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Sunday, January 21, 2024

In small-town Wisconsin, looking for the roots of the modern American conspiracy theory

A portrait of John Birch hangs in an office cubicle at the headquarters of the John Birch Society in Appleton, Wis., Thursday, Nov. 17, 2022. The once-powerful John Birch Society is largely forgotten today, relegated to a pair of squat buildings along a busy commercial street in small-town Wisconsin. But that is only part of their story. Because outside those cramped little offices is a national political landscape that the Society helped forge. (AP Photo/David Goldman)Read More

Executive Senior Editor Steve Bonta, left, and writer Daniel Natal, with the John Birch Society’s New American magazine, film a live broadcast at the organization’s headquarters in Appleton, Wis., Thursday, Nov. 17, 2022. Back when the Cold War was looming and TV was still mostly in black and white, the Society was a powerful presence in American life. (AP Photo/David Goldman)

CEO Bill Hahn watches a live broadcast from a production booth at the headquarters of the John Birch Society in Appleton, Wis., Thursday, Nov. 17, 2022. (AP Photo/David Goldman)

An employee walks through a library at the headquarters of the John Birch Society in Appleton, Wis., Thursday, Nov. 17, 2022. (AP Photo/David Goldman)
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BY TIM SULLIVAN
January 21, 2024

APPLETON, Wis. (AP) — The decades fall away as you open the front doors.

It’s the late 1950s in the cramped little offices — or maybe the pre-hippie 1960s. It’s a place where army-style buzz cuts are still in fashion, communism remains the primary enemy and the decor is dominated by American flags and portraits of once-famous Cold Warriors.

At the John Birch Society, they’ve been waging war for more than 60 years against what they’re sure is a vast, diabolical conspiracy. As they tell it, it’s a plot with tentacles that reach from 19th-century railroad magnates to the Biden White House, from the Federal Reserve to COVID vaccines.

Long before QAnon, Pizzagate and the modern crop of politicians who will happily repeat apocalyptic talking points, there was Birch. And outside these cramped small-town offices is a national political landscape that the Society helped shape.

“We have a bad reputation. You know: ‘You guys are insane,’” says Wayne Morrow, a Society vice president. He is standing in the group’s warehouse amid 10-foot (3-meter) shelves of Birch literature waiting to be distributed.

“But all the things that we wrote about are coming to pass.”

___

Back when the Cold War loomed and TV was still mostly in black and white, the John Birch Society mattered. There were dinners at the Waldorf-Astoria in New York and meetings with powerful politicians. There was a headquarters on each coast, a chain of bookstores, hundreds of local chapters, radio shows, summer camps for members’ children.

A chair sits at the end of a row of file cabinets at a library in the John Birch Society headquarters in Appleton, Wis., Thursday, Nov. 17, 2022. (AP Photo/David Goldman)

Well-funded and well-organized, they sent forth fevered warnings about a secret communist plot to take over America. It made them heroes to broad swaths of conservatives, even as they became a punchline to a generation of comedians.

“They created this alternative political tradition,” says Matthew Dallek, a historian at George Washington University and author of “Birchers: How the John Birch Society Radicalized the American Right.” He says it forged a right-wing culture that fell, at first, well outside mainstream Republican politics.

Conspiracy theories have a long history in the United States, going back at least to 1800, when secret forces were said to be backing Thomas Jefferson’s presidential bid. It was a time when such talk moved slowly, spread through sermons, letters and tavern visits.

No more. Fueled by social media and the rise of celebrity conspiracists, the last two decades have seen ever-increasing numbers of Americans lose faith in everything from government institutions to journalism. And year after year, ideas once relegated to fringe newsletters, little-known websites and the occasional AM radio station pushed their way into the mainstream.



CEO Bill Hahn points to articles of the Constitution in his office during an interview at the headquarters of the John Birch Society in Appleton, Wis., Thursday, Nov. 17, 2022. (AP Photo/David Goldman)

Today, outlandish conspiracy theories are quoted by more than a few U.S. senators, and millions of Americans believe the COVID pandemic was orchestrated by powerful elites. Prominent cable news commentators speak darkly of government agents seizing citizens off the streets.

