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Monday, March 09, 2026

THE EPSTEIN CLASS



Trump joins the global Jewish conspiracy

(official White House photo)
March 09, 2026
COMMON DREAMS

It bears repeating that Donald Trump’s rationale for war against Iran keeps shifting because Trump himself does not believe his own rationales. The goal of this war has little to do with Iran. It has to do with creating conditions in which an old, depleted and unpopular president looks big, tough and loved on American TV.

But there may be a reason outside the president’s fear of defeat in this year’s congressional elections. While he believes that he benefits from the perception of being a war president, it looks like the decision to become one wasn’t entirely his to make.

Early reporting on the war suggested that Israel was going to attack Iran without or without Trump, and that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was lobbying him to join the effort. USA Today reported yesterday that Netanyahu decided in November of last year to order a long-planned operation to assassinate Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

Marco Rubio confirmed that reporting on Monday: "We knew that there was going to be an Israeli action. We knew that that would precipitate an attack against American forces, and we knew that if we didn't preemptively go after them before they launched those attacks, we would suffer higher casualties.”

Just so I have this straight in my mind: Trump did not attack Iran in order to stop it from having nukes; in order to stop it from being a global leader in state-sponsored terrorism; in order to liberate the Iranian people; or in order to manifest world peace.

No, the president launched an illegal and unjustified war with Iran because America’s ally, Israel, put him in a no-win situation in which, as one source told the Post over the weekend, “the only debate that seemed to be remaining was whether the US would launch in concert with Israel or if the US would wait until Iran retaliated on US military targets in the region and then engage.”

Trump could have condemned Netanyahu after the fact, but apparently the appeal of being a war president was too great.

If I were the commander-in-chief of the world’s mightiest military, and if I allowed a foreign head of state to lead me around by the nose, I would also come up with a couple dozen reasons for going to war with Iran, no matter how unconvincing those reasons may be, because I would be highly motivated to draw attention away from the view that I’m not entirely in charge.

I mean, Trump can’t even take credit for Khamenei’s death. Pete Hegseth told reporters the Israeli strikes killed him Saturday. The only “credit” he can claim is having followed Netanyahu’s lead.

That it appears the decision to attack Iran was Netanyahu’s more than it was Trump’s is going to be a problem, most immediately because of the outcry in the Congress. If Trump was not acting in self-defense, and clearly he was not, then this war against Iran is a war of choice, which requires the consent of the Congress. Trump is going to be forced to explain himself, thus risking being held accountable for the spike in goods and oil prices, Tuesday’s sell-off on Wall Street and general chaos in the Middle East.

(According to journalist Steve Herman, the State Department told Americans to “immediately leave 16 countries and territories: Bahrain, Egypt, Gaza, Iran, Iraq, Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Syria, UAE, West Bank and Yemen.” NBC News reported that the mandatory orders are coming despite many airports in the region being shuttered. In Qatar, Americans who can’t get out were advised that “should not rely on the US government for assisted departure or evacuation.”)

The White House’s best rationale for war seems to be that the US was forced to attack Iran, because Iran was forced to defend itself against Israel’s attack. Such a rationale is not going to fly with most of the Congress, including many maga Republicans. That’s why Trump lied Tuesday. He said Netanyahu didn’t force my hand. I forced his. According to Kaitlan Collins, he said “it was his opinion that Iran was going to attack first if the US didn't.”

For the lie to work, however, he needs the full faith of maga. He needs the base to trust him enough to play along. To do that, he must affirm his dominance. If supporters believe he’s Netanyahu’s puppet, however, such displays of dominance will seem empty and hollow to his own people, thus creating problems much bigger than abstract debates in the Congress over war powers.

To understand the problem he has created for himself, bear in mind the true nature of America First, which has been largely sanitized by the Washington press corps. It is not rooted in high-minded principles like freedom and national sovereignty. It is rooted in conspiracy theory and antisemitism, which are often provided a veneer of respectability by rightwing intellectuals and gullible reporters. Peel away the noble-sounding language, however, about nation-builders “intervening in complex societies that they did not even understand themselves,” as Trump said last year, and what you find at the center of America First is an unshakeable belief in a global Jewish conspiracy against America.

This belief in a global Jewish conspiracy against America was the foundation beneath the push to release the Epstein files during Trump’s 2024 campaign. The belief took on a slightly different form, but the animus was the same. Trump was supposed to have been the hero sent by God to fulfill a prophecy to save America from a secret cabal of powerful Jews who sex-trafficked young girls to untouchable elites. In maga lore, Jeffrey Epstein came to represent this shadowy, malevolent syndicate. Once reelected, Trump was supposed to bring them all to justice. When he didn’t, he triggered a crisis of faith that can be registered in recent polling that lumps him in with the rest of the “wealthy elites” who act with impunity for the law – the so-called “Epstein class.”

The Times reported Tuesday on the growing uproar within the maga movement over the possibility that Netanyahu said “jump” and Trump asked “how high?” Some of the most invested maga personalities, men like Jack Posobiec, told the Times that divisions can be overcome and lingering doubts will only be relevant to future candidates to lead the maga movement.

If supporters believed Trump betrayed principles, Posobiec might be right, as they don’t really care about principles. Supporters could shift from anti-war to pro-war as seamlessly as Trump does. But what Posobiec is ignoring, because it’s in his interest to ignore it, is that America First is not rooted in high-minded principles. It’s rooted in Jew-hate. Supporters are not going to warm up to the appearance of an American president seeming to take orders from the leader of a Jewish state. Instead, they might see Trump doing to believers in America First what he has done to supporters who demanded the release of the Epstein files.

Again, this is why the president lied Tuesday. In an attempt to assert dominance, he said he was the one to force Netanyahu’s hand, not the other way around. That might have worked – the base might have trusted him enough to play along with the lie – but for his already established betrayal in the Epstein case. With Iran, he has now compounded maga’s crisis of faith. He must contend with the growing suspicion that instead of destroying the global Jewish conspiracy against America, he has joined it.










'Clearly there’s a coverup': Evidence mounts against Epstein’s suicide


Ghislaine Maxwell and Jeffrey Epstein are seen in this image released by the Department of Justice in Washington, D.C., U.S., on December 19, 2025. (U.S. Justice Department/Handout)

March 09, 2026 
ALTERNET

No matter how many times President Donald Trump “starts illegal wars and engages in military strikes, it will never be enough to make people forget that he was best friends with the world’s most notorious pedophile, Jeffrey Epstein,” argued Left Hook publisher Wajahat Ali.

Ali joined forces with television producer and Epstein documentary creator Zev Shalev and Blue Amp Media editor Ellie Leonard as they discussed new information posted in the Miami Herald incriminating prison guards in covering up the alleged murder of convicted sex-trafficker Jeffrey Epstein. Both the New York Medical Examiner and the U.S. Department of Justice concluded that Epstein died by suicide, but a forensic pathologist hired by Epstein’s estate to attend the autopsy, has said he Epstein’s injuries look more similar to strangulation than suicide.


However, new information from the Herald by Epstein researcher Julie K. Brown suggests prison guards discussed covering up Epstein’s death, according to FBI conversation with a fellow inmate.

