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Wednesday, April 22, 2026

Op-Ed

Trump Administration Is Using Christianity to Justify Murder and Empire



There is no love of the stranger in Trump, Vance, and Hegseth’s embrace of imperial Christianity.
April 21, 2026

President Donald Trump, Vice President JD Vance, and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth bow their heads during the invocation the amphitheatre at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier in Arlington National Cemetery in Arlington, Virginia, on Memorial Day, May 26, 2025.
BRENDAN SMIALOWSKI / AFP via Getty Images


As a philosopher, I am known for bringing a deeply uncomfortable truth to bear upon the hegemonic, hierarchical, and privileged embodied reality of whiteness. My aim has been to shape a critical discourse and produce a body of philosophical writing that reveals the ways in which whiteness functions as a mask, as a veil, to cover over the history of its violence. It does this through acts of denial, bad faith, and what philosopher Charles W. Mills terms an epistemology of ignorance, which produces “the ironic outcome that whites will in general be unable to understand the world they themselves have made.”

My aim has been to show white people to themselves with no chaser, and to attempt to free them from forms of evasion that result in the illusion that whiteness constitutes a site of “innocence.” Whiteness is not innocent; it is a structural and embodied lived reality that is predicated upon violence against those who have been constructed (such as Black people) in their very being as wretched. In short, to be Black is precisely to be not human, not moral, not civilized, not intelligent. It is this “not” that underwrites and renders legible the idea of whiteness as “supreme.” But whiteness is parasitic upon Blackness, which functions as its host. James Baldwin powerfully argued that Black people “have functioned in the white … world as a fixed star, as an immovable pillar.” It is this reality that generates a profound question that reveals the fundamental instability of whiteness: Without a dehumanizing concept of Blackness, what would happen to whiteness? My hope is that it will crumble. To inflect Michel Foucault’s provocative words, “One can certainly wager that [whiteness] would be erased, like a face drawn in sand at the edge of the sea.”

Bear in mind that my target of analysis is whiteness as a form of structural violence that white people perpetuate through their complicity. We must call into question the idea that white people are pre-social neoliberal subjects who exist beyond the messiness of racist practices and assumptions that are fundamentally linked to being white. In her book, Being White, Being Good, Barbara Applebaum argues that a pedagogy of white complicitly “addresses ideologies and the ontological, epistemological and ethical frameworks that support and maintain racial injustice.” This hard truth means that the most “radically” anti-racist white person remains tied to those historical struts and girders of white supremacy, even if only unconsciously, and is thereby ethically and socially implicated in the perpetuation of whiteness as structural violence.

I am less well-known for writing about my Christian sensibilities. I suspect this is due to a problematic tendency — something learned early in my philosophical training — to keep my personal faith private, lest I be dismissed as someone lacking “serious” philosophical grounding. As a graduate student at Duquesne University, I took a graduate seminar that explored various important developments within the area of liberation theology, including the work of both Leonardo Boff and Gustavo GutiĆ©rrez, who are two prominent pioneers of the movement. Years later, after speaking with the professor about my religious Christian sensibilities, she said, “But I thought that you were an atheist.” However, my critical work on whiteness hasn’t strayed far from my religious sensibilities. For example, I have edited Christology and Whiteness: What Would Jesus Do? (2012), Buddhism and Whiteness: Critical Reflections with Emily McRae (2019), and In Sheep’s Clothing: The Idolatry of White Christian Nationalism with Bill Bywater (2024).

For these reasons and more, I was honored recently when asked by Dr. Greg Forster, who is a senior fellow and affiliate professor of biblical and systematic theology at Trinity Evangelical Divinity School and editor of Faith & Flourishing, about my thoughts regarding cultural diversity in higher education from a Christian perspective, which I see as linked to celebrating the other — not effacing the stranger. I am now more open to lay bare my own Christian identity — one couched in radical love — especially when inundated with the toxicity and perversity of white Christian nationalism and those, like U.S. Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, who shamelessly invokes the name of Jesus Christ to wage wars. I am sickened by the implications. To this perverted understanding of Christianity, I want to shout: “Not in my name!” Imagine thanking Jesus for the horrible murder caused by the U.S. strike on a school in Minab, Hormozgan Province, in Iran that killed 168 people, including over 100 children. Think of the obscenity of thanking Jesus for the violent dismemberment of Iranian children. I reject Hegseth’s warmongering and idolatrous interpretation of the historical Jesus who preached love, even of one’s “enemies.” So there is a throughline in this article that allows me to reflect theologically on the theme of cultural diversity and also critique those machinations that I see as anti-theological, anti-Christian, and indeed, idolatrous.


Christian Nationalists in US Government Push Attacks on Iran as Holy War
With Pete Hegseth leading the Department of Defense, the line separating church and state is increasingly blurred. By Sara Gabler , Truthout April 2, 2026

Forster asked me: “Almost no topic produces a higher ratio of heat to light than cultural diversity in higher education. What distinctive contribution can Christians make to help academic communities, and society at large, develop a sustainable approach to these difficult issues?”

