australia.

The BAPS temple on the outskirts of Paris – believed to be the biggest in Europe built in the traditional style – was inaugurated on Sunday with a video message delivered by the Indian prime minister.

The private Eiffel Tower visit was part of the events from September 3-14 marking the opening of the BAPS temple, billed as a 13-day “festival of culture” that included a procession of boats gliding down the Seine River last week.

In his inauguration address, Modi hailed the temple was as a symbol of bilateral cooperation. "A magnificent temple stands ready today in France and it will not only enrich France's diversity but also energise the cultural relations between India and France," he said.

Under the Modi administration, the construction of temples has been a potent emblem of Hindutva, or Hindu nationalism, propagated by India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the political wing of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a vast volunteer paramilitary group founded nearly a century ago.

The RSS is an umbrella organisation that includes trade unions, youth groups, prayer associations and women’s groups that are collectively known as the “Sangh Parivar”, or Sangh Family. In addition to the Sangh Parivar, there are also several Hindu right-wing groups and independent actors that follow and spread the Hindutva ideology without formal RSS connections, enabling BJP administrations to maintain plausible deniability when necessary.

“Since Modi came to power, when many BJP politicians do their world tours, they often stop and do a photo-op at a BAPS temple somewhere in the world. So somehow BAPS, even though it isn't traditionally considered part of the Sangh Parivar as such, has become an institution that has very openly been a place for the Indian government to kind of show off because these temples tend to be very big and opulent,” said Sunita Viswanath, co-founder of Hindus for Human Rights, a US-based NGO advocating for pluralism and social justice from a Hindu faith perspective.

On Saturday, for instance, as the IAP was holding its public awareness meeting in Paris, RSS Supreme Leader Mohan Bhagwat was visiting a BAPS temple in London’s Willesden area. Bhagwat was in London after a visit to the US, where he was the keynote speaker at a jam-packed event at New York’s Madison Square Garden. It was followed by a stop in Canada, where he addressed a major gathering in Toronto.

At a media briefing in New Delhi on Tuesday, Indian Foreign Ministry spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal was asked about the Eiffel Tower incident. “We are aware of the opening of the temple of BAPS in Paris. As to the particular issue, this is a matter purely between the entities concerned,” he said.

When asked whether India was now distancing itself even though Modi had participated in the inauguration, Jaiswal stated, “It is a common practice for [the] prime minister to convey his good wishes on such occasions. In this case it was done virtually. There is no cause for any comment in this regard.”

Controversy in the US

The Eiffel Tower incident is not the first controversy BAPS has faced abroad.

In May 2021, following an FBI raid on a BAPS temple construction site in Robbinsville, New Jersey, six Indian stone workers filed a lawsuit alleging that the sect “weaponised India’s caste system” by coercing men, mostly Dalits from the lowest rungs in India’s social hierarchy, to work under “abysmal” conditions.

Following reports by the New York Times detailing forced labour allegations, the lawsuit was later expanded to include BAPS temple construction sites across the US.

In September 2025, months after President Donald Trump’s second inauguration, the US Department of Justice closed the case without providing a cause.

BAPS North America welcomed the move, noting in a statement that the US government’s “decision to end this investigation sends a clear and powerful message” that their temple is “a place of peace, service, and devotion”.


Cover image: © France 24
01:42



‘Strategic partnership’ obscures scrutiny

Critics however say organisations promoting Hindutva overseas attempt to mobilise Hindu communities abroad to provide support to the RSS and BJP. Indian researchers, activists and journalists in the diaspora critical of Hindutva project face trolls, threats and accusations of promoting "Hinduphobia".

In their press statement following Saturday’s public event, the IAP noted that Hindutva groups overseas “also present a deceptive face of their politics by coating it in the language of multiculturalism and pluralism in order to broaden their appeal”.

Given the controversies and numerous reports of work conditions at BAPS temple sites, diaspora Indians opposed to far-right Hindu nationalism say they are surprised the sect got the green light from French authorities for the Paris temple project.

Viswanath, whose US-based NGO has closely monitored the BAPS case in New Jersey, said she was particularly dismayed by French authorities. “The case [in New Jersey] was only dismissed because we have Trump in power. Of course, he's going to dismiss this case. But France, I would think, would be different, since it’s not being run by a far right-wing party. I would think there are different ethical standards,” she said.

In 2023, when Modi made high-profile visits to the US and France, Viswanath was one among many activists calling on the Biden and Macron administrations to raise human rights issues. Their calls fell on deaf ears in Washington and Paris. Three years later, the co-founder of Hindus for Human Rights says she is not surprised by the BPS controversy in France. “It's not a surprise, but it’s certainly very disappointing that they weren't paying attention,” she said.