But the John Birch Society itself is largely forgotten, relegated to a pair of squat buildings along a busy commercial street in small-town Wisconsin.

So why even take note of it today? Because many of its ideas — from anger at a mysterious, powerful elite to fears that America’s main enemy was hidden within the country, biding its time — percolated into pockets of American culture over the last half-century. Those who came later simply out-Birched the Birchers. Says Dallek: “Their successors were politically savvier and took Birch ideas and updated them for contemporary politics.”

The result has been a new political terrain. What was once at the edges had worked its way toward the heart of the discourse.

To some, the fringe has gone all the way to the White House. In the Society’s offices, they’ll tell you that Donald Trump would never have been elected if they hadn’t paved the way.


Boxes of John Birch Society literature waiting to be distributed pamphlets and reports on a range of issues from COVID to inflation are stored in a warehouse at the headquarters of the John Birch Society in Appleton, Wis., Thursday, Nov. 17, 2022. (AP Photo/David Goldman)

“The bulk of Trump’s campaign was Birch,” Art Thompson, a retired Society CEO who remains one of its most prominent voices, says proudly. “All he did was bring it out into the open.”

There’s some truth in that, even if Thompson is overstating things.

The Society had spent decades calling for a populist president who would preach patriotism, oppose immigration, pull out of international treaties and root out the forces trying to undermine America. Trump may not have realized it, but when he warned about a “Deep State” — a supposed cabal of bureaucrats that secretly controls U.S. policy — he was repeating a longtime Birch talking point.

A savvy reality TV star, Trump capitalized on a conservative political landscape that had been shaped by decades of right-wing talk radio, fears about America’s seismic cultural shifts and the explosive online spread of misinformation.

While the Birch Society echoes in that mix, tracing those echoes is impossible. It’s hard to draw neat historical lines in American politics. Was the Society a prime mover, or a bit player? In a nation fragmented by social media and offshoot groups by the dozens, there’s just no way to be sure. What is certain, though, is this:

“The conspiratorial fringe is now the conspiratorial mainstream,” says Paul Matzko, a historian and research fellow at the libertarian-leaning Cato Institute. “Right-wing conspiracism has simply outgrown the John Birch Society.”
___

Their beliefs skip along the surface of the truth, with facts and rumors and outright fantasies banging together into a complex mythology. “The great conspiracy” is what Birch Society founder Robert Welch called it in “The Blue Book,” the collection of his writings and speeches still treated as near-mystical scripture in the Society’s corridors.


Wayne Morrow, vice president of the John Society, walks past a world map hanging in a warehouse storing the organization’s literature, stickers and buttons at its headquarters in Appleton, Wis., Thursday, Nov. 17, 2022. (AP Photo/David Goldman)

Welch, a wealthy candy company executive, formed the Society in the late 1950s, naming it for an American missionary and U.S. Army intelligence officer killed in 1945 by communist Chinese forces. Welch viewed Birch as the first casualty of the Cold War. Communist agents, he said, were everywhere in America.

Welch shot to prominence, and infamy, when he claimed that President Dwight D. Eisenhower, the hero general of World War II, was a “dedicated, conscious agent of the Communist conspiracy.” Also under Kremlin control, Welch asserted: the secretary of state, the head of the CIA, and Eisenhower’s younger brother Milton.

Subtlety has never been a strong Birch tradition. Over the decades, the Birch conspiracy grew to encompass the assassination of President John F. Kennedy, public education, the United Nations, the civil rights movement, The Rockefeller Foundation, the space program, the COVID pandemic, the 2020 presidential election and climate-change activism. In short, things the Birchers don’t like.

The plot’s leaders — “insiders,” in Society lexicon — range from railroad baron Cornelius Vanderbilt to former President George H.W. Bush and Bill Gates, whose vaccine advocacy is, they say, part of a plan to control the global population. While his main focus was always communism, Welch eventually came to believe that the conspiracy’s roots twisted far back into history, to the Illuminati, an 18th-century Bavarian secret society.



