It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Tropical forests still under pressure despite slowdown in losses
Millions of hectares of tropical forest were destroyed in 2025, despite a slowdown in deforestation led by Brazil. Environmental experts say the drop shows governments can curb forest loss, but warn rainforests remain under pressure from agriculture, mining and fires.
Issued on: 15/05/2026 - RFI
BOYCOTT PALM OIL
Smoke rises during the deforestation of a new planting area for palm oil plantations in Lamno, Indonesia's Aceh province on 18 January 2026.
AFP - CHAIDEER MAHYUDDIN
Tropical regions lost 4.3 million hectares of primary forest during the year, an area roughly the size of Switzerland, figures from Global Forest Watch – run by the World Resources Institute and the University of Maryland – showed.
The total was down 36 percent from 2024, when extreme wildfires drove tropical forest destruction to record levels. But forest loss still remained 46 percent higher than it was 10 years ago.
The equivalent of 11 football fields of primary forest continued disappearing every minute, affecting biodiversity, water supplies and carbon storage.
Global Forest Watch said current losses remain far above the level needed to meet the UN goal of ending deforestation by 2030.
Much of the decline was driven by Brazil, home to the world’s largest rainforest.
Since returning to office in 2023, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva has made tackling deforestation a political priority.
Brazil also hosted the UN Cop30 climate summit in Belém in November, where rainforest protection was a major focus.
The country reduced primary forest destruction unrelated to fires by 41 percent compared with 2024, reaching its lowest level since records began, after introducing anti-deforestation measures and increasing penalties for environmental crimes.
“The working group established by Brazil with the government, civil society, academia, local communities and the private sector forms a powerful formula for combating deforestation,” Mirela Sandrini, a Brazil specialist at the World Resources Institute, told RFI.
But Sandrini warned that Brazil’s forests remain under threat from agricultural expansion linked to commodity production and livelihoods.
Other countries also reduced tropical forest destruction, including Colombia, while Malaysia and Indonesia kept losses well below previous levels.
Fragile progress
Environmental pressures continue across many forest regions.
Soy farming and cattle ranching in Brazil, nickel mining in Indonesia and cobalt mining in the Congo Basin are all contributing to forest destruction.
Primary forest loss also remained high in Bolivia, Cameroon and Madagascar.
While agriculture remains the main driver of forest destruction worldwide, wildfires also played a major role in 2025, accounting for 42 percent of global forest losses.
“Over the past three years, fires have destroyed more than twice as much forest cover as 20 years ago,” said Elizabeth Goldman, co-director of Global Forest Watch.
While some fires occur naturally, most are caused by humans.
Wildfires were especially severe in Canada, where 5.3 million hectares were destroyed, making 2025 the country’s second-worst year on record.
In France, forest destruction caused by fires was seven times higher than in 2024.
In Spain and Portugal, fires caused 60 percent of tree losses as hotter and drier conditions increased the risk of wildfire.
The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) has warned that in a world warmed by 4C, fires could become around 30 percent more frequent, with burned areas expanding by 50 to 70 percent.
Global Forest Watch warned 2026 could become “a pivotal year” if the El Nino weather pattern returns and pushes temperatures even higher.
The record is hardly a glowing one for the Malagasy military, who seized power by presenting themselves as the protectors of the people against the former repressive regime.
In late September 2025, mass protests erupted against the incessant and increasingly prolonged power cuts, as well as against the corruption of the ruling Rajoelina clan. Eight months later, the hopes of Gen Z, which had mobilised en masse, have faded, giving way to mixed feelings of despondency and anger.
Recurring problems with no solution
As repression rained down on the population during the protests, the army’s intervention was greeted with relief. On 12 October, upon taking power, Colonel Michael Randrianirina affirmed his intention to resolve the problems swiftly and to organise elections within two years.
From the very first weeks of their takeover, the military made unilateral decisions, without any consultation with the country’s key stakeholders, whether regarding the successive appointments of prime ministers or the structuring of power, with the appointment of several vice-presidents.