“An inmate housed at the Metropolitan Correctional Center in New York told the FBI he overheard guards talking about covering up Jeffrey Epstein’s death on the morning he died,” reports the Herald. “The federal government’s online Epstein library contains a five-page handwritten report of an FBI interview with an inmate who awoke the morning of Aug. 10, 2019 to the loud commotion in the Special Housing Unit, or SHU, where he and Epstein were jailed.”

“… [C]learly there's a cover up. Clearly the DOJ has been covering up for the president of the United States,” said Shalev. “That is a scandal of huge, mammoth proportions. … We can't have that. We can't have a president of the United States facing allegations, multiple allegations of raping young girls and then still being a sitting president as the DOJ covers up for him. I mean, it's just unacceptable. It's untenable for any regime.”

Shalev told Ali that the circumstances under which Epstein died had far too many holes not to draw suspicion.

“How did [the guard Tova Noel] have time … to do all these searches, but then didn't have time to do the regular 30-minute checks on the prisoner that she was meant to do because she had fallen asleep? I mean, one of these things doesn't add up. Either the guards fell asleep or they were so distracted doing searches, but their job is to do regular check-ins on the prisoner, and they didn't do that. For… a whole night.”

“And then she gets this mysterious $5,000 check or whatever it is — payment that she gets. No one knows where she's from. She's just a prison guard.

The Herald reported a five-page handwritten report in the federal government’s online Epstein library, consisting of an FBI interview with an inmate who awoke the morning of Aug. 10, 2019 to a loud commotion in the Special Housing Unit where he and Epstein were held.

“Breathe! Breathe!” he recalled officers shouting about 6:30 a.m., according to the Herald, followed by an officer saying: “Dudes, you killed that dude.”

The inmate then heard a female guard reply “If he is dead, we’re going to cover it up and he’s going to have an alibi -- my officers,” according to the FBI notes. The inmate claimed the whole wing overheard the exchange.

Later, after learning Epstein had died, inmate claimed other inmates said “Miss Noel killed Jeffrey.”

“It's not common for her to get these $5,000 infusions of cash. And obviously the whole thing stinks,” said Shalev. “I mean, with the circumstantial evidence it’s hard to see how he committed suicide there. It's hard to see.”


Bombshell investigation verifies key details in 13-year-old Trump accuser's story

Alexander Willis
March 9, 2026 



Donald Trump holds a cabinet meeting at the White House in Washington. REUTERS/Jonathan Ernst

Key details in the account of a woman who’s accused President Donald Trump of sexually assaulting her when she was a minor were verified Sunday in an explosive investigation conducted by The Post and Courier.

The woman first came forward to the FBI following the 2019 arrest of Jeffrey Epstein, and was interviewed by the agency four separate times. A Justice Department source told the Miami Herald that the woman was found credible by the agency, the outlet reported.

In her interviews with the FBI, the woman accused Epstein and at least two other associates, including Trump, of sexual assault when she was 13. She accused Trump of sexually assaulting her, pulling her hair and punching her in the head sometime in the mid-1980s.

While details of her specific allegations against Trump were not further verified by The Post and Courier, other details she provided the FBI were, giving further credence to her account.

Details verified by The Post and Courier include the fact that her mother had rented a home to Epstein in South Carolina. The outlet also verified details of another associate of Epstein’s that she accused of sexually assaulting her, an Ohio businessman that she said was "affiliated with a Cincinnati-based college,” and whom the outlet confirmed was a member of a for-profit school.

The woman also accused Epstein of possessing nude photographs of her as a minor and extorting her mother for money to keep them secret, which she said led her mother to begin stealing money. The Post and Courier confirmed that the mother had been charged with stealing $22,000 from the real estate firm she worked for.

The woman’s identity was verified by The Post and Courier by cross referencing details of her account with various public records and old news clippings, though the outlet declined to name her, and both she and her attorney declined to comment on the report.

Due to the sheer volume of Epstein-related materials released by the DOJ, many of the documents contain unverified, uncorroborated allegations that do not constitute evidence, and do not establish wrongdoing. Trump is not facing any criminal charges or investigations related to the allegation.

A dark web of influence: Brexit, the hard-right and why the Epstein mentions matter


7 March, 2026 
Left Foot Forward


If Epstein’s networks helped broker access or funding for political movements, it’s a matter of public concern. These aren’t insinuations, but a matter of accountability, and in the unresolved story of Brexit, accountability remains in short supply.



When the latest tranche of documents linked to Jeffrey Epstein was released earlier this year, much of the British reaction focused on familiar establishment names, notably Peter Mandelson and former Prince Andrew. Given the seriousness of the allegations surrounding them, that scrutiny is understandable.

But the spotlight has been too narrow.

Buried within the correspondence and contact lists are connections that reach into Britain’s hard-right networks and intersect with the political forces that drove Brexit. Yet, these connections have largely been overlooked or ignored by mainstream media.

Epstein was not merely a disgraced financier cultivating proximity to power, he was enthusiastic about Britain’s departure from the EU and celebrated the nationalist turn in Western politics.

Inclusion in Epstein’s files does not, in itself, imply wrongdoing. Yet the context of those mentions, the political projects being discussed, the money being courted, and the alliances being enriched, is a matter of public interest.

If the disclosures are to mean anything beyond lurid scandal, they must prompt a broader examination of how wealth, influence and political power intervene in modern Britain.

Brexit as “just the beginning”

Among the material are emails in which Epstein discusses Brexit with tech billionaire Peter Thiel. In one exchange, Epstein describes Britain’s vote to leave the European Union as “just the beginning,” heralding a “return to tribalism,” a “counter to globalisation,” and the forging of “amazing new alliances.”

Such remarks suggest that Brexit was viewed in certain elite circles not merely as a domestic democratic event, but as part of a broader ideological realignment across the West.

Thiel’s footprint in the UK has grown steadily in recent years. As Left Foot Forwardreported in 2022, his data analytics firm Palantir Technologies secured multiple UK government contracts during the pandemic and has undertaken extensive work with the Ministry of Defence, including a £10 million contract in March 2022 for data integration and management.

A report by Byline Times described a “Thiel network” seeking to influence debates around free speech in academia, and part of a broader effort to normalise anti-liberal ideas among British intellectuals and policymakers.

Some figures linked to these debates, including right-wing commentator Douglas Murray and a British Anglican priest and life peer Nigel Biggar, who regularly rages against ‘woke’ culture, have also been associated with initiatives such as the Free Speech Union, founded by perennial culture warrior, Toby Young.

Thiel’s influence also extends through his Thiel Fellowship programme, which has backed entrepreneurs including Christian Owens, founder of the UK payments “unicorn” Paddle.

None of this proves a coordinated “Thiel–Epstein Brexit plot,” but it does point to something subtler, and arguably more consequential. As the New World observed in an analysis about the Epstein files and the Brexit connection, “while millions voted Leave to strike back at a remote elite, parts of that same elite were calmly gaming out how the resulting disorder might be useful to them.”

That tension alone warrants scrutiny.

Nigel Farage and Steve Bannon



The Reform UK leader appears dozens of times in the Epstein files, though many references reportedly stem from duplicated email chains or attached news articles. Farage has denied ever meeting or speaking with Epstein.

Yet the context in which his name arises is important.