To answer this question, it is important to mention that I am racially embodied as Black. This lived experience shapes how I think about questions regarding justice, diversity, equity, and inclusion. It means that the question of cultural diversity isn’t an abstraction for me, especially given the reality of anti-Black physical violence and epistemic violence regarding the historical denial of the value of Black life and the denial of knowledge produced by Black people. Given the history of the transatlantic slave trade, Black Codes, Jim Crow segregation, lynch mobs, police violence, and mass incarceration, I literally have skin in the game of this discussion. I am also what I call a hopeful Christian theist, which means that hope, that sense of being unfulfilled, sustains my longing for the Divine, which points to that which is transcendent. It isn’t a form of hope that simply fills the gaps of failed proof for the existence of God. My hope embodies commitment to and striving for a promise that is theologically rich and inextricably linked to the practice of chesed, agape, social justice, and kindness. It is also a hope that yearns for the truth of a certain philosophical anthropology — one that grounds our existential mystery, our being in the cosmos, in the Imago Dei (image of God), and speaks to the character of our nature as transcendent through a Divine act of love.

My understanding of cultural diversity is informed by the idea that education is not about cultural arrogance, political hegemony, and the silencing of diverse voices. Metaphorically, the root meaning of education (educere — to lead out) implies movement, change, and transformation. It is a form of transformation that involves the process of engaging in critical thinking, daring, and courage. It means being vulnerable, capable of being “wounded,” which means being open to hearing about forms of injustice that touch your being at its core, that forces you to rethink your own “innocence” and “ethical purity.” It means to listen to and be touched by the stranger.

To embody the opposite of this is to pretend invulnerability; it is to relate to others through an attitude of imperial hegemony; it involves silencing others. Theologically, to silence the other is a failure or refusal to recognize the existential and spiritual integrity of others, to appreciate their existence as a gift. Critiquing how the power of the state usurps the prophetic message of Christianity, Cornel West writes, “Most American Constantinian Christians are unaware of their imperialistic identity because they do not see the parallel between the Roman Empire that put Jesus to death and the American Empire they celebrate.” For me, genuine education is diametrically opposed to the formation of an imperialistic identity, which seeks to dominate dialogical spaces that are meant to invite and cultivate epistemic humility. Left unchecked, such identities prioritize flags and missiles over love, inclusive fellowship, and reconciliation.

There are times when my students are clearly troubled, in a generative way, as we critically discuss, with as much honesty as possible, issues about what it means to contribute to injustice and political hegemony; and what it means to face one’s own complicity in perpetuating racism, sexism, and other oppressive hierarchies that do violence to other human beings or even the Earth itself. Within this context, love is inextricably linked to outrage, both of which are what I want my students to feel, to express. As a member of the academic community, one that is made up of a diversity of human beings who are always in process, finite and fallible, I encourage my students to feel outrage when it comes to forms of learning that are designed to create lockstep conformity. It is that kind of conformity that fears difference, that abhors those who don’t look like “us,” or those who come from countries that are deemed “ersatz,” “racially problematic,” or “uncivilized.”

As a Black philosopher, I share with my white students what it means to be deemed “racially other” and thereby excluded from the normative status of whiteness. I share with them how whiteness is itself a site of privilege and how, when left unchallenged, these students unconsciously reap the benefits of that privilege. This awareness is often painful as they have been taught, even if only implicitly, to think of whiteness as a site of “innocence.” But as James Baldwin wrote, “It is the innocence which constitutes the crime.” Given my own sense of ethical fallibility, which follows from my hopeful Christian theist positionality, I too cannot claim “innocence.” I too perpetuate forms of injustice. This way of demonstrating vulnerability within the context of my classroom helps me and my students to acknowledge and embrace a space of collective responsibility, even as that responsibility is distributed differently according to other factors like whiteness. There is the mutual understanding that even though I am the teacher, we all share in the process of “leading out,” of becoming more than we were before entering the classroom together. As Rabbi Abraham Joshua Heschel reminded us, “We must continue to remind ourselves that in a free society all are involved in what some are doing. Some are guilty; all are responsible.”

This sense of responsibility isn’t easy to carry. Yet, it is required of each of us. Within the context of cultural diversity — especially within our current political climate of unabashed toxicity of xenophobia and the erasure of cultural diversity — I pedagogically encourage my students to rethink the meaning of “neighbor.” Indeed, I invite them to explore the often-hidden assumptions and biases that they harbor that lead them to feel that sense of irrational unease where the “neighbor,” the “stranger” is a Black person, an undocumented immigrant, a Palestinian, a Haitian, a Somalian, a queer person. As a hopeful Christian theist, I take it as an act of love to show kindness to the least of these. What is this but the parable of the Good Samaritan? Indeed, it is an act of caritas, an act of what I would call un-suturing, where one opens oneself to the other and refuses to seek shelter (or walk away as fast as possible) in fear or refuses to look the other way. In this case, one stops in their tracks and refuses to mark the other as “unclean,” “abominable” and existentially nugatory. In this case, we accept the presence of the other as a gift, as an opportunity to demonstrate love and kindness.

I teach my students that we bring our entire complex selves to the university classroom, including our arrogant selves, our myopic selves, and our intolerant selves. Accordingly, what we deem “deviant” and “strange” within those classrooms is what we have already marked as such within the “outside world.” It is our broken selves that preexist the classrooms that we later come to inhabit. Hence, we must look to transform both spheres, and ourselves within each, as they are connected. Moreover, the creation of this transformative space isn’t simply about epistemic and cultural tolerance. After all, tolerance needn’t radically move the heart. Additionally, neoliberal forms of marketing “cultural diversity” can function as forms of superficial propitiation by, for example, giving false representations (or overrepresentations) of racial diversity in the form of brochures that are designed to sell an image as opposed to reality.