The organisation of a national conference, aimed at addressing the structural problems facing Madagascar and finding solutions, has been entrusted to the Federation of Christian Churches, which is not among the most progressive when it comes to women’s rights.
Finally, the recurring problems of power cuts are likely to persist, given the adoption of a budget that prioritises expenditure linked to the presidency.
A strengthened personal power base
Since formalising his candidacy for the presidential election, Randrianirina has been consolidating his power in order to win the vote, scheduled in principle for 18 months’ time.
He is using methods similar to those of previous regimes, building a patronage network and resorting to repression. Under the guise of fighting corruption and defending the state, arrests and disappearances have been reported.
Six leading members of Gen Z have been arrested, and two of them have been subjected to violence. Although they have been released, a climate of fear is taking hold.
We are also witnessing the militarisation of Madagascar, with the establishment of security cooperation with Russia. Russia has supplied weapons, trucks and two helicopters. Soldiers from the Africa Corps have been deployed to train the Malagasy army, but also to protect the transitional president, which speaks volumes about the weakness of his authority over the military.
The decision by the Malagasy electoral commission is not going to allay these concerns. Indeed, in preparation for the presidential election, the commission is set to sign a cooperation agreement with its Russian counterpart – a country which, in terms of transparency, inclusivity and electoral democracy, is not – as we must agree – a model of its kind, unless the aim is to install a dictatorship in the country.
Paul Martial is a correspondent for International Viewpoint. He is editor of Afriques en Lutte and a member of the Fourth International in France.
Wednesday, May 06, 2026
Arms deliveries and Africa Corps training: How Russia is bolstering its presence in Madagascar From deliveries of drones and armoured vehicles to training sessions led by Russian Africa Corps instructors, security cooperation between Madagascar and Russia has intensified since the October 2025 coup. Russia’s growing influence is expanding into other sectors as well, raising questions within parts of Malagasy civil society.
Two tracked BMP-3 infantry fighting vehicles and various pieces of protective gear were among the items showcased during a "Russian military-technical aid handover" ceremony held at the Ivato military camp in Madagascar on April 1.
The images were released by the Russian Embassy in Madagascar, which noted that "small arms" were also included in the delivery. According to the embassy, the equipment is intended to "strengthen [Madagascar’s] defence capabilities and develop the potential of the national armed forces".
The delivery was attended by the transitional president, Colonel Michaël Randrianirina, who seized power in October 2025 following weeks of youth-led Gen Z protests and a military takeover that ousted the former president.
The move is one of the latest signs of deepening ties between Russia and the African island nation. Last November, Randrianirina indicated he was open to all international partnerships, provided the arrangement is “win-win”.
The rapprochement between the two countries materialised in December 2025 with the arrival of Russian personnel and equipment.
On December 20, an aircraft operated by the Russian Ministry of Defence and currently under US sanctions, registration RA-86572, landed at Madagascar’s Antananarivo-Ivato International Airport.
By the next day, Siteny Randrianasoloniaiko, President of the National Assembly, announced that a 40-member Russian delegation had arrived on the island. He further noted that equipment had been provided to the presidential guard "within the framework of legitimate state cooperation". Randrianasoloniaiko, known for his close ties to Moscow, is regarded as a pivotal figure in this deepening partnership.
Images released by Randrianasoloniaiko show crates containing an assault rifle, a Russian-made Boomerang drone, and a drone controller, according to details provided by the investigative collective All Eyes on Wagner. Randrianasoloniaiko said that "16 kamikaze drones, 50 handguns and 50 Kalashnikovs" were delivered.
The news caused a significant stir, particularly as the Russian delegation was reportedly led by Andrei Averyanov. Averyanov serves as the deputy head of Russian military intelligence and is the alleged commander of Africa Corps, the paramilitary group that succeeded the Wagner organisation.
Training by ‘Africa Corps instructors’
Less than a month later, on January 14, the transitional presidency announced that Russia had supplied weapons to the Malagasy military. They further noted that a "Russian delegation" had arrived to "train the Malagasy army on the use of this new equipment".