BAPS has a history of controversies over its gender policies. At a 2024 event in the eastern Indian city of Kolkata, women seated in the front rows of a gathering of chartered accountants were asked to move away before a speech by a religious leader affiliated with BAPS.

During BAPS religious ceremonies, the “enforcement of strict separation of men and women” has been described as one of the “distinctive features” of the sect, reported the Indian Express, quoting an academic study.

Given its history, Banerjee is particularly irked about conservative French politician Pécresse’s posts denouncing the gender discrimination at the Eiffel Tower. “She's the president of Île-de-France. She didn't inquire about BAPS?” he asked incredulously.

Pécresse, who presided over the temple’s inauguration in Bussy-Saint-Georges on Sunday, stated that the BAPS temple was part of the “strategic partnership” between India and France. “Have French authorities, at all levels, naively or deliberately turned a blind eye to the promoters of this temple construction project?” questioned an IAP statement released Tuesday.

“The French political parties, even the left parties, have not been very interested,” said Banerjee, admitting that economic interests, such as the sale of French Rafale fighter jets to India, enables politicians to celebrate “cultural exchanges” without careful scrutiny.

The one-day Eiffel Tower strike may usher in a change at long last, Banerjee says. “What is happening now is very interesting," he said. "Maybe they understand that they made some mistake rolling out the red carpet to this organisation which is really linked to the Hindutva programme.”


‘Was this a state visit?’ Indian opposition leader raises serious questions over Paris BAPS temple

Cover image: © France 24


Issued on: 09/09/2026 
Play (05:42 min) From the show

François Picard is pleased to welcome Anish Gawande. He sees the controversy surrounding the inauguration of the BAPS temple near Paris as more than an isolated dispute over the treatment of female staff at the Eiffel Tower. From his perspective, the incident exposes a broader and insufficiently scrutinized intersection of religion, diplomacy, political power, labor practices, and diaspora politics. At the center of his argument is an ambiguity over the boundary between private religious and state-sanctioned activity.

Gawande questions why senior Indian diplomatic representation and Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s remarks evoking India-France relations accompanied the inauguration if the ceremony was not official. He highlights Modi’s longstanding political association with BAPS, while also highlighting controversies and allegations surrounding the organization’s social, labour and political practices abroad.

Gawande challenges the notion that the new temple is solely representative of Hinduism in France, highlighting the country’s diverse Hindu traditions and Indian communities. He warns that the Eiffel Tower controversy may acquire a political life beyond BAPS itself, particularly if it becomes material for far-right narratives about immigrants, religion, and national identity in France. His central contention is therefore institutional as much as political: the controversy should prompt scrutiny of how the project was facilitated, how land was allocated, whether labour protections were respected, and where the boundaries between religious organizations and state power were drawn.

Friday, September 04, 2026


World’s Largest Far Right Paramilitary Rallied in NYC. It Should Alarm Everyone.

Five thousand people attended a rally in New York City led by the right-wing Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh.
September 1, 2026

New Yorkers rally outside of Madison Square Garden to condemn Mohan Bhagwat and the RSS on August 29, 2026.Samantha Agarwal

On February 20, 1939, the Madison Square Garden arena in New York City hosted a chilling spectacle. A portrait of George Washington hung at the center of the arena, flanked by U.S. flags and swastikas. Over 20,000 people packed the stands to hear Fritz Kuhn, leader of the German American Bund — one of the most prominent U.S.-based organizations aligned with the Third Reich — project his vision of a “white, Gentile-ruled United States.” Outside, 100,000 anti-Nazi protesters clashed with police on Eighth Avenue, determined to stop the legitimization of European fascism on U.S. soil.

Eighty-seven years later, global leaders in ethno-fascism and their sympathizers returned to Madison Square Garden.

On August 29, 2026, 5,000 people gathered at Madison Square Garden to hear Mohan Bhagwat, the sarsanghchalak (Supreme Leader) of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). As the ideological parent of India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the RSS is the world’s largest far right paramilitary organization, with an estimated 4 million members spread over 73,117 branches across India. Just as the Bund attempted to leverage the image of George Washington to legitimize Nazism in their rally of 1939, the RSS used this invite-only event — apparently attended by 180 religious leaders from 30 countries — to sanitize a century-old project of Hindu fascism. Obscuring its extremist agenda, the RSS cloaked the gathering in the rhetoric of liberal multiculturalism, branding it with the theme “Universal Oneness.”