Through the lens of hopeful Christian theist sensibilities, and an understanding of the embodied love of the historic Jesus, it is important that we cultivate forms of love that radically dismantle structural and psychic barriers that render some people ungrievable while others are deemed grievable. Rabbi Heschel challenged us where he wrote, “Daily we should take account and ask: What have I done today to alleviate the anguish, to mitigate the evil, to prevent humiliation?” I would add: What have we done to eliminate the fear that keeps us apart, to eradicate the hatred, to open ourselves to those voices that have been historically marginalized, to listen with patience, to hear the plight of Palestinian and Iranian children, to hear the pain of those in poverty, to create a place in our hearts for those innocent children who need our loving kindness as they are driven from war-torn countries or are torn to pieces after being bombed by warhawk and self-serving “leaders” who initiate wars of choice? As I bear witness to the U.S.’s bloodlust in the form of murdering Iranian children, I know that the United States is in desperate need of a radical transformation. Christian ethics calls for drawing others near — not to inspect them or prejudge if they are “fit” or, as Donald Trump said, “to unleash hell” upon them. Unlike Pete Hegseth, who prayed violence against those “who deserve no mercy,” Christian ethics embodies mercy. Christian ethics refuses prayers of “overwhelming violence” in the name of Jesus Christ. Just imagine the scene for a moment, imagine the grotesqueness of this prayer spoken by Hegseth. As a ritual, it is dangerous and idolatrous; it distorts, flattens, and does violence to the memory of the historic Jesus, the one who said, “Blessed are the peacemakers.” This is the message of Pope Leo XIV to Trump: “God does not bless any conflict. Anyone who is a disciple of Christ, the Prince of Peace, is never on the side of those who once wielded the sword and today drop bombs.”

As we know, Trump, by his own words, is derelict when it comes to being a peacemaker. After all, it was just on April 7 that he threatened on social media that “a whole civilization will die tonight, never to be brought back again.” This is the same Trump who didn’t flinch when it came to posting an AI image of himself as Jesus. The contradiction and decadence in both cases are palpable. So, Trump’s threat is to commit the unconscionable act of genocide against over 93 million Iranians? Surely, they too, are created in the image of God, and one would think that Hegseth and JD Vance are aware of this theological faith claim as they both identify as Christians. But the problem is that Hegseth and Vance are both invested in weaponizing, instrumentalizing, and cheapening the concept of God as a tool for “justifying” the murder of other human beings. And the image of a white Jesus is itself deeply problematic, with, as Richard Dyer points out, “the gentilising and whitening of the image of Christ and the Virgin [Mary] in painting.” The image of Trump as Jesus borders on the sacrilegious, especially as it depicts angelic-like figures and his “supernatural” powers to heal. And even if we grant that he thought that it was an AI image of him as a “healer,” a healer doesn’t threaten genocide, a healer doesn’t threaten that “all Hell will reign down” on other human beings and then add, “Glory be to GOD!” In the midst of human carnage, a healer doesn’t talk about using bombs “just for fun.” Under this imperial Christianity, Hegseth does not pray to God that Iranians are kept safe from Trump’s war of choice.

What I counterpose to imperial Christianity is Christian love. As James Baldwin writes, “Love takes off the masks that we fear we cannot live without and know we cannot live within.” To be open to cultural diversity and yet to wear this mask is mutually exclusive. The latter must be torn from our eyes and ripped from our hearts. If one claims to be a Christian, then there must be the belief that each one of us embodies the gift of the Imago Dei, which many have covered over because of our fear, divisiveness, and fanaticism. Embracing cultural diversity is easy when it fails or refuses to ask anything radical from us. Christianity asks for more; it asks that we be more, and to be more without the machinations of safety, but by the fragility of hope.


This article is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), and you are free to share and republish under the terms of the license.


George Yancy


George Yancy is the Samuel Candler Dobbs professor of philosophy at Emory University and a Montgomery fellow at Dartmouth College. He is also the University of Pennsylvania’s inaugural fellow in the Provost’s Distinguished Faculty Fellowship Program (2019-2020 academic year). He is the author, editor and co-editor of over 25 books, including Black Bodies, White Gazes; Look, A White; Backlash: What Happens When We Talk Honestly about Racism in America; and Across Black Spaces: Essays and Interviews from an American Philosopher published by Rowman & Littlefield in 2020. His most recent books include a collection of critical interviews entitled, Until Our Lungs Give Out: Conversations on Race, Justice, and the Future (Rowman & Littlefield, 2023), and a coedited book (with philosopher Bill Bywater) entitled, In Sheep’s Clothing: The Idolatry of White Christian Nationalism (Roman & Littlefield, 2024).

Sunday, April 19, 2026

 

Want to restore oyster reefs? Find a site where they don’t wash away or become buried under the sand!