Steve Bannon, a former White House chief strategist to Donald Trump, described brilliantly by the New World’s Steve Anglesey as “the sweaty MAGA insider/outsider who once fancied himself a Brexit architect and dreamed of setting up a pan-European far right movement that would ultimately destroy the EU,” appears in thousands of exchanges with Epstein. In one message, Bannon boasts about his relationship with Farage. In another, he writes: “I’ve gotten pulled into the Brexit thing this morning with Nigel, Boris and Rees Mogg.”

The correspondence shows Bannon attempting to tap Epstein for support and funding to bolster far-right movements in Europe. He discussed raising money for figures such as Italy’s deputy prime minister Matteo Salvini and France’s Marine Le Pen, showing the transnational nature of these networks.

Again, mention does not equal misconduct, but when a financier later exposed as a serial abuser is simultaneously being courted as a potential backer of nationalist political movements, the public is entitled to ask questions about access, influence and intent.

Tommy Robinson and the “backbone of England”

The files also contain references to UK far-right activist, Tommy Robinson.



Bannon has never shied away from sharing his support for Robinson. At the 2024 Conservative Political Action Conference, when on stage with Liz Truss, he described the founder of the English Defence League as a “hero” and Truss appeared to agree with him. “That is correct,” she said.

When Robinson was released from prison in 2018, Epstein messaged Bannon: “Tommy Robinson. !! good work.” Bannon responded: “Thanks.”

In July 2019, after Epstein shared an article reporting Robinson’s contempt of court conviction for live-streaming defendants in a child sexual exploitation trial, Bannon replied by calling Robinson the “backbone of England.”

The significance here is not that Robinson appears in correspondence, but that discussions around him sit within a wider ecosystem, that is wealthy financiers, American political strategists and European nationalist figures exchanging messages about funding, media and mobilisation.

Nick Candy, Reform UK and transatlantic links

Nick Candy, luxury property mogul and now treasurer of Reform UK, is also mentioned numerous times in the files, in discussions that appear to concern the potential sale of Epstein’s New York mansion.

In 2024, Candy left the Conservative Party to join Reform. He later attended a strategy meeting at Trump’s Florida residence alongside Farage and tech billionaire Elon Musk. All three men appear within the tranche of documents released by the Department of Justice.

Some messages reference Candy in connection with Ghislaine Maxwell, though the full context of those exchanges remain partially redacted – we’ll come on to redaction shortly.

The files also reveal previously underreported contact between Musk and Epstein in 2012 and 2013, including discussions about a possible visit to Epstein’s private island. The visit does not appear to have taken place.
Like Bannon, Musk has actively involved himself in European politics. He has repeatedly got into spats with politicians including Keir Starmer.

“Civil war is inevitable” … “Britain is going full Stalin”… “The people of Britain have had enough of a tyrannical police state,” are just some of his comments on X in recent years.

And he’s used his own platform X to amplify voices on the right and far-right online, including sending a heart emoji to Tommy Robinson, who said Musk had funded his defence for a charge related to counter-terrorism law.

“A HUGE THANK YOU to @elonmusk today. Legend,” Robinson wrote.



It bears repeating, appearing in Epstein’s files does not establish criminality. Guilt by association is not journalism, nor is it justice.

But context is not smearing, it’s scrutiny. Examining who communicated with whom, how often, and in what capacity is a legitimate part of understanding how power operates.

There’s also the question of redaction. Many of the documents released have been heavily blacked out, names, photographs, email addresses and other identifying details obscured. In sensitive criminal cases, redaction is both necessary and appropriate, particularly to protect victims.

In some instances in the Epstein files, the reasons are obvious. Yet, as the Conversation has observed, “the absence of any reason for the redaction has simply added fuel to the fire, with spectators filling in the blanks themselves.” When transparency is partial and unexplained, it can deepen suspicion rather than resolve it.

The public release of the Epstein files was presented as a milestone for transparency. Instead, it has prompted further questions: about how sensitive material was handled, about the criteria used to withhold information, and about the extent of Epstein’s connections to powerful political figures, including figures on the far-right in the UK. If Epstein’s networks provided introductions, cross-border access, or even financial pathways into political movements, that is a matter of legitimate public interest.

More broadly, the scandal raises structural concerns. What channels enable wealthy outsiders to cultivate influence across government, academia and media? How rigorously are those relationships scrutinised? And what safeguards exist to ensure political outcomes are not quietly shaped by individuals whose interests diverge sharply from the public good?

These are not questions of insinuation, but of accountability, and in the unresolved story of Brexit, accountability remains in short supply.

Gabrielle Pickard-Whitehead is author of Right-Wing Watch


Misogyny, Epstein and Reform’s cultural agenda

6 March, 2026

From Epstein’s web to Reform’s proposed raft of policy ideas, creeping misogyny now risks redefining women’s rights in Britain  




Pampered by the press as ‘the next government in waiting’, Reform continues to poll strongly. We’re familiar with how the party fosters racism through its hostile rhetoric and flagship immigration stance, but its ubiquitous misogyny receives less attention. A Reform win at the next general election will be partly because enough people either didn’t know, or didn’t care, about its views on females. For International Women’s Day, I’d like to explore these views through the lens of the Epstein files.

The octopus

The web of Epstein’s influence, in all its vast complexity, is now coming into full view, like a multi-armed, gigantic octopus being lifted from the seabed. We’re seeing Epstein the enabler, matchmaker, wheel-oiler, and co-ordinator extraordinaire in a multidimensional kleptocratic network of corporate, political, cultural and sexual interest.

You’d need a 3-D modeller to trace the complex inter-connections he orchestrated between climate denialists, fossil fuel industries, political lobbyists (Brexitthe Kremlin) the tech broligarchyracists, eugenicists, Israeli intelligence, and more, all whilst supplying a deadly pipeline of women and child victims to the depraved subculture he cultivated. It’s all coalescing into one repulsive integrated whole.

Network participation is layered like an onion with peripheral involvement shading into roles that have varying degrees of knowledge and whistle blowing capacity on Epstein’s darkest activities. We may never know all the players or precisely which layers Epstein’s UK friends occupied. But only the outer layer is free of guilt by association of colluding with a monster.

Creeping patriarchy

The island of Little Saint James was the black heart of Epstein’s misogyny, but the objectification and dehumanisation of females there was driven by a culture of extreme patriarchy – the presumed superiority and dominance by males over females. Patriarchal attitudes are tightly embedded in far-right thinking and are central to viewpoints such as Christo-fascism where they fuse with Christianity, authoritarianism and white, right-wing nationalism.

This regressive ideology lurks in Project 2025, in the Christian nationalism of JD Vance, Stephen Miller and in far-right parties across central and eastern Europe. It calls for a return to a traditional Christian heterosexual, patriarchal family model in which the primary responsibilities of females are homemaking, procreation and subservience to the male family head. For ‘guidance’, listen to pastor Dale Partridge’s homily on, amongst other things, why a women’s vote must never cancel her husband’s.


Handmaids UK

Extreme patriarchy is also spreading its tentacles in the UK via organisations such as Jordan Peterson’s Alliance for Responsible Citizenship (ARC). Linked to the right-wing think tank Legatum, ARC emphasises traditional gender roles and women’s duties as breeders.

Patriarchy is very much alive and kicking within Reform. Its intrepidly retrograde Christian nationalist policy creators, James Orr, Danny Kruger and Matthew Goodwin, are currently defining Reform’s cultural agenda in patriarchal terms straight from the wider Christo-fascist comfort zones they share.