In his 42-minute keynote, the septuagenarian Bhagwat played the part of a playful but discerning uncle, dispensing meandering aphorisms about an “innate, eternal oneness” that connects humanity and nature. Rooting these concepts in the Atman (soul) and India’s civilizational values, Bhagwat painted a picture of a nation that champions “unity in diversity.” In a jarring contrast to his movement’s actual record, he claimed that India chooses to tolerate its enemies rather than subjugate them — elevating the country as a global exemplar of enlightened governance.

While Bhagwat spoke inside, an interfaith and anti-caste coalition protested outside. It consisted of groups like SALAM (South Asian Left), Hindus for Human Rights, and the Indian American Muslim Council, along with members of some of the 66 organizations that signed on to a statement earlier this week condemning Bhagwat’s visit. Their speeches exposed the hypocrisy of Bhagwat’s claim to “unity in diversity,” demonstrating how the RSS and its massive network of Hindu supremacist partners — including nearly a thousand nonprofit organizations, cultural organizations, paramilitary groups, unions, and political parties, collectively known as the Sangh Parivar (or the Family of the Sangh) — routinely practice the exact opposite of what Bhagwat preaches.

Here’s How the Hindu Supremacist Movement Is Infiltrating US Politics
As the 100-year-old movement in India celebrates a key victory, a new report reveals its ties with the US far right. By Samantha Agarwal , Truthout February 2, 2024


Speakers pointed out how the RSS’s notion of unity is, in fact, exclusively reserved for Hindus — and only for those who are wealthy and upper-caste. Shree Baphna from SALAM talked about how Hindutva (or the Hindu supremacist movement) attempts to divert mass anger “away from those in power and towards those communities who are exploited and oppressed.”

Baphna added:


When a Dalit [lower caste person] demands land, dignity and the annihilation of caste, Hindutva says, ‘forget caste – you are Hindu. When an Adivasi [Indigenous person] defends jal, jungle, zameen [water, forests and land] against mines, dams and corporations – Hindutva says, ‘forget your history – you are a vanvasi – a child of the Hindu nation.’ Shame!

Ritu Gupta from the nonprofit Hindus for Human Rights, noted that Mohan Bhagwat is here “pretending to spread the message of oneness.” But this is not the message Bhagwat’s supporters spread in India, Gupta retorted. “In India they say, ‘Hindus only – everybody else, get out!’ These Hindus who support the message of purging India of its minorities do not represent all Hindus. There could be no bigger hypocrisy than this!”

Demonstrators display signs reading, “RSS Out of NYC.”
646onrecord

Others, including a spokesperson for the Palestinian organization Pal Awda, extended the critique of Bhagwat’s rhetorical “oneness” to India’s role as a regional colonizer in Kashmir and partner to genocidal Israel. “We have a responsibility to stand against genocide whenever, and wherever,” the Pal Awda representative, who requested anonymity, said. “The RSS has deep ties to Zionism and has worked to create an Israel-like vision for India based on [an] ethnonationalist state and subjugation of minorities.” Moreover, the “Hindutva-Zionism relationship is not merely ideological,” the spokesperson added, explaining that the relationship is constructed through diplomatic links, military cooperation, and corporate capital flows.

As one striking example of this strategic alliance, in 2022 the Adani Group owned by Indian billionaire Gautam Adani, a personal friend to Modi, purchased 70 percent of the Haifa port. Today, the Indian flag flies next to the Israeli flag in Israel’s second largest port. The Indian and Israeli governments also cooperate heavily on military equipment, counterterrorism, and surveillance technology, including software partnerships. Another speaker on August 29 added, “The Hindutva politics that normalizes repression in Kashmir is a mirror image of the Zionist state — carrying out the same occupation and dispossession in Palestine.”

Mayor Zohran Mamdani and a number of New York City council members have also publicly opposed the RSS rally. Additionally, the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom urged the U.S. government to sanction the RSS due to its violent attacks on religious minorities.
Hindu Supremacy’s Enduring Ties to European Fascism

To fully understand the significance of Bhagwat holding court at Madison Square Garden — and the intensity of the counter-protests — one must grasp the bloodline that binds his organization to the very regime the German American Bund was celebrating in 1939. The founders of the RSS, which was created in 1925, met with and drew direct lessons from the European fascists.

In 1931 BS Moonje, a Hindu nationalist and mentor to the first Supreme Leader of the RSS, Keshav Baliram Hedgewar, traveled to Italy to meet with Benito Mussolini and tour various military academies and militant youth organizations such as the Opera Nazionale Balilla and the Avanguardisti. Moonje wrote in his diary that he was inspired by these fascist organizations and intended to reshape the RSS along these organizational lines. It is said that under Hedgewar the RSS adopted many of their core features — such as their targeted recruitment of young boys (beginning at age 5), use of paramilitary training, and the total subordination of the organization to a supreme, lifetime leader — from Moonje’s accounts of the Italian Balilla.