By the 1980s, the Society was well into its decline. Welch died in 1985 and the society’s reins passed to a series of successors. There were internal revolts. While its aura has waned, it is still a force among some conservatives — its videos are popular in parts of right-wing America, and its offices include a sophisticated basement TV studio for internet news reports. Its members speak at right-wing conferences and work booths at the occasional county fair.

Scholars say its ranks are far reduced from the 1960s and early 1970s, when membership estimates ranged from 50,000 to 100,000. “Membership is something that has been closely guarded since day one,” says Bill Hahn, who became CEO in 2020. He will only say the organization “continues to be a growing operation.

Today, the Society frames itself as almost conventional. Almost.

“We have succeeded in attracting mainstream people,” says Steve Bonta, a top editor for the Society’s New American magazine. The group has toned down the rhetoric and is a little more careful these days about throwing around accusations of conspiracies. But members still believe in them fiercely.

“As Mr. Welch came out with on Day One: There is a conspiracy,” Hahn says. “It’s no different today than it was back in December 1958.”

It can feel that way. Ask about the conspiracy’s goal, and things swerve into unexpected territory. The sharp rhetoric re-emerges and, once again, the decades seem to fall away.

“They really want to cut back on the population of the Earth. That is their intent,” Thompson says.

But why?

“Well, that’s a good question, isn’t it?” he responds. “It makes no sense. But that’s the way they think.”
___

Follow AP National Writer Tim Sullivan on Twitter at http://twitter.com/ByTimSullivan






Sunday, May 30, 2021

HAPPY BIRTHDAY MIKHAIL BAKUNIN

 


Mikhail Alexandrovich Bakunin  30 May [O.S. 18 May] 1814 – 1 July 1876) was a Russian revolutionary anarchist, socialist and founder of collectivist anarchism. He is considered among the most influential figures of anarchism and a major founder of the revolutionary socialist and social anarchist tradition.[5] Bakunin's prestige as a revolutionary also made him one of the most famous ideologues in Europe, gaining substantial influence among radicals throughout Russia and Europe.

Mikhail Bakunin - Wikipedia






  • \

  • Bakunin and Marx: A Hundred Years’ Perspective

    "Introduction," pp. 15-29 in: Mikhail Bakunin: From Out of the Dustbin; Bakunin's Basic Writings, 1869-1871, ed. and trans. R.M. Cutler (Ann Arbor, Mich.: Ardis Publishers, 1985). Reprinted as: The Basic Bakunin: Writings, 1869-1871, Great Books in Philosophy (Buffalo, N.Y.: Prometheus Books, 1992).
  • God and the State : Mikhail Bakunin : Free Download ...

    https://archive.org/details/god_and_the_state_librivox

    2007-01-29 · Bakunin's most famous work, published in various lengths, this version is the most complete form of the work published hitherto. Originally titled "Dieu et l'état", Bakunin intended it to be part of the second portion to a larger work named "The Knouto-Germanic Empire and the Social Revolution" (Knouto-Germanic Empire is in reference to a treaty betwixt Russia and Germany at the …

  • Edward Hallett Carr - Michael Bakunin PDF

    https://anarcho-copy.org/copy/michael-bakunin

    Edward Hallett Carr - Michael Bakunin PDF dosyası indirme sayfası. önceki sonraki. Edward Hallett Carr / Michael Bakunin PDFpdf dosya bilgisi md5 İNDİR 2.5MB Mülkiyet Hırsızlıktır Copy (A) bu sayfa anarho-copy html generator tarafından oluşturulmuştur. 2021:05:01 14:30:59. pdf yükleme tarihi Wed, 12 Feb 2020 15:09:23 GMT ...

  • Works of Mikhail Bakunin 1873 - Marxists

    https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/bakunin/works/1873/statism...