They confirmed that training commenced that same day, releasing images featuring masked Russian instructors alongside drones, assault rifles, and sniper rifles. According to the presidency, 140 Russian instructors have reportedly been deployed across the island.
According to African Initiative – a Russian news agency branding itself as an "information bridge" between Russia and Africa – 140 Malagasy soldiers have completed this "initial training" conducted by "Africa Corps instructors”. The media outlet reported that this eight-week program is expected to be followed by a secondary training phase.
A report by Russian state television channel RT, aired on March 15, detailed that the instruction provided by these "Russian Africa Corps military instructors" covers a wide range of specialities, from military engineering and assault units to snipers, reconnaissance teams, and attack-drone operators.
In the report, a masked Russian instructor says he teaches the use of reconnaissance drones, techniques for dropping payloads on targets and the deployment of kamikaze drones. The footage also depicts military drills involving Kalashnikov rifles.
“This training ... could strengthen the Malagasy military, primarily for our own protection and subsequently to combat zebu rustlers in the south and west of the country,” Randrianirina stated in the report.
Separately, the presidency announced on April 23 the conclusion of a seven-week training program conducted by "Russian soldiers". The session was held for 14 members of the presidential guard with the aim of "bolstering the security of the Guard of Honour". Trucks and helicopters to ‘deliver humanitarian aid’
Following the cyclones that struck Madagascar, Russia delivered additional equipment in February. Images released on February 27 by the transitional presidency show the unveiling of six Kamaz trucks and two Mi-8 helicopters, alongside food aid, at Antananarivo airport. The equipment arrived via two separate shipments reported on February 18 and 21 by the Russian Embassy and the African Initiative.
Meanwhile, on February 19, the Malagasy president was received with full honours by Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow, where he announced "a new era of cooperation" with Russia.
"These vehicles will be deployed immediately to deliver humanitarian aid to Toamasina and remote areas," the presidency stated, noting they will "subsequently be handed over to security forces to combat insecurity and crime".
"This humanitarian component is important as it bolsters the image of a government taking action for its people,” Ivan Klyszcz, a researcher at the International Centre for Defence and Security in Estonia, told our team. Protection for the authorities?
While the government openly communicates regarding the provision of Russian training and equipment, it remains more discreet about the role Russian personnel may play in protecting officials.
According to French daily Le Monde, "mercenaries" from Africa Corps are providing "close protection" for the transitional president.
In late March, Malagasy social media users circulated photos of the president of the National Assembly flanked by white bodyguards – alleged by some to be Russian mercenaries. The images sparked accusations that the official lacks confidence in the Malagasy military. "The President of the National Assembly is being escorted by them," said Thierry Vircoulon, an associate researcher at the French Institute of International Relations (IFRI) Sub-Saharan Africa Centre.
Vircoulon suggests this "personal security" was the primary reason the government invited them. "He is afraid of another coup," he said.
Regardless, Russian personnel have seemingly become part of the landscape, according to the local press.
‘Opaque cooperation’
As civil society denounces a lack of reform and eroding freedoms, and Amnesty International warns of "arbitrary arrests", this strengthened cooperation is being met with scepticism by a segment of the population.
We spoke with a resident, who requested anonymity:
"Our problem is access to water and electricity. Madagascar is an island. We wonder why they are sending us tanks [armoured vehicles] – that isn't the priority. And why are they hiring Russian mercenaries when we have our own Malagasy soldiers?"
The Collective of Citizens and Civic Organisations (CCOC), through its Secretary-General, Hony Radert, is also calling for "much more transparency" on the matter. "We don't understand this militarisation," Radert told our team. "What justifies it? Is this truly the priority, given the development needs of the population? Currently, there is no clear explanation for the Russian presence or the military buildup."
Seta Dera, general coordinator of the Liberty 32 association, also described an “opaque cooperation”.
"Partnering with Russia is one thing, but the agreements must be transparent. We are concerned. We question what is being given in exchange for these donations, as well as their actual utility – how exactly these weapons will be used."