Further, in 1939 M.S. Golwalkar — the RSS’s second Supreme Leader, whose portrait Bhagwat still routinely garlands — wrote in his manifesto, We, or Our Nationhood Defined, that Germany’s ethnic cleansing of the Jewish people was a model for India “to learn and profit by.” In that same text, he characterizes Muslims as historical “despoilers” and “murdering hordes” who destroyed Hindu kingdoms, arguing that they should either be forced to assimilate to Hinduism. If they refuse, he argues, they should be “wholly subordinated to the Hindu Nation, claiming nothing, deserving no privileges.”

Today, under Bhagwat’s leadership and Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s 12-year reign, Golwarkar’s 1939 blueprint has become de facto state policy. In 2019, the RSS-backed Modi regime passed a slate of controversial laws effectively dismantling what was left of India’s secularism, tying citizenship to religion, explicitly excluding Muslims. This legal subordination works in tandem with extralegal vigilante violence committed by partners of the RSS like the Bajrang Dal.

Lynchings and mob attacks on individuals or small groups of people constitute a kind of slow-burning structural violence that has led Brown University political scientists Ashutosh Varshney and Connor Staggs to compare Hindu nationalism to America’s Jim Crow South. There has been a steady rise in such incidents since 2014, disproportionately in BJP-ruled states. In just the first year of Modi’s third term (2024-2025), the Association for Protection of Civil Rights recorded 602 such hate crimes. Of these, 173 involved physical violence against minorities, resulting in 25 deaths — every one of them Muslim.

Punitive home demolitions and evictions are also surging. According to the Housing and Land Rights Network, evictions across India climbed from 107,625 in 2019 to 222,686 in 2022, before reaching 515,752 in 2023 — a 379 percent increase over five years. The network’s data also reveals that Muslims are vastly overrepresented among those whose homes are destroyed.

Waging sustained opposition to the regime on any of these counts has become nearly impossible. Critics — including peaceful activists, academics, media, and dissident politicians — are routinely persecuted under draconian laws like the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, which eliminate standard burdens of proof to permit the indefinite pretrial detention of political opponents. This systematic criminalization of dissent has led the prestigious V-Dem Institute to classify India as an electoral autocracy, dropping the country’s democratic freedom ranking from 65th in 2016 to 106th in 2026 — the bottom 20 percent globally. Even more alarming, Genocide Watch has repeatedly warned of an impending genocide against India’s 250 million Muslims, and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum ranks India at the “second-highest risk of a new mass killing.”

Yet, despite this grim record, the highest leader of this fascistic movement was handed one of the world’s most coveted stages — welcomed to preach and court donors in the heart of the U.S.’s financial capital.
Bhagwat’s Event Was the Culmination of a Decades-Long Strategy to Influence U.S. Politics

Just as the German American Bund sought to build a fifth column in the U.S., the RSS has for five decades worked to build material power in the diaspora. To organize its Madison Square Garden rally, the RSS drew on sophisticated, multi-layered clandestine networks, the mechanics of which were exposed in a new, multi-part investigative series on the RSS’s “Vishwa Vibhag” or “Overseas Department” by Savera, a U.S.-based coalition against supremacy.

In this series Savera tracked the shell organizations facilitating the RSS’s U.S. activities. Bhagwat’s event was formally hosted by the innocuous-sounding American Hindus for Engagement and Dialogue (also known as “AHEAD Forum”), which poses as an independent diaspora group.

The Savera series shows that this is a bald-faced lie. AHEAD Forum was, in fact, incorporated in California in May 2025 by Khanderao Kand, a long-time RSS operative and founder-president of the Foundation for India and Indian Diaspora Studies. Kand’s deep ties to the RSS and the BJP were exposed when the Foundation for India and Indian Diaspora Studies was implicated in a potentially illegal lobbying effort to influence the U.S. Congress. When Kand became a public relations liability, his name was quietly scrubbed from AHEAD Forum’s paperwork and replaced by a colleague. AHEAD Forum’s other directors are similarly embedded in the “American Sangh,” the network of U.S.-based RSS affiliates.

At the top of this hierarchy sits Saumitra Gokhale. Gokhale is listed on tax forms for the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh — the U.S. wing of the RSS — as a yoga instructor earning $36,000 a year, according to Savera. But researchers found no record of Gokhale teaching yoga. In reality he is a senior RSS pracharak (full-time missionary) and the global coordinator of the Vishwa Vibhag.