    Source: Bakunin on Anarchy, translated and edited by Sam Dolgoff, 1971; See Also: Conspectus of Bakunin's Statism and Anarchy by Karl Marx, 1874. Statism and Anarchy is the first completed volume of

  • "Science & Society", Mr A. H. Nimtz & Bakunin

    2016, "Science & Society", Mr A. H. Nimtz & Bakunin
    162 Views89 Pages
    An academic from the United States of America, August H. Nimtz, published in the journal "Science & Society" (July 2016) a short article entitled "Another 'side' to the Story" to which this text does not constitute an answer but rather a critical digression, which explains its length. Indeed, Mr. Nimtz's article condenses into three pages almost all of Marx's absurdities about Bakunin, and my text attempts to set the record straight, not from preconceived ideas but from documents of the time. My text also attempts to show that Mr. Nimtz's deeply rooted anti-Bakuninian prejudices, characteristic of Marxist historiography devoid of any critical examination of facts and documents, are a radical handicap that prevents analysis of the many points of convergence between the two men. The question is not whether social-democratic strategy or revolutionary syndicalist-type strategy (which was in fact the one advocated by Bakunin), was more effective in achieving immediate and temporary improvements in the living conditions of the working population; the question is: what would be the most effective way for this working population to collectively takeover all the machinery of society and to make it work so that it meets the needs of the entire population? The basis of the debate between Marx and Bakunin, between Marxism and Anarchism is there. Unfortunately, Marx’s stubborn refusal to discuss these issues, his obsession with accusing Bakunin of all kinds of evils, his systematic avoidance of debate, prevented the establishment of a real debate that could have led to a constructive synthesis.  (99+) (PDF) "Science & Society", Mr A. H. Nimtz & Bakunin | René Berthier - Academia.edu
  • Bakunin's Collectivist Anarchism

    202 Views19 Pages
    ​Mikhail Bakunin is now considered to be one of the greatest (if not the greatest) anarchist thinkers of the 19th century. Despite the fragmented nature of his writing, one finds in it those ideas which have become the foundation of modern collectivist anarchism. The task of this paper is to reconstruct and further explore those ideas. Firstly, we will explore Bakunin's conception of collectivist anarchism. This includes his collectivist conception of freedom, his critique of modern society, and his conception of collectivist anarchist social organization. Secondly, we will analyze James Guillaume's synthesis of Bakunin's ideas on social organization. We will finish by touching on the theory of Participatory Economics, a modern attempt to detail what collectivist anarchist society might look like.(99+) (PDF) Bakunin's Collectivist Anarchism | Simon B Monette - Academia.edu 
  • ANARCHISM, MARXISM, AND THE IDEOLOGICAL COMPOSITION OF THE CHICAGO IDEA

    2009, WorkingUSA
    30 Pages
  • Bakunin’s Anti-Jacobinism: ‘Secret Societies’ For Self-Emancipating Collectivist Social Revolution

    290 Views11 Pages
    The three terms describing the goal of Bakunin’s ‘secret societies’ in this article’s subtitle (‘self-emancipating’, ‘collectivist’ and ‘social revolution’) correspond to the three following ‘antis’. Anti-Blanquism corresponds to the self-emancipation that the secret society transmits throughout society (rather than being emancipation decreed and enacted from on high). Anti-Bebelism corresponds to its collectivist nature, in contrast with the authoritarian communist nature of such a decreed revolution, also following Bakunin’s famous distinction between the two at the 1868 Geneva Congress of the League of Peace and Freedom. Anti-Bernsteinism corresponds to the social revolution itself and particularly its internationalist nature. An understanding of how these strands are interwoven throughout the ‘infrastructure’ of Bakunin’s mature anarchist thought and activity requires an awareness of the early and enduring influence upon him by Fichte as well as Hegel. At the convergence of these strands is his anarchist concept of the purpose and activity of the secret revolutionary organisation, or ‘secret society’. (99+) (PDF) Bakunin’s Anti-Jacobinism: ‘Secret Societies’ For Self-Emancipating Collectivist Social Revolution | Robert M Cutler - Academia.edu
  • Genesis of German liberalism
  • “not reaching heaven and not touching the earth"
  • René Berthier
  • From Chapter 1 (revised) of Bakounine politique, révolution et contre
  • révolution en Europe centrale (Bakunin Policy: Revolution and Counter
  • Revolution in Central Europe), Éditions du Monde libertaire, 1991.
  • Bakunin is often accused, including by some anarchist authors or close to the
  • movement, of being "germanophobic". Of course, when a conviction is deeply rooted,
  • there is no point in trying to extract it. 
  • "Bakounine politique, révolution et contre révolution en Europe centrale" (Bakunin
  • Policy, Revolution and Counter-Revolution in Central Europe) does not deal with the
  • Marx-Bakunin opposition as it is usually presented in the First International. The book
  • attempts to show the crucial importance that his reflections on the history and destiny
  • of Germany have played on the formation of Bakunin's political thought. 
  • The Russian revolutionary had a fascination for this country; he was a remarkable
  • connoisseur of its literature, its music. He knew Mozart's "Don Giovanni" by heart. His
  • knowledge of German philosophy acquired in Berlin from one of Hegel's disciples was
  • recognized by all. All his life he tried to find the key to this mysterious nation whose
  • bourgeoisie was never able to make its revolution.
  • But Bakunin did not put all the Germans in the same boat. He never confused the
  • German bourgeoisie on the one hand, and the proletariat and peasantry on the other.
  • He never attributed to the German working class the defects he perceived in the
  • bourgeoisie. 
  • (99+) (PDF) Bakunin : Genesis of German liberalism | René Berthier - Academia.edu