Orr opposes abortion in all cases and pushes the pro-natalist policy of families having more children “to boost birth rates”. Kruger, also a keen pro-natalist, personally supports the reversal of no-fault divorce. He wants a ‘reset to sexual culture’ and challenges the rights of pregnant women to ‘absolute bodily autonomy’. Goodwin wants a “biological reality check” for girls and tax increases for childless couples.


Securing the property

Goodwin recently opined that the “sexual exploitation of women and girls is because of open borders”. This devious but false claim uses a supposed threat to females s to attack the liberal left, but arguably, also suggests unspoken proprietorship – we must ‘protect our women and girls’ to end foreign interf
erence with our property.

In an equally stunning patriarchal vein, Farage, who endorsed Andrew Tate as an “important voice”, describes men as ‘more willing than women to sacrifice family life for career’, and objects to the 24 week abortion limit as “ludicrous”.

To enshrine women’s demotion to second class citizens, Reform has pledged to drop the 2010 Equalities Act which provides legal recourse for maternity leave, sexual assault, domestic abuse and employment discrimination. Reform also plans to ditch the ECHR thus thwarting its use by women as another court of appeal. You can hear the sound of doors closing.

All these narratives call for controls on women’s mental, physical and developmental freedom and autonomy and constitute a clear attack on women’s rights.

‘But’, the Reform curious wail, ‘we want change – migrants and Labour must be punished and removed. So, we’ll take the US route and ignore Reform’s misogyny as non-serious, or too unpopular to survive’. Left-leaning progressives join the dismissive fray, insisting that culturally, Britain has moved on from this hopelessly backward-facing misogyny.

Yet Reform is unashamedly pushing back with their patriarchal narratives. Why?

One reason is sheer manospheric arrogance combined with the belligerence of a party looking set for power – the macho ‘just try stopping us’ mindset.

Another is that Reform’s ideas are still camouflaged. ‘Resetting sexual culture’ could mean any number of abuses of women’s rights once Reform is in power, but, for now, can be trained on DEI and LGBTQ issues which reverberate with the right-wing electorate. Similarly, ‘reversing no-fault divorce’ is just Kruger’s “personal view” – for now. Farage’s abortion concerns only imply the need for minor tweaking – for now. And pro-natalism links nicely with great replacement anxieties whilst sounding mildly patriotic – heroic Brits can keep non-whites at bay by breeding more.

The ambiguity of Reform’s statements provides space for moderation whilst simultaneously positioning the party for much more full-throated future iterations of misogynist ideas. Orr’s advice that Reform should “hold its cards close to its chest” and keep certain operations under wraps before entering government reminds us that the party’s position isn’t static.

Human shields

Reform can challenge accusations of misogyny by pointing to women in its senior party roles. But this defence has no more clout than Trump trying to deny his own blatant misogyny but listing the fawning Barbie doll chatbots in his administration. Arguably, women in Reform are serving, like Reform’s non-white cabinet members, as useful pre-election human shields for a party that’s essentially riddled with racist and misogynistic elements.

The misogynist attitudes driving Reform are reason alone for women across the political spectrum to heed what supporting Reform might mean for them, and to recognise what a dangerous backward step it would be.

But we should also recognise that Reform’s misogyny sets a cultural tone of readiness for Epsteinian abuse by providing a direct pathway from regressive, patriarchal policies to sexual exploitation.

Epstein’s network reveals how the corrupting influence of power is a gateway drug for depravity. With excess power, whether as elites or via the privileges of patriarchy, players disengage from norms and stray further afield. Favours, financial rewards and the secrecy of illicit deals create useful bonds for kompromat and further corruption.

Epstein’s network is a forum for experimentation and risk taking, both financially and morally. ‘Getting away with it’ by stepping beyond legal red lines is a self-substantiating way for the patriarchal order to continually reassert control, dominance and virility. The Trump regime’s coercion of leaders and nations, like the abuses on Epstein’s island, are all ways of exercising the same male supremacist drive across different spheres. Epstein’s sex traffickers and guests parallel Trump’s sadistic geopolitical harassment of Greenland and Volodymyr Zelenskyy – ‘you will suffer (more) if you disobey’.

Life support machines

Reform policy is being forged against a transnational backdrop of extreme patriarchy. This framework is the quiet kick-off for Epstein’s darker world.

The research is clear that patriarchal conceptions of women’s role are intimately linked with sexual abuse. Patriarchal values are ingrained in power dynamics, gender hierarchy, and societal norms which drive gender-based iniquities and contribute to the perpetuation of sexual violence (Murnen et al, 2002Spencer et al, 2023Trottier et al, 2019).

The Epstein files are strewn with heinous crimes against females, including “sexual slavery, reproductive violence, enforced disappearance, torture, and femicide”. It’s a world in which, as Virginia Giuffre’s memoir testifies, women and children are discardable commodities and legitimacy is given to ‘those who get high on making others suffer’.

The determination of Reform’s policy setters to weaken the infrastructure underpinning women’s equality and rights over their own bodies, once realised, risks dehumanising and corralling women back into their historical dual roles of procreation and sexual pleasure. Projects like pronatalism come together with Epstein in the perception of females as essentially abusable life support machines for babies and vaginas.

I’m not, for a moment, implying that Kruger and co indulge in Epsteinean depravity. But I am asserting that he, along with Goodwin, Farage and other Reform policy creators, are re-positioning society in ways that orientate male thinking towards a future of increased sexual abuse.

Pushback vs forward movement

We should be as deeply alarmed by Reform’s misogynist elements as we are by its racist tendencies, climate denialism and attacks on workers. Women are directly affected because Reform potentially poses an acute, existential threat directly to them.

Epstein was not an aberration. Both he and Reform’s policy makers are hitching a ride with a far more ancient, long-standing misogynistic mindset spanning human history. Reform is part of a clamour across the global far right to push back against threats to white male supremacy. If Reform wins power, regressive misogyny risks being normalised again, encouraging chauvinist males to push boundaries ever further, taking advantage of new norms and tolerance levels.

The issue is not about whether parliament would retain the power of veto over the roll out of Reform’s misogynist policies. It’s about how dangerous it is even to give these ideas any traction in the first place by letting Reform win power. These are not battles that 21st century Britain, as a supposed beacon of human rights, should be having. Women must come together on International Women’s Day and beyond to halt this menace.

This article was first published on the Bearly Politics Substack on 4 March 2026





New Research Details ‘Human and Economic Toll’ of US Abortion Bans

“Abortion bans don’t stay in exam rooms,” said the Center for Reproductive Rights president. “They reshape communities, workplaces, and state economies.”



Abortion rights protestors demonstrate outside the US Supreme Court as oral arguments are delivered in Medina v. Planned Parenthood South Atlantic on April 2, 2025 in Washington DC.
(Photo by Kayla Bartkowski/Getty Images)


Jessica Corbett
Mar 09, 2026
COMMON DREAMS

With attention directed at President Donald Trump’s war on immigrants across the United States and various international conflicts, including the assault on Iran, there hasn’t been much prominent news coverage in recent weeks about a key issue of the 2024 campaign—GOP abortion bans—but people nationwide continue to endure the impacts of such policies, as revealed in a Monday report from the Center for Reproductive Rights.