Royal Netherlands Institute for Sea Research





Disappearing reefs

Oyster reefs were once abundant in the North Sea and other, so-called marginal seas at the edges of continental shelves. They hosted a significant biodiversity but have disappeared from 97 % of their original locations. Therefore, various restoration initiatives are undertaken, often with limited success.

Deep experiments

In an experimental setting at a depth of 32 m, in the Gemini wind park (85 km north of the Wadden islands), Zhiyuan and colleagues placed oysters on a rack 0,5 m above the seabed, where they were monitored for filtering activity. Also, oysters were placed on the seabed, to see if they were displaced or buried by currents or sediments. Lastly, they placed oysters in an experimental ‘mesocosm’, to monitor how they survived burial.

Keep on gaping

The experiments showed that oysters kept above the seabed survived well, even during storms, as shown by continuous ‘gaping’, showing filtering activity. But oysters on the soft seabed faced a different reality: stronger near-bed hydrodynamics could dislodge them, while rapid sediment accumulation could bury them beyond recovery. 

Practical implications

The results of these experiments have several practical implications, Zhiyuan says. “First, it is very important to look at potential short-term physical disturbance, when introducing new oysters to the seabed. Water quality is not the only thing to look at”, he warns. “Oysters may remain physiologically healthy, but still fail, because they are dislodged by strong near-bed hydrodynamics or buried by rapid sediment accretion before a reef can establish.” 

Find promising sites

To help select potentially successful sites for reintroduction, the paper describes thresholds at which the risks from hydrodynamic-induced loss and burial-caused mortality become critical. If burial seems likely, only oysters that are placed above the sediment may succeed, while placement in prefab reef structures is an option in areas where dislodgement is likely. “This helps move restoration planning away from trial and error and toward a more risk-informed strategy”, Zhiyuan says. “Our study suggests that the key is not only choosing the right place but also choosing the right method for that place.”

 

Common Asian plant in Brazil shows potential for removing microplastics from water


A saline extract obtained from moringa, also known as white acacia, exhibited properties similar to aluminum sulfate in the coagulation process preceding the filtration of water for human consumption.





Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo

Common Asian plant in Brazil shows potential for removing microplastics from water 

image: 

Moringa seed: The saline extract generated the coagulation necessary for filtering microplastics 

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Credit: Adriano Reis/ICT-UNESP





A study conducted at the Institute of Science and Technology of SĆ£o Paulo State University (ICT-UNESP) in SĆ£o JosĆ© dos Campos, Brazil, shows that Moringa oleifera, also known as moringa or white acacia, has the potential to remove microplastics from water.

The study was published in the journal ACS Omega, published by the American Chemical Society.

Moringa is native to India and well-adapted to various tropical countries. It is used for a variety of purposes, such as food, through the consumption of its leaves and seeds, which are nutritious. For several years, researchers have studied the potential of the seeds in water treatment.

“We showed that the saline extract from the seeds performs similarly to aluminum sulfate, which is used in treatment plants to coagulate water containing microplastics. In more alkaline waters, it performed even better than the chemical product,” says Gabrielle Batista, the first author of the study. She conducted the research as part of her master’s degree in the Post-Graduate Program in Civil and Environmental Engineering (PPGECA) at the Bauru School of Engineering (FEB) at UNESP.

Adriano GonƧalves dos Reis, a professor at ICT-UNESP and in the PPGECA at FEB-UNESP, coordinated the research and also leads the project “Direct and In-Line Filtration for the Removal of Microplastics from Drinking Water”, which is supported by FAPESP.

“The only drawback found so far regarding aluminum sulfate was the increase in dissolved organic matter, the removal of which could make the process more expensive. However, on a small scale, such as on rural properties and in small communities, the method could be used cost-effectively and efficiently,” says Reis.

The study focused on water treatment via in-line filtration. In this process, the water is coagulated, which destabilizes the particles, and then it passes through a sand filter. This treatment method is suitable for water with low turbidity, meaning it is clearer and does not require as many preliminary processes.

Coagulation is essential because pollutants, such as microplastics, have a negative electrical charge on their surface and repel each other and the sand in water treatment filters. Coagulants, such as moringa salt extract (which can be made at home) and aluminum sulfate, neutralize this charge. This causes the pollutants to clump together so they can be filtered out.

In a previous study, the group demonstrated the effectiveness of moringa seeds for coagulation in a complete water treatment cycle, which also involves flocculation, sedimentation, and filtration. Luiz Gustavo Rodrigues Godoy, the first author of the study, completed his master’s degree with a scholarship from FAPESP at FEB-UNESP.

Experiments

To test the effectiveness of the water treatment method, the researchers used tap water that they contaminated with polyvinyl chloride (PVC).

Microplastics from this source were chosen because PVC is one of the most dangerous plastics for human health due to its documented mutagenic and carcinogenic potential. PVC is also prevalent on the surfaces of water bodies and in water treated by traditional processes.

They artificially aged the PVC using ultraviolet radiation to mimic natural processes and reproduce the properties of naturally aged microplastics.

The microplastic-contaminated water underwent coagulation and filtration in a Jar Test, a device that replicates water treatment processes on a small scale. The results were then compared to those of the same tests performed on water treated with aluminum sulfate, a compound used in traditional treatments.

Scanning electron microscopy (SEM) was used to count the microplastic particles before and after treatment. The size of the flocs formed by the different treatments was measured using a high-speed camera and a laser beam; no significant differences in particle removal were found.