  • Thursday, March 30, 2023

    Egypt and the British colonial origins of the military regime

    The authoritarian state security apparatus seen in Egypt today is a direct inheritance from British attempts to tackle radical anti-colonialism in the years surrounding 1919

    Kyle J Anderson
    28 March 2023 

    Members of the Egyptian police special forces stand guard in Cairo's Tahrir Square on 25 January 2016, as the country marked the fifth anniversary of the 2011 uprising 


    The impulse to compare the 1919 Egyptian revolution with the 2011 revolution of the “Arab Spring” has proven irresistible. Political scientists have drawn parallels between them in terms of the role of youth movements, the activation of social networks and the consolidation of new constitutions.

    One thorough attempt is put forth by Robert Springborg in a new edited volume. He compares the military regime that clung to power through the turbulent events of 2011-2013 with the British colonial regime, which maintained its occupation but allowed space for lasting change in the wake of 1919. He concluded that colonial rule was a “softer target” than the military regime, “less violent and more conciliatory”.

    Setting aside the actual violence perpetrated by the British army to suppress the rural rebellions in 1919, what most bothers me about this impulse to compare is how events around 1919 and 2011 are treated as distinct, sealed off from one another, and placed in juxtaposition.


    Egypt: New books challenge old narratives of the 1919 Revolution
    Read More »

    In reality, the current military regime that governs Egypt has inherited and developed important technologies of counter-revolution and repression originally created by the British colonial state in response to radical forms of anti-colonial activism in the years surrounding 1919.

    Since 2013, the tens of thousands of people that human rights groups estimate have been jailed in Egypt were largely apprehended by police from the National Security division of the Egyptian Ministry of Interior, incarcerated in the infamous Tora prison and tried in State Security courts.

    It was the British colonial government that founded the first state security apparatus in Egypt in 1911. Similarly, it was a British doctor, Harry Crookshank, who converted the old military hospital at Tora - which sat at the base of a great limestone quarry - into a public works prison.

    Attempts to compare the government of Egypt today with that of a century ago thus miss crucial ways that the latter set the stage for the former. Political sociologist Aly El Raggal has provided the best analysis of this historical relationship that I’ve read so far, but the story of the state security’s founding, and its crucial influence on the Egyptian underground, remains underexplored.

    Assassinations


    The state security apparatus has its roots in the British response to the assassination of Prime Minister Boutros Ghali in 1910. His assassin, Ibrahim al-Wardani, was the son of a deceased senior police officer in the provinces.

    Wardani used his inheritance to fund his studies in Lausanne, Paris and London. While abroad, he mixed with anti-colonial radicals including Indian revolutionary Madan Lal Dhingra, and imbibed the spirit of the anarchist international.

    Wardani travelled to Geneva, where he became acquainted with Egyptian nationalist leader, Muhammad Farid. When Wardani returned to Egypt in 1909, he joined Farid’s Nationalist Party and began pursuing politics as a career in earnest.

