Friday, April 10, 2026

Haiti: Solidarity in a World at War


 April 10, 2026

Photograph Source: abdallahh – CC BY 2.0

As the world reels from the devastating U.S.-Israel war on Iran and Lebanon, and as the U.S.-backed Israeli genocide continues in Gaza and the West Bank, the Trump Administration’s plan to assert its dominance over the Americas is also moving forward at an unprecedented pace. Having kidnapped Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro and his wife and colleague, Cilia Flores, and taken control over Venezuela’s oil reserves, the U.S. is now salivating over the prospect of toppling the socialist government of Cuba.  On March 16, Trump announced that he “could take Cuba whenever I want” and that Cuban President Miguel Diaz-Canel “would have to go” if Cuba wanted to negotiate its survival with the U.S. administration. 

It could not be clearer. Old-fashioned U.S. imperialism, with no cover, is back in force. And it isn’t just words: the U.S. has ratcheted up its blockade of Cuban ports, strangling the island nation by attempting to eliminate its fuel supply. Over 15,000 U.S. troops are now stationed throughout the Caribbean, with a concentration in Puerto Rico. The infamous Roosevelt Roads Naval Base has been reactivated, threatening any Caribbean or Latin American nation that dares to defy the U.S. As of March, the long-standing supply of Venezuelan oil to the Cuban government has ceased. Even Cuba’s vaunted medical support for countries in the Americas has come under withering attack. One example: the government of Jamaica has canceled its decades-long medical collaboration with Cuba, despite that collaboration having saved countless Jamaican lives.

None of this is a slam-dunk for the U.S. Despite proclamations of victory in the Iran war, it is clear that the U.S. and Israel are facing unforeseen consequences, and were unprepared for the level of Iranian self-defense, which has rattled the world economy and sent shock waves throughout West Asia.  And let’s not forget that the U.S. has been attempting to destroy Cuba ever since the Cuban Revolution in 1959, without success. But as history has shown, an empire in crisis can and will unleash terror around the world.  

The Crisis in Haiti

For Haitians, this is an all-too-familiar scenario. The kidnapping of President Maduro and his wife followed the script of the 2004 U.S.-orchestrated coup against the democratically elected progressive government of President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. On February 29, 2004, U.S. Marines kidnapped President Aristide and his wife and colleague, Mildred Aristide, and deposited them at a French military base in the Central African Republic, leading eventually to a seven-year forced exile in South Africa. In the aftermath of the coup, thousands of Haitians were killed, raped, or terrorized into exile. Reinforced by a violent UN military occupation, the coup brought in a series of corrupt, drug trafficking right-wing governments eager to sell the country’s land and resources to multinational corporations. These U.S.-imposed governments, and the tiny Haitian elite they serve, were responsible for empowering paramilitary death squads, called “gangs” in the U.S. media, to wipe out opposition and protect their assets, plunging Haiti into an ever-deepening crisis.

Haitian Civilians: Caught Between A Rock and A Hard Place

In the last year alone, approximately 8100 people have been killed in Haiti– primarily by paramilitary violence. Armed groups operate with near-total impunity, wreaking havoc on civil society. For example, in late March, the “Gran Griff” death squad, part of the Viv Ansamn paramilitary federation, massacred over 80 people in the Artibonite region, which has long been Haiti’s agricultural center. Roads throughout the country remain blocked, people cannot access markets, and close to 1.4 million people (out of a population of 12 million) have become internal refugees. Hospitals have been forced to close after being targeted by paramilitaries. A cholera epidemic hit in 2025. Sexual violence against women and children has become the norm. According to United Nations statistics, some 5.7 million Haitians are facing what is euphemistically called “high levels of acute food insecurity”, including more than 1.2 million children under age 5. This is why Fanmi Lavalas, the people’s party founded by former President Aristide, has labeled this a “slow-motion genocide.”

In the name of fighting the paramilitaries, the current Haitian government recently signed a 10-year multi-million dollar contract with Erik Prince’s infamous mercenary group, Vectus Global. Formerly known as Blackwater, it was responsible for the Nisour Square Massacre in 2007 during the Iraq War, in which 17 Iraqi civilians, including a 9-year-old boy, were killed and over 20 others were injured. True to form, Vectus Global is now carrying out “anti-gang operations” with Haitian police that have resulted in the killing of over 1100 people, many of them civilians, in densely populated sections of the capital, ​Port-au-Prince.  Haiti’s government has also signed an $85.4 million contract with foreign private for-profit prison firms to build three new prisons, an ominous sign of even more repression to follow, in a country that needs money for health care and education, not more prisons.  