The group is now testing moringa seed extract using water collected directly from the Paraíba do Sul River, which supplies São José dos Campos. In the experiments conducted thus far, the product has proven quite effective in treating natural water.

“There’s increasing regulatory scrutiny and health concerns regarding the use of aluminum- and iron-based coagulants, as they aren’t biodegradable, leave residual toxicity, and pose a risk of disease. For that reason, the search for sustainable alternatives has intensified,” Reis concludes.

About SĆ£o Paulo Research Foundation (FAPESP)
The SĆ£o Paulo Research Foundation (FAPESP) is a public institution with the mission of supporting scientific research in all fields of knowledge by awarding scholarships, fellowships and grants to investigators linked with higher education and research institutions in the State of SĆ£o Paulo, Brazil. FAPESP is aware that the very best research can only be done by working with the best researchers internationally. Therefore, it has established partnerships with funding agencies, higher education, private companies, and research organizations in other countries known for the quality of their research and has been encouraging scientists funded by its grants to further develop their international collaboration. You can learn more about FAPESP at www.fapesp.br/en and visit FAPESP news agency at www.agencia.fapesp.br/en to keep updated with the latest scientific breakthroughs FAPESP helps achieve through its many programs, awards and research centers. You may also subscribe to FAPESP news agency at http://agencia.fapesp.br/subscribe.

US Mining Plan Will Sacrifice Mexico’s Environment for Weapons and Tech

A new mining agreement provides no benefits for Mexico and fails to address health and environmental impacts.
PublishedApril 18, 2026

The AutlƔn plant in Teziutlan, in the Sierra Norte, Puebla.Tamara Pearson


The U.S. and Mexico have established a mining agreement which has Indigenous and other residents of the Sierra Norte mountains, as well as activists around Mexico, worried.

Announced on February 4, the U.S.-Mexico Action Plan on Critical Minerals aims to guarantee the U.S.’s supply of minerals for its arms industry, technology like data centers and smartphones, and the so-called energy transition. It sets out price floors, identification of mining projects, geological mapping coordination, and mineral location identification for the U.S., but provides no benefits for Mexico and fails to address health and environmental impacts.

“They want us to show these gringo companies where the minerals are and then go and hand over everything, all without a fuss,” said Miguel SĆ”nchez Olvera, a Totonac man from the Sierra Norte region who has been at the forefront of struggles that have expelled mines from the area. “That’s concerning, because where does it leave us, as Mexicans? Basically, they are going to keep stealing from us.”

Miguel SƔnchez Olvera, a Totonac man and environment activist from the Sierra Norte, Puebla, speaking at a protest on March 22, 2026.Tamara Pearson

The beautiful Sierra Norte — teeming with rivers and sprawling forests, and where a majority of people speak Indigenous languages — has massive amounts of minerals that the U.S. has identified as “critical,” such as manganese, gold, silver, and copper.

According to NATO, manganese is one of 12 minerals critical for the weapons industry; it is used in submarines, fighter aircraft, tanks, and torpedoes. For Mexico, however, manganese is a source of distress before it is even processed. In the lush Sierra Norte cordillera, stark black mountains of manganese ore and slag piles are set off by smoking chimneys from a plant run by AutlƔn, a major Mexican mining company. Homes nearby are drenched in black stains. Residents describe mornings of black clouds along the ground and black dust covering their windows.


Sand Mining Is a Booming Industry — This Mexican Community Is Paying the Price
Fifty-six residents of an Indigenous Oaxaca community face 200 trumped-up charges for resisting mining in their rivers. By Tamara Pearson , Truthout July 9, 2025


AutlĆ”n operates four electric furnaces in its TeziutlĆ”n plant to smelt manganese ore, producing ferroalloys. Manganese is also on the U.S.’s critical minerals list and aside from weapons, it is vital to batteries and other steel applications.
Homes in Teziutlan, right near the AutlƔn plant, are drenched in black soot from the plant.Tamara Pearson

Mexico as a whole is the top silver-producing country, and among the top producers of copper, lead, and zinc — all on the U.S.’s list. Silver is vital for new weapon systems, hypersonic missiles, bombs, fighter jets, satellites, torpedoes, radar systems, AI data centers, electric vehicles, 5G infrastructure, and smartphones. Demand for copper for munitions is skyrocketing as the U.S. restocks its arsenal, and it is essential for armor and electronics. Copper supply problems can cause significant weapon production delays, and supply chain vulnerabilities for weapons manufacturers.

The U.S. is home to 6 of the top 10 global arms companies and 13 of the top 15 global tech companies. The White House’s 2027 budget includes over 18 billion U.S dollars for the Department of Defense to stockpile minerals that are critical to the military industry. That figure is up from the current 2 billion U.S. dollars.

A few days before the U.S.-Mexico plan was signed, the White House had also announced Project Vault, which will establish a public-private partnership to stockpile critical minerals for U.S. businesses. These moves “imply hyper-extractivism — or basically, renewed extractivism,” CĆ©sar Enrique Pineda, a researcher and professor of geopolitical and capitalist intersections with the environment at the JosĆ© MarĆ­a Luis Mora Research Institute, told Truthout.