The Price of Safety: Stories of Abortions Denied, Careers Disrupted, and States Left Behind features various profiles demonstrating “the human and economic toll” of abortion bans, which right-wing policymakers have enacted or intensified since the US Supreme Court reversed Roe v. Wade with its Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization decision in 2022.



The anthology uses stories from patients, doctors, business leaders, and others to “show the real-world consequences of laws that criminalize standard medical care,” said Nancy Northup, the center’s president, in a statement. “Abortion bans don’t stay in exam rooms. They reshape communities, workplaces, and state economies. As long as politicians keep restricting care, families will keep moving, clinicians will keep leaving, and states will keep watching their competitive edge slip away.”

“Our daughter’s spine was severely abnormal, her brain hadn’t formed correctly, and she only had one kidney... I did everything by the book medically, but the experience still made me feel like a criminal for seeking evidence-based care for a lethal fetal diagnosis.”

Dani Mathisen, “a Fort Worth native from a family of physicians,” discovered during a routine anatomy scan with her OB-GYN, who is also her aunt, that she needed an abortion, 18 weeks into a planned pregnancy. As she explained, “Our daughter’s spine was severely abnormal, her brain hadn’t formed correctly, and she only had one kidney.”

Texas had banned abortions after six weeks and allowed private citizens to sue anyone who helped a pregnant person access care. According to Mathisen: “My mom, also a doctor, stepped in anyway. She found a clinic in New Mexico, booked the flights and hotel, called the staff, and handed us an envelope of cash. We paid for the abortion with cash out of fear of leaving a paper trail tying Texas credit cards to out-of-state abortion care. I did everything by the book medically, but the experience still made me feel like a criminal for seeking evidence-based care for a lethal fetal diagnosis.”

“I had always imagined building my career in Texas,” she added. “After this, I chose an OB-GYN residency in Hawaii because I needed full-spectrum training—including abortion care—and I couldn’t get that in Texas.”

Mathisen wasn’t alone in fleeing that state. Amanda Ducach, CEO and co-founder of an artificial intelligence startup focused on women’s health, shared how she “built Ema in Houston, and Texas shaped our earliest users and our mission,” but when Roe fell, she “was seven and a half months into a high-risk pregnancy.”

“Suddenly, even if I were to face a life-threatening emergency, I wasn’t sure I’d receive timely care. My doctors weren’t sure either,” Ducach detailed. “It also changed how I thought about my company, and our responsibility to the people who rely on us through our partner platforms.”

“After months of legal review and deep conversations with my team, I decided to relocate both my family and Ema’s headquarters to Massachusetts where abortion access is protected under state law,” she continued. “I also gave employees the option to work from any location, which brought immediate relief.”

“Suddenly, even if I were to face a life-threatening emergency, I wasn’t sure I’d receive timely care. My doctors weren’t sure either.”

Elizabeth Weller also left Texas. She said that “the decision cost us $25,000+ in income, distanced us from our community, and upended the future we had envisioned. But after the pregnancy complications I faced, it was painfully clear: Texas no longer provided the basic medical care necessary to have a child.”

So did Dr. Judy Levison, who spent over two decades practicing and teaching obstetrics and gynecology in the state. After “watching abortion bans turn routine medical care into a legal minefield,” she retired, moved to Colorado, and “began volunteering with an abortion support group.”

It’s not just Texas. Kayla Smith said that she left Idaho—“where I’d lived for 13 years, gone to college, met my husband, built our careers, and wanted to grow our family”—for Washington state. She explained that just 48 hours after Idaho’s ban took effect and “19 weeks into my pregnancy with my second child, we discovered that our baby had a severe, inoperable heart defect.”

Tracy Young, “a first-generation American, a mother of four, and the co-founder of two technology companies,” highlighted how abortion bans also outlaw proper treatment for people experiencing miscarriages. While she is based in San Francisco, California, Young began “losing a pregnancy I had deeply wanted” while traveling for work in Louisiana.

“Back home in California, my doctors told me that my body had not completed the miscarriage naturally. They prescribed misoprostol, and when that wasn’t enough, performed a surgical procedure to prevent infection and complications,” she said. “Today, abortion bans have made that same care illegal or heavily restricted in many states, including Louisiana where I miscarried.”

Another business leader, Chris Webb, CEO and co-founder of ChowNow—an online ordering platform with offices in California and Missouri—publicly supported abortion access in 2019 by signing on to a coalition’s “Don’t Ban Equality” letter. After Roe‘s reversal, he sent out a company-wide email disclosing a girlfriend’s abortion and offering to personally cover the travel costs of any employee who needed such care.

“Leaders owe employees honesty about where they stand—and action when basic rights are on the line,” he said. “Abortion policies aren’t just about healthcare. They’re good for employers and good for people. When more companies speak up, there is safety in numbers. And in the long run, protecting your team protects your business—and is just the right thing to do.”

“Reproductive rights are so crucial that Americans are uprooting their lives to ensure they have access to care.”

The report’s release coincided with the publication of a paper adapted from one prepared for the center by researchers who estimated “the market value of reproductive rights as capitalized into US housing markets.”

The paper, published by the National Bureau of Economic Research, shows that “total abortion bans reduced rents by an average of 2.2% from July 2022 through June 2025, with the effect reaching 4.0% in the most recent year. Over the same horizon, bans increased rental vacancy rates by an average of 1.1 percentage points, with the effect reaching 1.8 percentage points in the most recent year. Estimates for home values and homeowner vacancy rates are similar in magnitude but less precise.”

The center’s senior director, Julia Taylor Kennedy, said that “the economic data and the firsthand accounts are telling the same story... Reproductive rights are so crucial that Americans are uprooting their lives to ensure they have access to care. That means that, for employers and policymakers, abortion bans carry measurable workforce and competitiveness implications.”

Despite such findings, Republican state and federal policymakers continue to restrict reproductive freedom. In recent months, the Trump administration quietly imposed an abortion ban at the US Department of Veterans Affairs and expanded the global gag rule.

Meanwhile, at the state level last month, Tennessee Republicans introduced legislation to make abortion a capital offense, and a sheriff’s office in South Carolina launched an investigation into a fetus, estimated to be just 13-15 weeks, found at a water treatment plant, highlighting the rising criminalization of pregnancy loss.

Last week, the Marion County Superior Court granted a permanent injunction preventing enforcement of Indiana’s near-total abortion ban, and Republican Attorney General Todd Rokita swiftly appealed.



Sunday, March 08, 2026

IWD

Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.

With fierce anger burning in our hearts and an unbreakable resolve, we mourn the assassination of the courageous feminist and leftist leader and fighter Yanar Mohammed, president of the Organization of Women’s Freedom in Iraq, who was struck down by the hand of darkness in Baghdad on the morning of March 2, 2026 — as though they believed a bullet could extinguish the fire of feminist struggle and liberation. Two gunmen on motorcycles opened fire on her in front of her residence in the Al-Shaab district, in a crime whose perpetrators we all know.

The assassination of Yanar is a fully premeditated political crime targeting the feminist and leftist movements and every voice demanding justice and equality. It is a declaration of war against free women and against all who refuse to submit to the power of repression, sectarianism, and savage patriarchy.