Furthermore, the CCOC believes that this type of cooperation falls outside the current administration's mandate. "Their mission is to successfully lead the transition and achieve a genuine overhaul of the governance system," Radert said. "In our view, they should be focusing on consultations and managing day-to-day affairs. Now is not the time to be forging new ties that bind the country's future." The narrative of a ‘benevolent global power’
What drives Russia’s interests in Madagascar?
"As seen in the Central African Republic, once they have seized the levers of power, they will drive out Europeans in general – and the French in particular. Then, they will make money," said Vircoulon, pointing to the island’s deposits of gold and other minerals.
The island also borders the Mozambique Channel, a corridor that is becoming "all the more significant today due to instability in the Middle East", said Klyszcz. "Ships bypassing the Red Sea via the Cape of Good Hope pass right through it."
However, according to the researcher, this involvement extends beyond commercial interests:
"Russia is seeking to bolster its narrative as a benevolent global power that supports governments striving for sovereignty. They want to shift the foreign policy of African nations toward a stance that is more favourable to Russia." Cultural and economic influence
Russia’s interest in the island is not entirely unprecedented; in 2018, Moscow attempted to influence the outcome of the presidential elections. However, the current expansion of its influence is unfolding with remarkable speed, extending beyond the military sector into the cultural and economic spheres.
"Russia has secured a slot on national radio and is currently in the process of acquiring several private media outlets," Vircoulon said.
A new pro-Russian political party, the “Patriotic Awakening of a United Madagascar”, was also launched in early March. It serves as the political wing of "The Friends of Russia in Madagascar", an organisation that acts as a key intermediary for Russian influence within the country's power circles. African initiative posted images of the launch ceremony of the “Patriotic Awakening of a United Madagascar” party on March 6, 2026.
Furthermore, a Russian-Malagasy Chamber of Commerce was established in late March to bolster trade between the two nations.
These deepening ties come at a time when diplomatic relations with France have faced turbulence. While a historical partner to the island, Paris has faced sharp criticism following the exfiltration of former president Andry Rajoelina aboard a French aircraft.
On April 28, Madagascar called for the expulsion of a French embassy official suspected of involvement in "acts of destabilisation”. The move followed a wave of rumours circulating on social media, which the French Embassy denied, stating it "questioned the origins and motives of those spreading" the reports.
On April 29, the Malagasy transitional presidency announced that the Malagasy and French presidents were reaffirming their commitment to ensuring that "this episode does not undermine the momentum of cooperation between the two countries".
South Africa Cracks Down On IUU Fishing By Foreign Trawlers
Four Chinese fishing vessels in late February were found operating illegally inside South Africa’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ) and territorial waters without the required permits. The vessels repeatedly switched off their automatic identification system (AIS) transponders, a common practice among illegal fishing offenders. Playlist advancing in 5 seconds
Owned by Shenzhen Shuiwan Pelagic Fisheries, the vessels were tracked 12 nautical miles from the KwaZulu-Natal coast and along the Eastern Cape coastline. The captains of the Zhong Yang 231, Zhong Yang 232, Zhong Yang 233 and Zhong Yang 239 each were fined about $24,118 before leaving the country.
“South Africa will not tolerate the unlawful use of its maritime zones,” Willie Aucamp, South Africa’s minister of forestry, fisheries and the environment, said in a report by the Business Insider Africa website. “We remain resolute in safeguarding our marine resources and ensuring that our ports are not perceived as ports of convenience. Compliance with our laws is non-negotiable.”
A similar situation unfolded in Japan in early February, when authorities seized a Chinese fishing vessel that was operating in Japan’s EEZ off Nagasaki Prefecture. The vessel tried to flee when ordered to stop for an inspection but was intercepted. There were 11 people aboard, including the Chinese captain, who was arrested, Tokyo’s fisheries agency said. The incident marked the first time since 2022 that the agency had seized a Chinese fishing boat.
“We will continue to take resolute action in our enforcement activities to prevent and deter illegal fishing operations by foreign vessels,” Japan’s Chief Cabinet Secretary Minoru Kihara said in a BBC report.