An Open-Pit Mine for the U.S.


AutlƔn is the largest manganese producer in Central and North America. Like other mining companies in Mexico, it exports much of what it produces, including to the U.S. In late March, the environmental protection agency Profepa temporarily shut down one of its furnaces in the Teziutlan plant after finding that it was operating without an emissions filter. Locals told Truthout they had complained about the resulting harsh black clouds for more than six months, but AutlƔn did nothing.

The AutlƔn plant in the Sierra Norte is located right in the center of the town of Teziutlan.Tamara Pearson

AutlĆ”n continues to accumulate massive mountains of slag rock, a byproduct of metal smelting, in open air. Exposed slag can release small particulates that can lead to respiratory or skin problems. Too much manganese in the body can affect the nervous system, and another potential component, hexavalent chromium, can cause cancer. Leachates — toxic liquid runoffs — spill onto nearby land and eventually into the water system.

Before the fourth furnace was shut down, Gisela Macias Dionisio, a local water activist with Servicios Ambientales Amelatzin Hualactoc, told Truthout, “the dust was like snow. You couldn’t even sweep it up. They tell us babies are being born with gestational cancer.”

“Nobody speaks up, nobody says anything out of fear. A doctor told me that 50 percent of his patients have cancer,” said another woman who lives just behind the mine but who requested anonymity out of fear. “My house is covered in black dust, even the dishes have black dust on them, the trees are covered in it too. Our fruit used to be nice and big and now it’s small and rots quickly. The sound (from the plant) never stops.”

Pollution Doesn’t Squash Mining Companies’ Excitement

Nevertheless, the Mexican government is already promoting the critical minerals action plan as an investment opportunity, and companies here are using the plan to demand relaxation of regulations. The mining industry chamber, Camimex, said it sees the U.S.’s focus on securing strategic minerals as a moment to push for mining interests after the reforming of the 2023 mining law, which was a result of years of movement struggle.

The law was “a historic achievement,” said Beatriz Olivera Villa, an industrial engineer and a founder of CambiĆ©mosla Ya — a coalition of communities and organizations campaigning around the mining law. The reformed law made environmental assessments and informed consent from affected communities obligatory, “and now they aren’t handing out concessions, at least not like they used to,” she said.

Now, with the critical minerals action plan, “we’re worried, because the economy secretary [of Mexico] has been speaking with the mining companies … and they are talking about modernizing the mining law to recover the privileges they lost,” Olivera said. “With the demand for critical minerals … it seems like they would increase extraction at any cost.”

“Trump’s administration doesn’t just represent extractive capital, but also an authoritarian approach that disregards any kind of regulation. Therefore, we should expect significant pressure to ensure, at any cost and regardless of our laws, that the mining industry’s needs are met with this plan,” Pineda said.


Nobody Benefits From Weapons Except Weapons Companies


But while the mining industry is being heard, the mines bring no economic benefits to the country or to nearby communities.

“I very much doubt that Mexico would benefit economically from this plan because it has never been that way with mining projects. Extraction only contributes 0.9 percent to the GDP, for example,” said Olivera. “Mining represents just 0.66 percent of formal employment, and in terms of taxes, they contribute very little.” There are 22,247 active mining concessions in Mexico, with a total surface area of 10.2 million hectares, or 5.2 percent of Mexico’s territory

.
The AutlƔn plant is located right in the center of the town of Teziutlan and within the lush Sierra Norte mountains.Tamara Pearson

“Towns like Guadalupe y Calvo in Chihuahua (state) are among the top producers of gold and silver, but it is one of the poorest towns in Mexico,” Olivera said. In Fresnillo, another top global silver producer, 40 percent of the population lives in poverty, and in Eduardo Neri, a key gold producer, 65 percent do. Across Mexico, mining regions have very high poverty rates, “and a lack of access to services like water or electricity,” she added.


“There is a militarization of these resources. The U.S. is considering securing minerals for war as part of its national security strategy.”

Meanwhile, arms producers are breaking revenue records, with 679 billion U.S. dollars in 2024. Increased production requires more minerals. “There is a militarization of these resources. The U.S. is considering securing minerals for war as part of its national security strategy,” said Olivera.

And as minerals flow from Global South countries like Mexico to the Global North for manufacturing and sales, so do the profits. Mining took off “in an intense way” after the signing of the North American Free Trade Agreement in 1994, which served U.S. and Canadian markets, Olivera says, calling it a “legalized plundering.” In 2024, Mexico exported 42.3 billion U.S. dollars in minerals, making it the 24th-largest exporter. Its main destinations were the U.S. ($17.7 billion), China ($6.31 billion), and Spain ($4.58 billion). Mexico exports 70 to 80 percent of its copper production.


Mining’s Legacy of Environmental Disaster




The U.S.-Mexico action plan “benefits investors, but it doesn’t benefit us at all,” said Urbano Córdova Guerraas, a local resident and also a member of Servicios Ambientales Amelatzin Hualactoc as we chatted in a small eatery near the AutlĆ”n plant. To extract copious amounts of manganese, AutlĆ”n has destroyed whole mountain tops in nearby Hidalgo state, buying off local politicians in order to do so. In ZoquitlĆ”n, AutlĆ”n chopped down 77 hectares of forest for a hydroelectric plant.