The Savera series reveal how the Vishwa Vibhag — or the “largest far right network in the world”— operates across 1,600 branches in 55 countries, utilizing organizations like the Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad of America to weave a dense web of “transnational entanglements.” Contrary to claims that they operate independently of the RSS, the series shows how they in fact are so closely intertwined that Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh leaders are made to attend regular RSS training camps in India. They employ the same terminology (“shakhas”) to refer to branches, borrow from RSS’s prayers and paraphernalia, and pay obeisance to portraits of RSS leaders, including none other than Golwalkar himself. Sewa International is the main fundraising arm of the Vishwa Vibhag — and rakes in millions of dollars of revenue each year.

Ideologically, the American Sangh appropriates the language of Western multiculturalism, global peace, and even decolonizationto shield its majoritarian, proto-fascist project. This was on full display at the Madison Square Garden event. At the same time, it openly allies itself with white nationalists and Zionists — as seen in Trump’s 2019 “Howdy Modi” mega rally in Houston or in the Republican Hindu Coalition formerly chaired by Steve Bannon.

These two faces of the Sangh are not solely fixated on India; they actively intervene in U.S. politics. For example, they have waged aggressive, well-funded campaigns to rewrite California school textbooks to reflect right-wing nationalist histories. They recently spearheaded a successful push to kill a civil rights bills aimed at banning caste-based discrimination — culminating in an infamous veto by Democratic Governor Gavin Newsom). Taking a page from the Zionist Anti-Defamation League’s playbook, they weaponize U.S. civil rights rhetoric framing any criticism of the RSS or the BJP’s human rights record as “Hinduphobia” to intimidate lawmakers and silence academics.

The Hindu right wields this outsized political and lobbying muscle despite the fact that only a minority of Indian Americans actually support the BJP. Affiliates like the Hindu American Political Action Committee and Hindu American Foundation have spent years embedding themselves within Washington and local municipalities. Federal Election Commission reports show them donating handsomely across the aisle to Democrats such as Raja Krishnamoorthi and Shri Thanedar alongside Republicans such as Tulsi Gabbard, Vivek Ramaswamy, and many more.

Typically, the use of front organizations has worked to hedge against accusations of operating on behalf of a foreign agent. However, recently, for reasons that are still unclear, the RSS has also sought to deepen its directinfluence over U.S. politicians. In late 2025, an investigation by the U.S.-based news outlet Prism revealed that the RSS had hired Squire Patton Boggs — one of Washington’s most powerful lobbying firms — to influence U.S. lawmakers. The firm was paid $330,000 during the first three quarters of 2025.

Bringing RSS on as a domestic client rather than registering it under FARA was likely in violation of federal transparency norms. After the Prism report was published, thus, Squire Patton Boggs hastily amended its congressional disclosures, scrubbing the RSS from the paperwork and claiming that its “ultimate client” was actually Vivek Sharma, a Massachusetts-based pharmaceutical executive.

It is perhaps no coincidence that the RSS’s shadowy lobbying initiative and Bhagwat’s visit come at a moment when the Modi regime is facing an unprecedented crisis. Economic stagnation, recurring labor unrest, Hindu temple scandals, and mass student protests have mired Modi’s third term and substantially weakened his domestic standing. Bhagwat’s liberal-sounding message thus appears aimed at restoring a more palatable “brand” for the Sangh Parivar, laying the groundwork for global cooperation under a future leader. This is also a stark reminder of who, in fact, controls the levers of power — the parent RSS — no matter the ultimate fate of Modi or even the BJP.

But if the RSS believes it can quietly secure its legacy, the communities resisting it tell a very different story. Outside the venue, Safa Ahmed of the Indian American Muslim Council spoke directly to Bhagwat’s underlying anxiety, saying:


Islam and Muslims have been in India for 1,400 years, and they will [remain] here after another 1,400 years and even beyond that. So long as we exist, we will never be erased from India. But you — Mohan Bhagwat, and your fascist … fan pals — the masks are off for you. You are being mocked by the youth of India. You are being mocked by New York City. You are afraid of losing it all … And it’s you who will be remembered as a sad, insecure group of people who could only take pride in your identity via the erasure of another — that is, if you are remembered at all

!
Protesters hang garlands of shoes around effigies of Narendra Modi (left) and
Mohan Bhagwat (right)Samantha Agarwal

Ahmed’s prophecy will ultimately bear out, but we cannot afford to passively wait for it. We cannot leave our Muslim, Adivasi, Dalit, and left comrades on the front lines in India to fight this battle alone. Rallies, social media mockery, and the construction of broad, intersectional coalitions like we saw on Saturday are a strong start. But sooner than later we need to go beyond symbolic protest to challenge the Sangh at its root.