Chinese vessels have operated illegally in African waters for decades, and Beijing’s distant-water fishing fleet, the world’s largest, is the world’s worst illegal fishing offender, according to the IUU Fishing Risk Index. Due mainly to illegal Chinese overfishing, West Africa up to an estimated $9.4 billion to illegal fishing annually and is considered the world’s hot spot for IUU fishing.
Between 2015 and 2021, Kenya, Madagascar, Mozambique, South Africa and Tanzania lost up to $142.8 million annually due to illegal shrimp and tuna fishing, according to the World Wildlife Fund. Other catch taken from these waters include at least 56 species of sharks and rays and a variety of reef fish. According to TRAFFIC, a wildlife trade-monitoring organization, South Africa loses at least $60 million annually to abalone poaching alone. A type of marine snail, abalone is considered a delicacy in China, where criminal gangs regulate its trade.
In KwaZulu-Natal, residents of Kosi Bay have decried the presence of foreign trawlers, particularly those from China, that allegedly anchor in international waters by day and move closer to shore at night. The bay consists of four interlinking lakes that flow into an estuary before meeting the Indian Ocean.
The illegal trawlers commonly engage in bottom trawling, which involves dragging a net along the sea floor, indiscriminately scooping up all manner of marine life. This kills juvenile fish, leading to declining fish stocks, and destroys ecosystems. Locals complain that they have been excluded from stakeholder engagements, but there is hope that more collaboration between local fishermen and the government can resolve their issues.
“If we work together, we can’t stop because together we solve issues,” a community member told The Pulitzer Center. “When you look all around there in the sea, you [see] Chinese writing. … ”
Despite limited maritime surveillance capacity, South Africa’s government has taken steps to address IUU fishing. According to The Pew Charitable Trusts, the country is a global leader in adopting international agreements that target IUU fishing and vessel and labor safety. The agreements require inspections of fishing vessels in port that can help national authorities monitor and control IUU-related issues.
These agreements include:
1. The Port State Measures Agreement, the only binding international treaty specifically designed to eradicate IUU fishing. The agreement outlines best practices for port controls.
2. The Cape Town Agreement, which outlines standards for design, construction, maintenance and equipment for fishing vessels 24 meters or longer to ensure that ships are well built.
3. The Work in Fishing Convention No. 188, which addresses the occupational safety, health and medical care needs of workers on fishing vessels.
South Africa is working to develop standard operating procedures to enhance inter-agency information-sharing to notify relevant authorities of potential noncompliance with each treaty. The government also is encouraging safety and labor officials to wear body cameras during inspections to bolster real-time information-sharing between agencies. Fisheries inspectors are urged to ensure that a vessel’s markings or flag are consistent with its documented or certified information.
Tuesday, May 05, 2026
The rush for critical minerals echoes oil extraction injustice as harms fall on world's most vulnerable, UN scientists warn
The race to build EVs, renewable energy systems and AI infrastructure, with benefits flowing mainly to wealthy nations, is driving severe, largely hidden costs borne disproportionately by the poor in Africa and South America, UN University investigation
Credit: United Nations University Institute for Water, Environment and Health (UNU-INWEH)
Richmond Hill, Ontario, Canada – Mining critical minerals such as lithium and cobalt fuels the ‘green’ energy and digital transitions essential to meeting climate goals. But building the technologies that enable a sustainable future is generating severe, hidden environmental and health crises that the world is failing to track or address, warns a new report by the United Nations University Institute for Water, Environment and Health (UNU-INWEH), known as the UN’s Think Tank on Water.
The investigation finds that systemic global failures are allowing the costs of critical minerals extraction to fall disproportionately on some of the world's most vulnerable communities, while the benefits accumulate elsewhere in the form of electric vehicles (EVs), renewable energy systems, and artificial intelligence (AI) infrastructure. The report does not question the need for clean energy systems or the digital infrastructure underpinning them. Instead, it asks who is paying for and benefitting from humanity’s progress in those areas, and finds a deeply unjust answer.