So now, Haitians stand between a rock and a hard place: on the one hand, emboldened and well-connected paramilitary death squads determined to have their share of power, and on the other, a government dominated by the business elite that is ratcheting up its repressive apparatus and using its police powers and foreign mercenaries to wreak havoc on civilians.

As of February 7, 2026, a temporary presidential council has been dissolved, leaving only a U.S.-backed prime minister, Alix Didier Fils-Aime, in charge of the nation. When widespread opposition to Fils-Aime surfaced within Haiti, Secretary of State Marco Rubio warned Haitians that there would be “grave consequences” if Fils-Aime were removed from power. With a U.S. warship off the coast of Haiti and a U.N.- organized multinational force of 5,500 troops gearing up to deepen the occupation of Haiti and oversee new elections, we can expect a fraudulent selection aimed at installing a more permanent regime beholden once again to the United States. This fits snugly into the Trump Administration’s strategy to dominate all of Latin America and the Caribbean, and is a stark reminder of what is at stake throughout the Americas as the U.S. asserts its hegemony.

Envisioning a New Haiti

Haitians have always resisted tyranny, from the time they overthrew slavery, defeated Napoleon’s army, and declared the world’s first Black republic in 1804. Today, communities have risen to defend themselves from paramilitary attacks, despite the high-powered weapons in the hands of the death squads. Women’s groups have mobilized to provide support for the survivors of gang rapes. The University of the Dr. Aristide Foundation (UNIFA), taken over by the U.S. military after the 2004 coup and reopened when the Aristides returned to Haiti in 2011, continues to graduate doctors, nurses, lawyers, agronomists, dentists, engineers, and physical therapists amid daunting challenges. UNIFA has now opened a teaching hospital at a time when many hospitals in Haiti have been shuttered due to death squad violence. Throughout the country, activists are operating at the local level, building capacity and resistance. A new Haiti can be envisioned through the prism of these grassroots efforts.

Defend Haitian Refugees

Haitians living within US borders are also in the crosshairs. Throughout their 2024 election campaign, Trump and Vance demonized Haitians, going so far as to falsely accuse Haitians in Springfield, Ohio, of eating their neighbors’ pets. This outrageous, racist lie fueled anti-Haitian attacks throughout Ohio. Shortly after Trump’s 2025 inauguration, the Department of Homeland Security attempted to end Temporary Protective Status (TPS) for over 350,000 Haitians now in the United States.  This, despite the State Department issuing travel warnings telling Americans not to travel to Haiti due to dangerous conditions there. 

On March 6, 2026, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit upheld a ruling that the termination of TPS for Haiti was unlawful and based on “racial animus”. This ruling allows beneficiaries to maintain their status and keep their work permits for the moment. But the Trump Administration has already filed an emergency appeal to the Supreme Court, which has ruled against migrants over and over again. In response, supporters of Haitian migrants in Congress have put forward an initiative aimed at extending TPS for Haitians for another three years.

This is a moment when activism in support of Haitian migrants and the grassroots movement in Haiti is critical. We hope you will join us in this fight.

From Haiti to Venezuela to Cuba and Puerto Rico – One Struggle/One Fight

For more information, please check out Haiti Action Committee’s website: www.haitisolidarity.net and our Facebook page.

To contact us, please email us: action.haiti@gmail.com

To support grassroots projects in Haiti, please donate to the Haiti Emergency Relief Fund: www.haitiemergencyrelief.org

The Architecture of Exclusion: The Global Offensive Against the Right to Migrate


 April 10, 2026

Photograph by Nathaniel St. Clair

From the raids by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) at U.S. airports to the approval of the controversial Return Regulation in the European Union, the world is witnessing an ‘ICE-ization‘ of migration policies. This ‘ICE-ization’ is characterized by the externalization of borders, prolonged detention, and the criminalization of undocumented individuals, which is generating an unprecedented human rights crisis that has already resulted in fatalities and complaints filed with international bodies.

Paradoxically, this crackdown is occurring at a time when migration is more vital than ever for global financial stability. While the global right-wing is erecting walls (both physical and legal), remittance flows to countries in the Global South reached $905 billion in 2024, far exceeding Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in many of these countries. We are facing a paradox: the economies of many nations depend on the efforts of migrants, yet global politics is bent on stripping them of their dignity.