This will require disrupting Hindutva diasporic organizations wherever they operate, ruthlessly exposing these “cultural organizations” as fronts for the spread of fascism. It means cautioning the public about the bad-faith weaponization of “Hinduphobia” — which the Hindu right uses to shield itself from criticism — and impeding the Sangh’s ties to global right-wing players like MAGA and Israel. It means educating the nascent Democratic Socialists of America (DSA) movement on the violent reality of the Sangh, so it compels DSA-elected officials to act. Finally, just as global movements boycotted the Nazis, the apartheid-era Afrikaners, and now Israel — the left needs to develop creative strategies to choke off the Sangh from its financial lifelines in the U.S. A first step would be to scrutinize its various alliances with big capital, including in the tech and defense sectors, and examine how these partnerships enable funds to flow into India via charitable fronts like Sewa International, IDRF, and Ekal Vidyalaya.

The 1939 Bund rally is remembered today as a sinister moment in U.S. history — a time when New York allowed the most violent political current in the globe to claim a major stage in our financial capital. Mohan Bhagwat’s 2026 visit must be recognized as its modern equivalent. To avoid repeating the horrors of interwar fascism, we must urgently build a transnational, intersectional bloc capable of defeating the American Sangh.






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Samantha Agarwal
Samantha Agarwal is an Assistant Professor at School of Labor and Urban Studies at City University of New York. Her writing and research focus on neoliberalism, social movements in India, and the rise of authoritarian ethnonationalism globally.

Sunday, August 30, 2026

Why critics oppose India's RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat's US visit

(RNS) — To understand the true scale of the RSS's institutional reach normalizing Hindu nationalism, it is necessary to look beyond the RSS itself.
Protesters from an array of religions demonstrate against Mohan Bhagwat's upcoming visit, at City Hall on Tuesday, Aug. 25, 2026, in New York City. (RNS photo/Fiona André)


(RNS) — Mohan Bhagwat, head of one of India’s most influential Hindu nationalist organizations, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), is coming to New York City on Saturday (Aug. 29). His visit might have been a diaspora gathering. Instead, it has become a test of how the U.S. will respond to an organization with an opaque network of affiliates that human rights groups accuse of fomenting religious discrimination and violence.

The upcoming “Universal Oneness Celebration” is hosted by American Hindus for Engagement and Dialogue, a nonprofit with links to the U.S. wing of the RSS and founded in 2025. The event is expected to draw 5,000 Hindu Americans along with more than 100 groups, from temple associations to yoga and cultural groups. 

Founded in 1925, the RSS is one of India’s most influential social and ideological organizations. Through tens of thousands of local branches and a vast network spanning education, labor, student groups and social services, the RSS has helped spread Hindu nationalist, or Hindutva, ideas across Indian society and has faced criticism for its treatment of Muslims and Christians, often cast as less Indian than Hindus. 

The RSS promotes and informs the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party’s most controversial policies and rhetoric, including cow protection that has encouraged vigilante violence against Muslims, anti-conversion laws that have led to mob attacks on churches, a citizenship amendment that favors non-Muslim migration and restrictions on foreign funding to religious organizations, disproportionately choking Christian and Muslim NGOs, which provide essential services to Indians in education and other social sectors.

In 2025, the U.S. Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF), an independent, bipartisan federal commission created by Congress to monitor religious freedom abroad and make recommendations to the U.S. government, has recommended that the government designate India as a “country of particular concern.” USCIRF also recommended targeted sanctions against individuals and entities, including the RSS, including freezing their assets and restricting their entry into the country. Most recently, USCIRF officials warned against extending high-level meetings and diplomatic courtesies to Bhagwat and other RSS leaders. Several human rights and advocacy organizations have also called on Secretary of State Marco Rubio to deny or revoke Bhagwat’s U.S. visa. 



2025 USCIRF Recommendations. (Courtesy image)

The Indian government and various Hindutva groups have pushed back hard in defense, claiming that their critics are simply anti-Hindu.

For the first time, in 2002 following the Gujarat riots, when Narendra Modi was the state’s chief minister, USCIRF recommended that India be designated a “Country of Particular Concern” (CPC). It made the same recommendation again in 2004 but did not recommend CPC status for India again until 2020. Since then, it has made the recommendation every year.

Last year, in his Independence Day speech from the Red Fort, Prime Minister Narendra Modi described the organization as the world’s biggest NGO as it marked its centenary year. This characterization has revived an important institutional question: If the RSS is one of the country’s largest voluntary organizations, under what legal framework does it operate in India, and should an organization of such scale be subject to the same standards of registration and transparency as other organizations operating in the public interest? 

Further, if the RSS is an organization with such a vast network and global presence, why are programs and events for its members and supporters organized by separate organizations, both in India and abroad? What is the nature of the relationship between the RSS and these organizations, and how transparent is that relationship? 