“Technological disruptions are needed and useful. But we should be aware of and proactively address their unintended consequences if we want the whole world to equally benefit from them,” says UNU-INWEH Director Kaveh Madani, who led the investigation team. “You cannot call a transition green, sustainable, and just if it simply moves the environmental harm from the rich to the poor, and from one group of people or region to another.”
The report, Critical Minerals, Water Insecurity and Injustice, underlines the intense water requirements of critical minerals extraction and that communities living closest to mining operations are paying a steep price in contaminated water, water scarcity, lost livelihoods, and serious health consequences.
In 2024, the report says, global lithium output of roughly 240,000 tonnes consumed an estimated 456 billion litres of water, equivalent to the annual domestic water needs of 62 million people in sub-Saharan Africa, roughly the population of Tanzania.
In Chile's Salar de Atacama, lithium mining alone accounts for up to 65% of regional water usage, intensifying competition with agriculture and domestic needs and driving dramatic groundwater depletion. Between 1990 and 2015, water tables in areas with brine wells dropped by up to nine metres.
And lithium mining in Bolivia's Uyuni region is making it increasingly difficult for communities to grow quinoa, their economic and nutritional staple.
Globally, about one-sixth (16%) of critical minerals reserves are located in high water-stress regions, while 54% of energy transition minerals sit on or near indigenous territories.
The environmental damage extends well beyond water consumption. For every tonne of hard-to-extract rare earth minerals produced, approximately 2,000 tonnes of toxic waste are generated. In 2024, global rare earth production generated an estimated 707 million metric tonnes of toxic waste, enough to fill about 59 million garbage trucks – a number of trucks that could form a queue circling the equator 13 times.
The 21st century’s oil
The Paris Agreement gives urgency to the extraction of critical minerals to reduce the carbon-intensity of human activities. Yet this creates a new ‘paradox’: meeting global climate targets would require a ninefold increase in lithium demand and a doubling of cobalt and nickel demand by 2040.
“Without effective control mechanisms, the very targets designed to protect the planet can accelerate water, and health, and injustice crises in the communities least responsible for causing climate change,” says Prof. Madani, recently named the Stockholm Water PrizeLaureate for 2026. “The world is rushing to build a cleaner energy future, and we support that urgency. But our investigation proves that the mining operations powering that transition are contaminating drinking water, destroying agricultural livelihoods, and exposing children to toxic heavy metals in some of the world's most vulnerable communities.”
Demand for graphite and other minerals essential to the energy and digital transition is projected to rise four or five times by 2050.
Referring to critical minerals as the ‘oil of the 21st century,’ the report draws a sobering parallel to the fossil fuel era, noting that the benefits of past resource extraction rarely reached the communities that bore its costs. Without deliberate policy intervention, it warns, the energy transition risks repeating that pattern, creating new "sacrifice zones" in mineral-rich but economically-marginalised regions.
Health burden falls hardest on women and children
Mining-related water contamination is creating serious public health emergencies. In the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), for example, a major cobalt producer, 72% of people living near mining sites reported skin diseases, and 56% of women and girls reported gynecological problems.
Birth defect rates in maternal wards near DRC mining areas are markedly elevated compared to those farther away, including neural tube defects (which can lead to serious infant brain and spine defects) at a rate of 10.9 per 10,000 births and lower limb defects at 8.8 per 10,000 births.
The psychosocial toll is also documented. Residents of mining communities in Calama, Chile and Mibanze, DRC describe living in constant fear, anxiety, and a sense of being 'sacrificed' so that wealthier regions can advance. Studies link water insecurity and chronic pollution exposure to elevated rates of anxiety, depression, and in extreme cases, suicide.
And approximately 30% of mining sites in the DRC employ children, who typically lack basic health and safety protections.
In the DRC, more than 80% of mineral output is controlled by foreign industrial mines, limiting local economic gains. Despite the country's vast mineral wealth, over 70% of the DRC's population lives on less than $2.15 per day.