    It was the first political assassination in modern Egyptian history, but it would not be the last

    Wardani also joined the secret political society associated with the Nationalist Party, known as “The Society of Brothers’ Solidarity”. New members of the society were subjected to a thorough background check and only admitted after they had sworn on the Quran to help their fellow Muslims. Meetings were held every two weeks, and members also exercised together according to a strict regimen.

    Wardani was the treasurer of the society, and also headed their paramilitary fida’i committee, which consisted of men who were willing to sacrifice their lives for the cause. Their membership roster was kept a secret, even from the society’s executive board.

    A target for assassination was chosen: Boutros Ghali. Ghali was a long-serving employee in the colonial government who was, at that time, the prime minister. He stood accused of many traitorous acts, perhaps most importantly, his presiding over the extension of the British concession in the Suez Canal.

    The deed took place in the early afternoon of 20 February 1910, while Ghali was climbing into his carriage after a visit to the Ministry of Justice. Wardani drew a revolver and shot him in the back six times. The sixth bullet punctured the prime minister’s liver and stomach, and he died the following morning. It was the first political assassination in modern Egyptian history, but it would not be the last.
    State security apparatus

    Wardani did not even try to escape capture after the shooting. He was caught by Ghali’s driver and the guards at the Ministry of Justice, and brought to the Cairo parquet for interrogation.

    The murder investigation was carried out by three groups of police officers; one questioned Wardani and those known to be associated with him; a second examined his papers and those of his associates; and a third arrested and questioned the people mentioned in these documents.

    An undated picture from the early 1920s shows Saad Zaghloul (L), the leader of Egypt's 1919 revolution, with Mustafa Pacha al-Nahas (R), his successor, attending a parliament session (AFP)

    Following the investigations, Wardani and eight others were put on trial. While investigators had discovered the existence of the Society for Brothers’ Solidarity, other members were acquitted because of the lack of a conspiracy law on the books in Egypt. Wardani himself was found guilty and executed on 28 June.

    The British adviser to the Ministry of Interior then decided that a special secret service bureau was needed to collect information about the Egyptian secret societies. The police had already been used to break up anti-colonial protests, but they lacked a real detective force that could combat the anti-colonial underground.

    The commandant of the Cairo police, George Harvey, was instructed to form an intelligence organisation within the police. Harvey was a military man who had taken part in the battles to subdue the ‘Urabi revolt and conquer the Mahdist state in Sudan. According to historian Eliezer Tauber, Harvey believed “force should be fought with more force”. His group targeted Egyptian youths involved in politics.
    Authoritarian policing

    Harvey brought in a police detective from Port Said named George Philippides to help him lead his secret intelligence service. A Christian from Syria, Phillipides cultivated a network of informers run by plainclothes police officers. They created a report on 26 existing secret societies in Egypt, but Tauber finds that they were often confused, construing changing names as separate organisations, and failing to grasp relationships between groups and subgroups.

    Furthermore, a number of the new secret service’s practices created perverse incentives. Financial rewards meant that informers could offer reports with barely a hint of truth and collect large sums. Other informers played on officers’ overzealousness and fed them false information. Finally, the brutality of secret service interrogations became well known, and witnesses often claimed their confessions were obtained through torture.


    'Terrible things happened here': The battle for Egypt's collective memory
    Read More »

    The so-called “Shubra plot” is a perfect example of how these practices could impact an investigation. In July 1912, police received a report from a young man who claimed to be involved in a conspiracy. The investigation led to a stakeout in the Cairo suburb of Shubra, where three conspirators were overheard discussing plans to kill the new prime minister and the British consul-general.

    One of the conspirators, Muhammad Abd al-Salam, was brought in by the secret service. After denying the charges against him for 22 days, he finally confessed. According to Malak Badrawi, “he broke down and wept, saying that the police had threatened his wife with horrible deeds”. The sources leave it up to us to surmise what these deeds could have been.

    When the trial took place in August, Philippides’ testimony lasted for over an hour. The three conspirators were found guilty, and each sentenced to 15 years' imprisonment. The perceived “leader” of the conspiracy, Imam Wakid, served his time at Tora breaking stones.