Communities in the Sierra Norte have successfully resisted various hydroelectric, fracking, and mining projects in their region. In 2022, they managed to cancel mining concessions in IxtacamaxtitlĆ”n, Cuetzalan, Tlatlauquitepec, and YaonĆ”huac, including for the Canadian gold-mining company, Almaden Minerals. SĆ”nchez, a member of the land movement Makxtum Kalaw Chuchutsipi (Everyone United as a People), along with various movements in the region, including Masuel Indigenous communities, shut down three of AutlĆ”n’s gold, silver, and copper concessions last year.

“Our territory isn’t a resource. It’s our body, our memory, our spirituality,” the Maseual Altepetajpianij Council wrote to the court at the end of their 11-year battle. The council, made up of 35 Indigenous and small-farmer communities in the Sierra Norte, defends the region against mines.

“(AutlĆ”n) had just finished the exploration stage and was about to start exploiting, but with the strength of women and men here, they left the Sierra very pissed off because they had bought 1,000 hectares of land,” said SĆ”nchez.

Meanwhile, in the north of the country, the U.S. consul general in Mexico, Michelle Ward, visited the country’s Buenavista copper mine on March 25, stressing that it is one of the top copper mines globally. She said that with the joint action plan, the U.S. government wants to strengthen its presence in the region. Ward omitted that the mine was the site of Mexico’s worst environmental disaster, when in 2014, a leaching pool collapsed, spilling 40,000 cubic meters of copper sulfate into the Sonora River, eventually reaching wells that supplied the city of Hermosillo

.
A Google Maps screenshot shows an aerial view of the Buenavista copper mine in Sonora, taken on March 27, 2026. At 93,706 hectares in size, it is almost as big as New York City, and has carved out a large chunk of the Sierra Madre Occidental mountain range.Google Maps / Tamara Pearson


Over a decade later, according to Olivera, members of the Sonora River Basin Committee say “their demands haven’t been met and the damage hasn’t been repaired, the skin problems are ongoing due to high levels of arsenic. They’re still finding arsenic in their urine and blood.” Even before the spill, authorities had found copper, arsenic, aluminum, cadmium, iron, manganese, and lead in the water supply.

Pineda lists off more negative impacts from mines in Mexico, including displacement of communities, water scarcity, contamination of tributaries and aquifers, heavy metal contamination, health harm, and toxic dust. “These are not things you can negotiate with the mining companies. You can’t negotiate if water is contaminated or not … so communities typically demand the closure of mines,” he said.

To mine just one ounce of gold, 40 kilograms of explosives and 200,000 liters of water are used, and 650 kilograms of carbon dioxide are emitted.


Imposing Destruction



In order to operate without disruption, mining companies in Mexico are often involved in the disappearance of activists and with organized crime. The top minerals that attract organized crime groups are the same critical minerals that Mexico plans to supply to the U.S.

In 2022, Indigenous activists Ricardo Lagunes and Antonio DĆ­az, who had opposed a Ternium mine, were forcibly disappeared; they are still missing. The year before, anti-mining activist Higinio Trinidad De la Cruz and another activist were kidnapped by organized crime members and told to stop their activism, then released. Trinidad De la Cruz was killed the following year.

AutlĆ”n too has reportedly used violence, intimidation, death threats, buying people off, sowing community division, and attacking activists — including burning a bus that activists were in after a protest against one of AutlĆ”n’s hydroelectric plants — in order to get its way. In 2018, Sergio Rivera HernĆ”ndez disappeared after opposing AutlĆ”n’s Coyolapa-Atzalan hydroelectric project.

There is a similar logic of control in the U.S. plans to funnel Mexico’s critical minerals its way. “With this plan, the U.S. government is taking advantage of Mexico’s deep economic dependency on it in order to impose a new instrument of subordination,” wrote the Mexican Network of those Affected by Mining in a statement.

“Mexico isn’t in a position to negotiate on equal terms,” said Pineda. “This plan doesn’t just mean communities losing control over their ecosystems, but that the whole country loses control over its ecosystems.”

Of course, Mexico isn’t alone. The U.S. has made an alarming deal with the Democratic Republic of the Congo, exchanging “security” support for access to its minerals, while threatening to cut off Zambia’s aid if it doesn’t increase the U.S.’s mineral access. A trade deal with Indonesia in March also paves the way for the U.S.’s access to minerals, with few environmental safeguards.

“The environmental impact stays in the (Global) South, and the raw materials head to the North … at a scale that is unsustainable,” said Pineda.

Over the years, thousands of organized communities have declared themselves “mining-free territory” to legally prohibit mining in their territory.

Stopping mines after the fact is much harder, but many communities are willing to wage the legal and organizational battle. Even after victory, the struggle continues.

“We want to clean our rivers, so that the Sierra Norte de Puebla can be a paradise again,” said SĆ”nchez.


This article is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), and you are free to share and republish under the terms of the license.


Tamara Pearson is an Australian-Mexican journalist, editor, activist and literary fiction author. Her latest novel is, The Eyes of the Earth, and she writes the Global South newsletter, Excluded Headlines.

Thursday, April 16, 2026

Solar power in Morocco's desert: Bold vision, mixed results

Charli Shield
DW 04/15/2026

A massive solar tower in the Moroccan desert is the beacon of an ambitious push for a clean energy future. But fossil fuels and grid constraints stand in the way.