Yanar: An Idea That Took Human Form

Yanar embodied a profound idea at the heart of class and social struggle — the idea that women’s liberation is central to any project of justice. The idea that no true equality exists without dismantling the structures of patriarchal violence protected by political, religious, and tribal authority. The idea that socialism without feminism remains incomplete, and that feminism which fails to confront class exploitation remains limited in its impact.

Yanar opened the doors of her organization to dozens of Iraqi women who sought refuge from domestic and social violence, enabling many of them to break free from forced marriage, denial of education, and deprivation of their rights. Her organization was never merely a human rights office issuing reports and statements — it was a frontline of daily life, receiving hundreds of distress calls every year from women living under crushing violence.

They Targeted Her Because She Was Dangerous to Oppression

They targeted her because she exposed violence, uncovered human trafficking networks, and opened the doors of safe houses to those cast aside by society. They targeted her because she said what no one wanted to hear: that the situation of Iraqi women has been deteriorating for decades, and that occupation and political Islam are two faces of the same coin in producing oppression. Yanar saw that the American invasion had turned Iraqi streets into zones without women, and she exposed the false choice between two options with no third alternative — either occupation or political Islam — insisting that choosing between them meant a life neither free nor dignified.

Her organization faced a campaign by the state media labeling them “those who humiliate Iraqi women,” because she openly raised the issue of human trafficking and demanded that the state recognize victims and ensure their protection. This is a familiar pattern: when a crime is exposed, those who expose it are attacked; when killing goes unaddressed, those who demand justice are accused of damaging the national reputation.

They wanted to intimidate activists and drive women back into the cage of silence. They ignored the reality that Yanar’s voice was never a single voice. It was the echo of tens of thousands of women who learned from her that freedom is seized, not granted.

The Climate That Bred the Crime: Power Is Complicit in Blood

The sectarian, nationalist, and patriarchal government of Iraq bears direct political and moral responsibility for the climate that produced this crime. The quota system that entrenched sectarian and ethnic division, shielded militias, and turned a blind eye to hate speech and violence against women is the incubator for targeting defenders of freedom.

This climate does not produce violence by accident — it manufactures it systematically through three intertwined channels: first, the religious pulpit, which reinforces the image of woman as a dependent being requiring a male guardian to govern and decide on her behalf. Second, the patriarchal media, which distorts the image of activists and portrays them as enemies of religion, family, and nation — thereby granting moral justification for killing in the minds of those who carry it out. Third, the culture of impunity that protects militias and makes political assassination a cost-free instrument.

When feminists are incited against and their reputations smeared without accountability, the bullet becomes an extension of that incitement. The killer executes what the culture of hatred produces daily from pulpits, screens, and mosques.

Impunity: Complicity in Blood

We condemn this cowardly crime and demand the killers be identified and publicly held accountable. The Iraqi Interior Minister has ordered the formation of a specialized investigative team to determine the circumstances of the crime — a step we acknowledge in form, though we will not forget that dozens of human rights and women’s rights defenders were killed in Iraq before Yanar without their killers ever being identified. Impunity is not merely a failure of the judicial system; it is a deliberate political message: activists can be killed, and no one will be held responsible.

There is no justice in a homeland where fighters are assassinated while sectarian and patriarchal structures continue to reproduce violence. Protecting activists is a political obligation that tolerates no delay, and cannot be satisfied by forming investigative committees that save face and bury files.

The Idea That Does Not Die

A bullet pierces the body. The idea endures. Yanar Mohammed was born in Baghdad and was known for her defining words: “We women are capable of knowing what is best for us, our families, and our communities.” This simple sentence is, at its core, a complete revolution against every logic of guardianship and exclusion that governs women within a patriarchal sectarian context that claims to protect them while imprisoning them.

The idea Yanar planted — the idea of liberation, full equality for women, and a socialist future — will take deeper root. It will transform into collective action, into a feminist movement more resolute in confronting violence, discrimination, exploitation, and the system that sustains them. Because every fighter who has fallen throughout the history of feminist and human struggle has not extinguished the movement — she has ignited within it a deeper anger and a stronger resolve. A single bullet does not stop a movement. It kindles within it a new conviction: that what she fought for is worth the sacrifice.

Yes to the Women’s Revolution

A revolution that links women’s liberation to the liberation of society from sectarianism, tyranny, and corruption. A revolution that insists no true equality exists as long as the sectarian constitution elevates religious law above civil law, and as long as women in Iraq lose their rights to custody, marriage, divorce, and inheritance through the decrees of clerics rather than through equal civil law. A revolution that affirms that women’s liberation is the measure of society’s progress and development.

Today we stand at a defining moment: either the movement breaks under the weight of shock, or it reorganizes itself and raises its hand higher. We choose the second. We choose organized anger over helpless despair. We choose to continue until the name Yanar Mohammed becomes a reference point for every Iraqi girl learning the meaning of resistance.

They will not silence our voices. We will raise them higher. We will not be afraid. We will not be silent. We will not compromise on the freedom of women.

Yanar did not die. Death claims bodies — but she who planted freedom in the hearts of thousands walks among us every time a woman raises her voice and refuses silence.

[Yanar Mohammed (1960 — March 2, 2026): architect, founder of the Organization of Women’s Freedom in Iraq, editor-in-chief of Al-Musawa newspaper, protector of hundreds of women in safe houses, recipient of the Gruber Foundation Women’s Rights Prize in 2008 and other international awards. She fell to the bullets of darkness — and darkness will never extinguish what she lit.]Email

A Danish leftist-feminist activist and writer of Iraqi origin, Bayan Saleh is a feminist activist, writer, and long-time leftist organizer. She co-founded the Independent Women’s Organization in Erbil in 1991, was active in the Worker-Communist Party of Iraq and the Committee for the Defense of Iraqi Women’s Rights, and represented the committee at the UNHCR in Turkey. Since 2001 she has been a member and candidate of the Danish Red-Green Alliance, and since 2003 she has served on the editorial board of Al-Hiwar Al-Mutamaddin. She coordinates the Center for Women’s Equality, is a member of Amnesty International, and has served in leading positions in the Danish Women’s Council. Bayan has led multiple projects on migrant and refugee women’s rights in Denmark, Kurdistan, and the Middle East, and frequently participates in Scandinavian and international conferences on women’s rights, migration, and equality. Her educational background includes a BSc in Agriculture (University of Mosul, Iraq), diplomas in administration and IT (Denmark), and professional qualifications in psychotherapy and family counseling. She currently works as a family counselor and project manager supporting migrant women in Denmark.

When Centering and Silencing Women No Longer Work

Pam Bondi, International Women’s Day, and the Tools of Patriarchy


The March 8, 2026, celebration of International Women’s Day feels loaded. A celebration born of the early twentieth-century women’s labor movement to bolster gender equality and reproductive rights while stopping violence and abuse against women feels hollow and in need of a massive resurgence, given current US politics. With the dissolution of women’s reproductive autonomy, the rise of pronatalism, the silencing of women harmed by sexual assault, and the ultimate silencing of women through state-sanctioned murder, it is an understatement to say we are living in dark times. Simultaneously, however, we are seeing women push back against their mistreatment; women harmed in this current environment refuse to stay silent and are swiftly and publicly speaking out against the injustices put upon them.