Chile: The Setback Under José Antonio Kast

In Chile, President José Antonio Kast has fulfilled one of his most aggressive campaign promises: halting the regularization of 182,000 immigrants. This process, initiated by former President Boric, sought to integrate individuals who had already met state requirements, including the submission of biometric data and residential addresses. The Migrant Action Movement warns of the danger of this ‘failed registration’ policy, through which thousands of people are now fully identified and traceable by a government that has vowed to expel them. It also points out that, despite the new official narrative linking migration to chaos, economic reality contradicts this discourse: the migrant population contributes 10 percent of GDP to the Chilean economy.

Argentina and Milei’s DNU

In May 2025, Javier Milei’s Argentine government put an end to Argentina’s tradition of welcoming migrants through a Decree of Necessity and Urgency (DNU) that restricts foreigners’ access to essential public services such as health care and education, with dangerous discrimination lurking in the background.

By using a DNU, Milei sidestepped legislative debate to impose a policy of systematic suspicion. Argentina, a country built on migratory flows, now sees the right to healthcare transformed into a privilege contingent on perfect documentation, shattering the model that defined the nation for decades.

CECOT Exposes El Salvador’s role in human rights violations.

Eighteen of the 250 Venezuelans who were illegally detained at the Center for the Confinement of Terrorism (CECOT) have filed a formal complaint with the Inter-American Court of Human Rights (IACHR). They were transferred without trial from migrant detention centers in the United States to the CECOT, alongside alleged highly dangerous gang members of Salvadoran origin, until their release and repatriation to Venezuela in July 2025. This, moreover, was not an acknowledgment of a legal error, but rather the result of diplomatic negotiations between the administrations of Nicolás Maduro and Donald Trump, without the participation of the Government of El Salvador, whose actions reinforce the argument that a system has emerged that has turned the persecution of migration into a business, in which countries receive resources and political legitimacy in exchange for managing the extraterritorial incarceration of migrants, turning human mobility into a means of geopolitical bargaining.

Mexico and the Complaint Against ICE’s Lethality

Mexico’s President, Claudia Sheinbaum, has drawn a red line against ICE’s institutional violence. The Mexican government announced that it will bring before the IACHR the cases of Mexican nationals who have died in custody or during operations, which now total 14 victims.

Despite constant diplomatic complaints, the U.S. State Department’s responses have been evasive. Hardline rhetoric has permeated operational forces, resulting in procedures where the migrant’s life is secondary to the goal of detention. Mexico seeks to ensure these operations are no longer viewed as internal security actions but are instead judged as systematic human rights violations.

Europe and the ‘Return Regulation’

In Europe, the most right-wing Parliament in history has ratified the Return Regulation, a set of rules that represents a capitulation of European liberal values.

The key points are:

Return hubs: Outsourcing of detention to non-EU countries with opaque oversight.

24-month detentions: Extension of detention for undocumented individuals for up to two years.

Withdrawal of rights: Elimination of social benefits and lifetime entry bans.

Alliances with governments accused of human rights violations:Deportations will be negotiated with countries under regimes such as the Taliban in Afghanistan.

Organizations such as PICUM warn of the creation of ‘legal black holes,’ the incorporation of practices like mass raids and deportations that characterize Trump’s ICE-style approach, justified by the fact that only 20 percent of removal orders are actually carried out.

The Collapse in the U.S.: ICE at Airports

In March 2026, the country faced a partial shutdown of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) due to budget disputes over immigration enforcement. This has led ICE agents to take over security at airports following the resignation of Transportation Security Administration (TSA) agents. ICE now acts as the first point of contact for any traveler, blurring the line between airport security and ethnic-racial persecution.

The Migrant Economy: the Ignored Reality

While the global right promotes hostility, data from 2024 reveals an inescapable economic reality. Remittances to low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) reached $656 billion.

In countries such as Tonga (41 percent of GDP), Tajikistan (39 percent), and Nicaragua (27 percent), migration is one of the drivers of the economy thanks to remittances.

In the case of Mexico and India, they received $120 billion and $66 billion, respectively. These figures far exceed Official Development Assistance (ODA) to recipient countries.

Capitalism certainly recognizes their importance and exploits them: remittances cost migrants a fee (6.4 percent global average) per transfer.

The landscape in the newly begun year of 2026 reveals that we are facing a profound global shift—and not for the better. The deaths of individuals during ICE operations and the EU’s new legal framework are shaping a world where human mobility is criminalized at levels never seen before. This follows the global far-right’s succeess in imposing its ideology within the legal and political framework, through a strategy to make the life of migrant workers more precarious; that is, the life of those who are exploited for resources via fees on their remittances and consumption, yet are persecuted and have their rights restricted in the countries where they produce.

With regard to migration, we are facing forces that seek to bury the concept of universal human rights, just as they are doing with international law and the rules-based world order.

This article was produced by Globetrotter.












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