One possible explanation is a desire to avoid greater transparency and potential tax scrutiny. These concerns have been highlighted recently by Karnataka Home Minister Priyank Kharge of the Indian National Congress, who has questioned the RSS’s legal status, sources of funding (particularly voluntary contributions), tax compliance and the scale of its public activities, including the thousands of daily branches operating in the state and even in government buildings. He demands that the RSS register in accordance with the law or face a ban.  

His remarks drew a strong response from the RSS and the BJP. Bhagwat called the demand politically motivated, saying the organization has openly functioned as a voluntary cultural body for nearly a century and so does not need formal registration. BJP Member of Parliament Ramesh Jigajinagi questioned why a dalit (low caste) leader like Kharge should be concerned about the RSS, sparking further debate. 

To understand the true scale of the RSS’s institutional reach, it is necessary to look beyond the RSS itself. Indian magazine “The Caravan” recently launched “Seeing the Sangh,” an ongoing research project developed over six years in collaboration with researchers. The project attempts to map the vast organizational network surrounding the RSS. Drawing on publicly available sources, including RSS publications, academic research, financial records and government documents, it has so far identified more than 2,500 organizations associated with the wider RSS ecosystem across the globe. While the database is still evolving, the sheer scale of the network offers a revealing picture of how the RSS umbrella has expanded its presence across different areas of public life and raises further questions about the nature, structure and transparency of these institutional relationships. 


As of now, the project’s map identifies 113 affiliated organizations operating under different names across the U.S. alone. 

While many of the RSS-associated organizations are separately registered, the RSS itself has maintained that it functions as a voluntary cultural movement rather than as an organization requiring formal registration. This limits public transparency regarding its structure, finances and accountability.

In 2025, the RSS quietly hired one of Washington’s major lobbying firms — not directly but through intermediaries, so that on paper, the RSS’s name barely showed up. The stated purpose, per the filings, was to introduce the RSS to the U.S. Senate and House. It took reporters actually digging through the disclosures to figure out who the real client was. That’s not an oversight; it’s the same move the RSS makes at home — stay just outside the frame that would force disclosure.

This raises a straightforward question: If the RSS is, by its own repeated insistence, just an unregistered cultural body confined to India, why exactly does it need $330,000 worth of Capitol Hill access and a team of congressional staffers whispering in Senators’ ears? Purely cultural organizations do not typically require such lobbying.

In the end, the central question remains: Should an organization with such extensive influence be allowed to remain institutionally opaque? 

(Mohd Arshid is a senior research scholar at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi working on the political economy of religion. The views expressed in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of Religion News Service.)

Mohan Bhagwat’s US visit puts RSS’s vision of Hindu unity in spotlight

(RNS) — The event has sparked widespread backlash from a coalition of faith-based and secular organizations, but organizers say Bhagwat will share the stage with leaders from other faiths to celebrate shared goals.
Hindu nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat offers prayers at Sangam, the confluence of the rivers Ganges and the Yamuna and mythical Saraswati rivers, at the annual traditional fair of Magh Mela in Prayagraj, India, Friday, Feb. 19, 2021. (AP Photo/Rajesh Kumar Singh)


(RNS) — This Saturday (Aug. 29), Mohan Bhagwat, chief of India’s Hindu nationalist organization, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), is scheduled to give the keynote address at Madison Square Garden for an event celebrating “universal oneness.”

The event, hosted by the nonprofit American Hindus for Engagement and Dialogue (AHEAD) Forum, will feature musical performances and communal hymns and is expected to draw more than 5,000 spectators and over 100 groups affiliated with Hindu temples, yoga associations and cultural groups. 

“Our job is to sit for a dialogue — mutual dialogue — to understand each other for the betterment of global humanity,” said Sudesh Agrawal, director of the AHEAD Forum. “Our earth is one.”

Priya Samant, the spokesperson for the Universal Oneness Celebration, agreed. 

“It’s a celebration of our shared goals and our humanity,” she told RNS, adding that Bhagwat will share the stage with faith leaders from different religions, including Islam, Christianity, Judaism and Sikhism. “And oneness does not mean sameness. It means that we can work through our differences, and yet, be one big family.” 

And yet, the event has sparked widespread backlash from a coalition of faith-based and secular organizations as well as elected officials. Critics argue that the idea of unity is a thin veneer and that Bhagwat represents an organization built from a vision of a Hindu-first India. They point to a documented rise in discrimination and violence against minorities in India since 2014, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), considered the political muscle of the RSS, gained power. 