In the timeline of public harms against women, the most recent point (as of this writing) can be broadly located on the Epstein files and, more specifically, on Attorney General Pam Bondi’s disastrous management of the files and her cruel disregard for the women named in them. On February 11, 2026, Bondi testified at a House Judiciary Committee hearing, where she repeatedly refused to answer questions about the Epstein files, a performance widely interpreted as demonstrating fealty to her boss, President Trump.

Bait-and-switch: The Epstein Files

This was neither Bondi’s first muddled foray into the Epstein files nor her first time harming the women—many of them minors at the time of their assaults—named in the files. Releasing the Epstein files was long a rallying cry of the Republican party during the Biden presidency, centered on the notion that prominent Democrats would be named and, thus, irreparably damaged. Indeed, Trump was a repeated, vocal advocate of releasing the files. In September 2025, Bondi promised to share a “mountain of evidence,” and she released several binders, labeled The Epstein Files, Phase 1, exclusively to conservative influencers. Presumably, the intent was to curry favor with friendly journalists and pundits while also setting up prominent Democrats for humiliation. This almost immediately backfired because there was nothing of consequence in these binders; all the information in them was already publicly available. Bondi’s Phase 1 was such a debacle that other members of the Trump inner circle criticized her for it, illustrating the competitiveness of Trump’s sycophants to reach top favor.

Over the next several months, the White House, and particularly Bondi, faced unrelenting scrutiny about the files. Given how many hundreds of times the word “Trump” is named in the files, the efforts to pivot the national narrative to any other story were mostly unsuccessful. Largely bowing to press pressure, in January 2026, Trump’s Department of Justice released approximately 3.5 million additional files, and once again, it was a disaster for the White House and Bondi. Although several new names surfaced and many public figures faced increased scrutiny, the release failed to redact the names of many victim-survivors even as many attackers’ names were redacted, resulting in a whole new level of harm for the victim-survivors and impunity for attackers, who remained nameless and therefore, protected.

Bondi bamboozles the House Judiciary Committee

All of this resulted in the February testimony, when Bondi repeatedly lashed out at various members of the panel. When asked if she would apologize to the victim-survivors present in the chamber, she demurred; when pressed further, she accused the panel of theatrics; and, perhaps most egregiously, she attempted to pivot to the stock market as evidence of the Trump administration’s success, demanding that the panel owed an apology to Trump for its horrid behavior. Bondi played her hand openly, stating, “I’m going to answer the question the way I want to answer the question,” signalling to everyone her partisan contempt for the committee’s members, her disregard for Epstein’s victim-survivors, and her loyalty to Trump.

Although it may seem surprising that a woman could be so baldly insensitive to survivors of sexual assault, Bondi’s audience of one—Trump—puts her insensitivity in a larger context. Bondi is very clearly following the playbook of her boss and his mentor, Roy Cohn: Attack aggressively, never admit wrongdoing, and always claim victory. While Bondi may very well have been uncomfortable in the same physical space as Epstein’s victim-survivors, she most likely believed that as long as she was loyal to her boss, she would remain shielded from any actual retribution. We cannot assume that women will have empathy or compassion for other women just because they are women; Bondi is part of the larger patriarchal culture and therefore subject to its tenets, particularly the cruelty towards anyone deemed threatening to it.

Bondi’s disastrous performance at the hearing is an opportunity to look at the Epstein saga in a new way and may be an opportunity to reimagine International Women’s Day and the treatment of women more broadly. If we peel back the curtain of patriarchy, what we see is not a terrifying monster but rather a fearful ideology running out of gas.

To maintain dominance, those working within the context of patriarchy must lash out at anything deemed threatening. Although this is frightening and often quite harmful, we can look at it in a new way: Whatever the patriarchy and its agents deem threatening must possess some degree of agency and the capacity for power, especially to create systemic change.

The women in the gallery, sitting and standing behind Bondi, were there to represent all victim-survivors of sexual assault. Their silence in this space spoke volumes: They were present, undeterred, and not backing down. Having been harmed and marginalized for years, they are now resolutely standing strong until justice is served.

One of Epstein’s bravest victim-survivors, Virginia Giuffre, took a great risk speaking out against Epstein and his companion Ghislaine Maxwell’s abuse. Giuffre publicly named (then) Prince Andrew, leading directly to the stripping of his royal title. As of this writing, Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor is once again under investigation for crimes while in public office; pointedly, his brother, King Charles, has sought to distance himself from him, and while Mountbatten-Windsor has had his royal title and its associated trappings removed, he remains eighth in the line of succession. Giuffre worked to advocate for victims of sexual assault. After her death by suicide in 2025, her family took up her fight, and they continue to push for a law that would eliminate the statute of limitations for sexual assault.

The legal response to sexual assault is further evidence of how fundamentally women are silenced. Murder, for comparison, has no statute of limitations; it is considered such a serious offense that there are no legal time limits on bringing those who commit murder to justice, for the sake of the victim, their loved ones, and society at large. By contrast, the statute of limitations for charges of sexual assault, including the sexual assault of minors, varies by state. This poses two threats to women and girls. First, statutes of limitation send the message to all that sexual assault is legally less offensive than murder. Second, because sexual assault statutes vary by state, victim-survivors are responsible not just for their healing, but also for being aware of the vagaries of a legal system that provides them with variable rights, depending on when and where they were assaulted. This makes the conflation of sexual assault and trafficking even more harmful for those involved. In her death, Giuffre will force us to consider how we conceptualize sexual assault, including, especially, how seriously we expect our legal system to take it.

These women maneuver their vulnerability as a strength, as a way to push back against and introduce new ways to fight for women’s rights. This should serve as a crystal clear warning to Bondi, Maxwell, and Epstein’s friends.

The double-edge of patriarchal power

In Bondi’s embrace of Trump and of his deny-and-deflect ethos, she should be wary that those tools of patriarchy can be turned against her. Trump has a long history of destroying relationships with individuals who no longer serve him; while Bondi is loyal to him, what makes her think he will be loyal to her? Trump’s very public attack on Marjorie Taylor Greene is evidence enough that his loyalty is fickle, at best. When (not if) Trump dumps Bondi, the tools of patriarchy will no longer work to her advantage.

Ghislaine Maxwell, who is arguably paying Epstein’s moral and ethical debts via her prison sentence, may also be harmed further by the tools of patriarchy. Maxwell is believed to possess a great deal of information, including but not limited to Epstein’s lengthy client list, that could harm many public individuals (including Trump). When Maxwell was compelled to speak with Deputy Attorney General Todd Blanche, she was moved to a minimum-security prison in exchange. When compelled a second time, Maxwell requested clemency and, when denied, invoked her Fifth Amendment rights against self-incrimination. Thus far, Maxwell’s attempts to game the legal system are not working. Her silence also speaks volumes, especially as a warning to Trump and his administration: Let me go or continue to fight this losing battle.

What if, instead, Maxwell embraced the bravery and vulnerability of her and her former partner’s victim-survivors? She might then have the courage to speak a truth that remains unspoken. Will powerful people—Democrat and Republican alike—be taken down? Perhaps. But her continued silence is evidence that, as a nation, many remain indifferent to Maxwell’s invocation of her Fifth Amendment rights as a bargaining chip for her own self-protection.