Morocco's massive Noor concentrated solar power project is one of the region's largest renewable energy installations
Image: Xinhua/SEPCO III/picture alliance

The Moroccan city of Ouarzazate, about 200 kilometers (125 miles) southeast of Marrakech, lies on the edge of the Sahara and is known as the "door to the desert."

Ouarzazate is probably best known for the Atlas Film Studios, where blockbusters from "The Mummy" to "Gladiator" and "Game of Thrones" have been filmed. But a new industry is taking shape.

Near the city, lying on a high plateau hemmed by the Atlas Mountains, one of the world's largest solar power plants is being built. It is named Noor, meaning light in Arabic.

Stretching over nearly 500 hectares (some 1,200 acres), the solar facility produces enough energy to power more than a million homes. But this is not a typical solar farm.
Fossil fuels still dominate energy mix

Instead of commonly seen black PV panels, Noor uses concentrated solar power. A field of 2 million giant mirrors reflects the sun's rays onto a central receiver that sits at the top of a 247-meter (810-foot) tower. The concentrated sunlight melts molten salt to 600 degrees Celsius (1,112 degrees Fahrenheit). That makes steam, which spins turbines, generating electricity even hours after sunset.

In Ouarzazate, however, electricity remains expensive. Most households are not dependent on solar, but on butane gas. So why hasn't clean energy arrived for the local community?

One reason is that Morocco's energy grid is still heavily reliant on fossil fuels, and especially coal-fired power generation. Intissar Fakir, a senior fellow and founding director of the North Africa and the Sahel program at the Middle East Institute in Washington D.C. said this has slowed the nation's clean energy transition.

"Fossil fuel-generated electricity contributes about 48% of the country's energy-related greenhouse gas emissions," she said.

The number of hot days in North Africa has doubled in the last 50 years as Morocco's deserts become climate change hot spots
Image: imagoDens/Zoonar/IMAGO

Moroccans spend around $110 (€94) of their $550 average monthly income on electricity. This is in a hot and dry country, where residents rely on air conditioning or a fan to stay cool. It's regularly over 40 degrees Celsius in Ouarzazate during the summer, and the number of hot days and nights has roughly doubled in the region since the 1970s.

This expense is partly down to the fact that Morocco does not produce any fossil fuels domestically, and imports about 90% of its coal, oil and gas, Fakir explained. Energy market and price fluctuations mean fossil fuel imports consume a major portion of the national budget, making the switch away from planet-heating coal, oil and gas increasingly urgent.

Power grid limitations delays energy transition


That said, Morocco has made more progress on renewables than most North African countries.

"Even by global standards, Morocco's transition plan is pretty ambitious," said Fakir. By 2030, the country plans to be able to power its economy with 52% of renewable electricity. By 2050, it's aiming for 70% clean power capacity. And considering that the country has ample sun and coastal wind, the conditions seem right.

The Noor solar plant might be the star of Morocco's shift to renewables, but it's just one of around two dozen solar, wind and hydro megaprojects already built. Another several dozen are in the pipeline.

The country has also recently pledged to phase out coal power entirely by 2040 as part of its clean energy transition.

But it has some catching up to do. While it currently has enough renewable technology to generate 46% of its electricity, in 2023 the nation only achieved a little over half of that.

"The actual output in the country's ability to integrate what Noor produces remains quite limited," said Fakir. "Morocco still needs to invest in its grid capacity so they can integrate more of these renewable energies into daily use." This includes investment in ways to store energy.

She said more investment is also needed if the country is to realize its goal of selling its clean power abroad — especially to Europe.

"Even as solar panels and wind turbines get cheaper, building large-scale, clean energy systems like Noor still takes serious upfront investment for low income countries," she explained.
Are megaprojects the way forward for renewables?

Researchers and civil society organizations have also been critical of the government's focus on megaprojects like Noor instead of more decentralized, small-scale clean energy schemes, including rooftop PV panels for homes, businesses and farms.

Some say decentralized rooftop solar, like this unit installed on a village house in Morocco's Atlas Mountains, is a better investment than large centralized solar projects
Image: Ashley Cooper/Global Warming Images/picture alliance

One critique is that concentrated solar power is very water intensive. Its millions of mirrors need to be cleaned with water to remove sand and dust that get in the way of their ability to reflect light. In addition, a lot of grazing land was appropriated from local farmers to host Noor, with little consultation.

The project has divided locals, many of whom have seen few benefits. Imrane, an 83-year old resident, said electricity is still very expensive for villagers, adding that the solar tower's mirrors and concentrated sunlight has driven up temperatures in their villages.
As the Noor solar complex took shape in 2016, it carried the hope of a rapid energy transition
Image: FADEL SENNA/AFP/Getty Images

Fakir said that, despite the expense, the Noor solar project was an experiment.

"These are great flagship projects that prove the extent of Morocco's technical capabilities," she said. "But they also again highlight the challenge that even with these massive investments, renewables are still struggling to displace the entrenched coal and fossil fuel generation."

Edited by: Stuart Braun

This article was adapted from a DW Living Planet radio series on solar energy. To listen, click here.



Charli Shield Journalist, audio producer & host