In the context of the RSS and its representatives, the idea of unity often only refers to Hindu unity, said Thomas Blom Hansen, a professor of South Asian studies and anthropology at Stanford who studies religious and political violence in India. “Anyone who talks about caste, who talks about communities, who talks about minorities — they are inherently divisive,” Hansen said. 

Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat addresses students during an India International Movement to Unite Nations (IIMUN) event in Mumbai, India, Thursday, Aug. 6, 2026. (AP Photo/Rafiq Maqbool)

Bhagwat’s visit kicks off an international tour to increase global outreach on the centennial of the RSS’s founding. He is scheduled for upcoming events in Canada and the United Kingdom.



The RSS was founded in 1925 as a male-only volunteer organization that held small local gatherings meant to cultivate shared Hindu identity amid British colonial rule and past Muslim conquests. The organization has since become a major force in Indian society, particularly as an ideological guide to the BJP.

“The BJP knows that they cannot win elections without the RSS,” Hansen said. 

Bhagwat, 75, was born into a Marathi Brahmin family of RSS activists. He joined the organization full time in his 20s and climbed the ranks to become the organization’s chief in 2009. He now presides over millions of RSS members across the country and serves as a prominent figurehead.

Bhagwat himself has advocated for many controversial BJP policies promoted by the RSS, advising families to protect their Hindu daughters from “love jihad,” defending a citizenship amendment that favors non-Muslim immigration, defending “anti-conversion laws” that have resulted in mob attacks on churches, and labeling India a fundamentally Hindu nation. He has also praised the construction of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya on the site where a Hindu nationalist mob illegally razed a 16th century mosque and ensuing riots killed an estimated 2,000 people, mainly Muslims.

A general view of the audience during the opening of the Ram Mandir, a temple dedicated to Hindu deity Lord Ram, in Ayodhya, India, Jan. 22, 2024. (AP Photo/Rajesh Kumar Singh)

Two of AHEAD Forum’s previous initiatives involved book tours for Sachin Nanda and Ratan Sharda, who wrote about RSS history and principles. 

The RSS has been banned three times in India. The first ban came in 1948 after an RSS affiliate assassinated Mahatma Gandhi, the Indian independence leader who advocated for religious harmony and a secular democracy. 

The Indian government mandated that the RSS operate with transparency, but instead, “they branched out and created a whole range of different front organizations that are not formally affiliated with the RSS,” said Hansen. “It was a way of creating a sense of deniability.”

Ahead of Bhagwat’s speech, progressive platform Savera published a report alleging that the AHEAD Forum is a front for the U.S. wing of the RSS. 

Agrawal responded that the AHEAD Forum is an independent 501(c)3 organization and “not prompted or promoted or guided by any other organization.”

Sunita Viswanath, executive director of the progressive nonprofit Hindus for Human Rights, has been working with a coalition of advocates to campaign for Madison Square Garden to cancel the event, urging individuals to call the venue and voice their opinion.

“As a progressive Hindu organization that’s working night and day to manifest a loving and inclusive interpretation of our faith, it’s very upsetting to see the same words and the same concepts, such as ‘oneness,’ being used by an organization and its leadership who very clearly represent the opposite,” Viswanath said. 

Brad Lander, center, speaks during a demonstration against Mohan Bhagwat’s upcoming visit to New York, at City Hall on Tuesday, Aug. 25, 2026, in New York City. (RNS photo/Fiona André)

Elected officials, including Democratic candidate for Congress Brad Lander and New York City Councilmembers Shahana Hanif and Lincoln Restler, have also spoken out against Bhagwat’s appearance in New York City. Zohran Mamdani, New York City’s first Indian-American mayor and a Muslim, also said he opposed Bhagwat’s appearance but did not have the jurisdiction to cancel the event.

“The vision of India that I was taught by my family and the one that I grew up being very familiar with was of a pluralistic society, of a secular republic,” said Mamdani in a press conference. “It has been incredibly troubling to see the rise of a movement that is predicated on an exclusionary vision.”

Madison Square Garden representatives have told callers that venue management has limited authority to cancel private events.

Still, those opposed to Bhagwat’s visit will protest outside Madison Square Garden on Saturday. Viswanath expects hundreds of protesters will gather and voice their opposition to Bhagwat, the RSS and the Hindutva philosophies they embody.

“If we don’t stand up to religious supremacy and exclusively hateful ideologies,” she said, “we will not be fulfilling our responsibility as citizens of conscience, citizens of the countries that we live in and citizens of the world.”

Samant, on the other hand, said the event fills her with hope, stating that it is an opportunity for a diverse crowd to learn from Bhagwat’s experience leading a century-old organization. 

“The RSS has done so much great work,” she said. “It’s like a masterclass.”