The corporate media regularly repeat the point that being named in the Epstein files and being close to Epstein are not evidence of wrongdoing (where “wrongdoing” is limited to the sexual assault and trafficking of minors). However, it stands to reason that those who turned to Epstein for financial advice, or who socialized with him because they were in the same geographic, class, and social circles, must have, to some degree, been aware of his actions. Too many sly comments, public photographs, and email chains have been shared for those implicated to be able to deny, at the very least, any superficial awareness. This means that their own personal, professional, and financial goals were more important than the lives and well-being of dozens of young women. Many of these powerful individuals—men and women—had platforms from which they could have spoken, reached out to law enforcement, pulled some strings—and they chose not to. They chose to look away or to maneuver a plausible deniability for their own selfish gains.

Reimagining International Women’s Day

This March, I strongly urge us to celebrate women in new and different ways. The history of International Women’s Day has ebbed and flowed since it was first celebrated in February 1909, including several years when it was mostly forgotten. This trajectory is not unlike how our society has viewed women over the generations: Capable of work, of autonomy, and of peace until any of those get in the way. Celebrating women can be a superficial balm to calm people’s nerves in highly stressful times, or it can be an opportunity to reflect more deeply on what our society values and how we might explore and enrich those values in new and different ways.

Let us take this auspicious day to center and amplify women. Yes, let us celebrate women’s labor, let us continue to fight for women’s reproductive autonomy, let us continue to fight violence against women—and let us also acknowledge that the very fact that we still have to fight for these basic rights is a travesty. In addition, let us fight the very ideology of patriarchy by highlighting women’s unique strengths. Let us give more oxygen to the women who speak up and speak out in the face of injustice, and who do so with vulnerability as an act of bravery. I have no doubt that women will prevail and bring down patriarchy. The question, though, is how long it will take and at what cost? If we work to do things differently, maybe we can make that time shorter and that cost less disastrous.

Editor’s note: The Judgment of Gender: How Women Are Centered and Silenced in Pop Culture, by Allison T. Butler, will be published by The Censored Press, later this month.

First published on https://www.projectcensored.org/centering-silencing-women-pam-bondi/

Allison Butler is a Senior Lecturer, Director of Undergraduate Advising, and the Director of the Media Literacy Certificate Program in the Department of Communication at the University of Massachusetts Amherst in Amherst, MA. She is the co-author of The Media and Me: A Guide to Critical Media Literacy for Young PeopleRead other articles by Allison.

 

Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.

On International Working Women’s Day in 2025, Cilia Flores, the wife of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro, read a poem she wrote highlighting the historic role played by Latin American women in the fight against imperialism. 

We’re not flowers the wind can pluck,
we’re roots of rebel and loyal land,
we’re grandmothers, mothers, daughters, granddaughters;
we are woman. 
Our blood pulses with the Manuelas,
Luisas, Josefas, Juanas, Cecilias,
Apacuanas, Bartolinas, Eulalias,
Martas, Anas Marías, Barbaritas
and so many others who legacy inspires,
commits, and strengthens us
to continue walking and traveling our path.
And in our hands and chests
a light is on that nobody will ever turn off:
love, peace and liberty. 

Cilia Flores, International Working Women’s Day 2025

One year later, she languishes in a cell in New York City, having been dragged out of her room and kidnapped by U.S. forces on the January 3 attack on Venezuela. The first images after her abduction showed her face bruised. We later learned she had broken ribs, 23 stitches in her forehead, and deteriorating health inside U.S. custody.

Flores is no ordinary first lady. She first rose to prominence in 1992 as a defense lawyer for a group of Venezuelan military officers who rose up against the government of Carlos Andrés Pérez, which had massacred thousands of people in the Caracazo of 1989–nationwide riots following the imposition of neoliberal austerity measures. Key among those officers was Hugo Chávez, the founder of the Bolivarian Revolution.

In 1993, Cilia founded the Bolivarian Circle of Human Rights and aligned herself with Chávez’s revolutionary movement. In 2000, having helped Chávez win consecutive presidential elections, she was elected to the legislature. By 2006, she became the president of the National Assembly, the first woman in Venezuela’s history to occupy the post. Flores held important positions in the United Socialist Party of Venezuela and became the country’s Solicitor General in 2012, a post she left to run Nicolás Maduro’s presidential campaign after President Chávez’s passing. 

Cilia married Nicolás, her longtime partner, following the election. Feeling that the title of “first lady” could not capture her importance to the Bolivarian Revolution, her husband dubbed her the primera combatiente, or first combatant. 

After working behind the scenes as a key advisor to President Maduro, she ran for election to the National Assembly and won in 2015, 2020, and 2025.

Today, she faces charges of conspiracy to import cocaine, along with possession of machine guns and destructive devices. The charges are absurd. 

In the early 1990s, back when Venezuela was a key ally of the United States, over 50% of the world’s cocaine was trafficked through the country. By 2025, as Venezuela was considered an “unusual and extraordinary threat” to the United States, that number was down to 5%. Trump’s rhetoric of Venezuela flooding the U.S. with cocaine, and his constant conflation of cocaine with fentanyl (which is neither trafficked through nor produced in Venezuela), has no basis in reality.

Now that the Trump administration controls Venezuela’s oil trade, the rhetoric on drugs has flipped. Following a visit to Venezuela, the head of U.S. Southern Command touted a new counternarcotics cooperation agreement. Was the abduction of Nicolás and Cilia sufficient to end whatever alleged narcotics operation the Venezuelan government was accused of running? It’s more likely that such operations never existed in the first place. The allegations of drug trafficking served not only to discredit the Venezuelan government and its leaders but also paved the way for the January 3 attack. 

Cilia Flores is one of the most prominent political prisoners in the world, yet most women’s rights organizations have not said a word in her defense. She is a sitting member of Venezuela’s National Assembly and played an instrumental role in the movement that greatly expanded democratic, economic, and social rights in the country. 

Cilia stands with Palestine. In a November 2023 conference in Turkey, she said, “We are witnessing a genocide… We see the victims in Gaza. We see the death of children, women, the elderly, and civilians. We see civilian victims coming out of their destroyed homes, but unable to leave the city because they are in an open-air prison.” 

Cilia brought feminism to the Bolivarian Revolution. On International Working Women’s Day in 2023, she helped launch a social mission aimed at protecting women from the worst of the economic war. At the time, she said, “Venezuelan women have shown they are the vanguard. Women make up more than half the population, but we are also mothers of the other half, so we form a whole. And in this war that Venezuela has endured, we achieved victory and are standing firm thanks to the participation of Venezuelan women, who did not just stay home taking care of children, building their families, but also took to the streets to defend the nation. Our women are patriots… and in the next scenario, whatever it may be, we will be victorious because women will be at the forefront of any battle.” 

Little did she know that the next scenario would be a prison cell in the United States.  Out of solidarity with Cilia, with Venezuelan women in general, we must make it our cause to fight for her freedom. 

Recalling her beautiful poem above, today our blood pulses with Cilia.

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Medea Benjamin is the co-founder of CODEPINK and the co-founder of the human rights group Global Exchange. She has been an advocate for social justice for more than 40 years. She is the author of ten books, including Drone Warfare: Killing by Remote Control; Kingdom of the Unjust: Behind the US-Saudi Connection; and Inside Iran: The Real History and Politics of the Islamic Republic of Iran. Her articles appear regularly in outlets such as Znet, The Guardian, The Huffington Post, CommonDreams, Alternet and The Hill.






































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