“The green energy transition is among the most important undertakings of our time. But the evidence we've gathered shows that the communities doing the actual digging, breathing the dust, and losing access to clean water are largely excluded from its benefits,” says UNU-INWEH scientist Dr. Abraham Nunbogu, the report’s lead author. “If we don't correct the governance failures driving this, we will have built the clean energy economy of the future on the same extractive injustices as the fossil fuel economy of the past.”
Urgent policy action required
The report calls for a fundamental shift in how the global community governs critical mineral supply chains.
Key recommendations include mandatory international due diligence standards to replace voluntary compliance, legally binding mechanisms for ethical sourcing and environmental justice, strict pollution and wastewater controls including zero-discharge systems, and independent monitoring of water use and heavy metal contamination.
The report also calls for investment in circular economy solutions, including advanced recycling of batteries, electronics, and renewable energy components, to reduce pressure on primary extraction.
The report notes that the issues bear directly on progress towards UN Sustainable Development Goals 6 (clean water and sanitation), 3 (good health and well-being), 1 (no poverty), 7 (affordable and clean energy), and 10 (reduced inequalities).
“This rigorous, evidence-based investigation by UNU scientists addresses a problem the world urgently needs to confront,” says Prof. Tshilidzi Marwala, UN Under-Secretary-General and Rector of the United Nations University. “A transition that deepens poverty, undermines access to clean water, and concentrates health burdens on the world's most marginalized communities is not a transition toward the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals. It is a step away from them. We cannot give up on the digital transition but we need to do it right.”
Drawing on empirical analyses, scientific studies, and field evidence from the Lithium Triangle, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and other high-risk extraction regions, the report presents what the authors describe as one of the most overlooked injustices of the global sustainability transition.
Importantly, the report makes clear this is not exclusively a problem of distant or developing regions. The Thacker Pass lithium mine in Nevada, the largest known lithium deposit in the United States, would require up to 3.5 billion litres of water annually, largely by diverting water rights from farming communities in the Quinn River Valley.
In Canada, the 2014 Mount Polley copper/gold mine disaster in British Columbia released roughly 25 million cubic metres of toxic waste into rivers and lakes, contaminating drinking water sources and devastating Indigenous communities. The report calls it one of Canada's worst mining-related environmental failures.
“Water insecurity is not a side effect of critical mineral mining, it is a systemic outcome of how the global supply chain is currently designed and governed,” says Prof. Madani. “Without binding international standards, mandatory disclosure, and genuine community co-governance, the demand surge projected for the coming decades will make the current situation dramatically worse.”
The report argues that without binding global rules, the current system will continue to externalize environmental and health costs.
Key recommendations include:
Mandatory international due diligence standards to replace voluntary compliance, with legally binding mechanisms for ethical sourcing and environmental justice
Strict pollution and wastewater controls, including zero-discharge systems, and independent monitoring of water use and heavy metal contamination
Investment in circular economy solutions -- including advanced recycling of batteries, electronics, and renewable energy components -- to reduce pressure on primary extraction
Legally mandated benefit-sharing agreements that direct a fair share of mining revenues to affected communities for health, water, and education services
Legal enshrinement of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) for Indigenous communities whose lands are affected by extraction
Robust public health systems and mandatory Health Impact Assessments in mining regions, with companies required to contribute financially
Investment in low-water extraction technologies such as direct lithium extraction (DLE) to reduce freshwater consumption
“The data collected for this report makes a stark case, documenting severe health and environmental outcomes in communities that will probably never own an electric vehicle or benefit from the technologies their land is being destroyed to build, in the foreseeable future” says Dr. Nunbogu. “These hidden costs of the energy transition remain largely invisible to regulators and the public because reliable, publicly accessible data on water usage and pollution at specific mining sites remains scarce. Without open and verifiable data, we cannot hold supply chains accountable, and we cannot ensure that the transition is equitable. That is not a technical failure, it is a governance failure.”
By the numbers
Demand
Demand for critical minerals tripled between 2010 and 2023
Lithium demand rose 30% in 2022 alone; cobalt and nickel demand grew 70% and 40% respectively from 2017 to 2022
Total global trade value of critical minerals exceeded USD 320 billion by 2022
Demand projected to more than double by 2030 and quadruple by 2050
Graphite, lithium, and cobalt demand could rise by nearly 500% by 2050 relative to 2020 levels
Meeting Paris Agreement targets would require a ninefold increase in lithium demand and a doubling of cobalt and nickel demand by 2040
Water
1.9 million litres of water required to produce one tonne of lithium
An average lithium mine producing 11,000 tonnes annually uses roughly 20 billion litres of water -- enough to cover the annual domestic water needs of 2.8 million people in sub-Saharan Africa
2024 global lithium output (excluding US): ~240,000 tonnes, requiring an estimated 456 billion litres of water -- equivalent to the annual domestic water needs of 62 million people in sub-Saharan Africa
Lithium mining accounts for up to 65% of regional water usage in Chile's Salar de Atacama
Thacker Pass mine (Nevada, USA) would require up to 3.5 billion litres of water annually
Water table in Atacama brine-well areas dropped by up to 9 metres from 1990 to 2015
16% of critical mineral mining sites are in areas already classified as water-stressed
54% of energy transition mineral projects are on or near indigenous peoples' lands
Toxic waste
Each tonne of rare earth elements produced generates ~2,000 tonnes of toxic waste overall, plus 1 tonne of radioactive residue and 75 cubic metres of wastewater
2024 global rare earth production generated an estimated 707 million metric tonnes of toxic waste -- equivalent to ~59 million loaded garbage trucks, or the annual municipal waste of approximately 1.4 billion people
~70% of that waste (490 million metric tonnes) was generated in China
Concentration of reserves and production
Africa holds 30% of the world's critical mineral reserves
DRC, Madagascar, and Morocco hold over 50% of global cobalt deposits; DRC's global cobalt production share has remained above 60% from 2020 to 2024
South Africa holds ~90% of global platinum reserves and accounts for ~70% of global production
The Lithium Triangle (Argentina, Bolivia, Chile) holds over 50% of world lithium reserves
Indonesia holds 42% of global nickel reserves and in 2023 accounted for 51% of global nickel production
Over 80% of DRC mineral output is controlled by foreign industrial mines; Indonesian companies control less than 10% of national nickel production
Health impacts in DRC
72% of respondents near DRC mining sites reported skin diseases
56% of women and girls reported gynecological issues; 14% reported similar issues among teenage girls
Neural tube defects near DRC mining areas: 10.9 per 10,000 births
Lower limb defects: 8.8 per 10,000 births; cleft lip/palate: 7.2 per 10,000; abdominal wall defects: 6.4 per 10,000
Cobalt concentrations found to be higher in umbilical cord blood than in maternal blood at delivery
~30% of DRC mining sites employ children, often without basic health or safety protections; children as young as seven work without protective equipment
Poverty and inequality
73.5% of DRC's population lives on less than $2.15 per day
64% of DRC's population lacked basic drinking water access in 2024 -- despite the country holding more than 50% of Africa's freshwater reserves
Namibia, Zambia, and DRC hold over 30% of world critical mineral deposits, but most profits flow to multinational corporations and mining companies in the Global North
Indonesia: domestic companies control less than 10% of national nickel production
Marking its 30th anniversary of operation in 2026, the United Nations University Institute for Water, Environment and Health (UNU-INWEH) is one of 13 institutions that comprise the United Nations University (UNU), the academic arm of the UN.
Known as 'The UN’s Think Tank on Water', UNU-INWEH addresses critical water, environmental, and health challenges around the world. Through research, training, capacity development, and knowledge dissemination, the institute contributes to solving pressing global sustainability and human security issues of concern to the UN and its Member States.
Headquartered in Richmond Hill, Ontario, UNU-INWEH has been hosted and supported by the Government of Canada since 1996. With a global mandate and extensive partnerships across UN entities, international organizations, and governments, UNU-INWEH operates through its UNU Hubs in Calgary, Hamburg, New York, Lund, and Pretoria, and an international network of affiliates.
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