    Four years later, Philippides was found guilty of accepting bribes. According to Badrawi, “a reliable source mentioned that after Philippides was sentenced, he admitted that the case had been concocted by police”. Nevertheless, the three alleged conspirators from the Shubra plot served their full terms.
    Infamous informer

    The most infamous police informant of the era was Muhammad Nagib al-Hilbawi, a schoolmaster in Alexandria who was known to the secret intelligence service for his nationalist sympathies.

    After Ghali’s assassination, the Cairo branch of the Society for Brothers’ Solidarity was disbanded, but the Alexandria branch continued its activities. It was mainly involved in assisting the Sanussi state in Libya in its war against the Italians.

    When an old leader of the Cairo branch returned from self-imposed exile in 1914, he resumed interest in assassination as a political tactic, and integrated with the Alexandrian committee.


    Hilbawi’s accomplice was half-starved and kept in a dark cell with only a dirty mat to lie on

    The target was Husayn Kamil, the new sultan of Egypt, who had controversially accepted the title when the British formally declared martial law at the beginning of the First World War. The 24-year-old Hilbawi was selected to carry out the killing.

    An apartment was rented above the main road on the way to the sultan’s palace at Ras al-Tin. On 9 July 1915, as the sultan was headed out to Friday prayer, Hilbawi lit the fuse of the bomb with a cigarette he was smoking as he sat perched on a windowsill.

    The cigarette failed to ignite the fuse, and when Hilbawi threw the bomb, it did not explode. He ran off, jumping from roof to roof across the houses nearby. A policeman picked the bomb up later, thinking it was a child’s ball, but noticed it had a smouldering fuse.

    Police began questioning the crowd. Several witnesses had noticed a man throw something from the upper story of a certain building. Officers went up to the apartment and found it deserted, with cigarettes still lightly emitting smoke from the ashtray, and one window partially overlooking the street of the sultan’s procession.

    A reward of 500 pounds was offered for information leading to the arrest of the perpetrators. By the end of August, nine people had been detained by police, seven of whom appeared before a special military tribunal convened under martial law. Only Hilbawi and one other, the young man who had rented the apartment, were charged.
    State’s witness

    Police treated the detainees terribly. Hilbawi’s accomplice was half-starved and kept in a dark cell with only a dirty mat to lie on. He was given one pail containing brackish water for drinking, and a dirtier pail for going to the bathroom. He said he once went for 32 hours without food.

    Another one of the accused, Mahmud ‘Inayat, had fallen ill during his time in jail. While he was ultimately released, he died from his illness.


    Is Egypt on the brink of another uprising?
    Read More »

    Hilbawi initially faced his imprisonment with steadfastness. Yet after a while, when no one from the Society for Brothers’ Solidarity came to visit him in jail, he became bitter.

    When he was released in February 1924, after almost 10 years of cutting stone in the quarries of Tora, he was convinced by the new commandant of police, Thomas Russell, to turn state’s witness.

    Hilbawi began hanging out in his old nationalist circles, and heard that his old colleague ‘Inayat’s younger brothers had become known for their assassination campaign during the heady days of the 1919 revolution.

    The ‘Inayat brothers carried out the infamous assassination of Sir Lee Stack on 19 November 1924. When Hilbawi’s police handler told him about the attack, he rushed to the society’s headquarters and found the younger ‘Inayats discussing their exploits.

    Soon, the ‘Inayats were arrested on information provided by Hilbawi, and investigations into their activities put the final nail in the coffin of the Society of Brothers’ Solidarity in 1926. Afterwards, there was a noticeable lull in political assassination attempts in Egypt.
    Centralisation of police state

    Investigation into the ‘Inayat’s campaign of assassinations after the 1919 revolution led to the reorganisation of the state security and intelligence apparatus.

    Up until that point, each major city and town had its own police chiefs who were largely autonomous, with their own detectives and informants. In February 1920, a new special section was created within the Ministry of Interior that would centralise the collection and analysis of police intelligence throughout the country.

    In February 1922, the British unilaterally declared Egypt independent, but “reserved” their right to protect the foreign communities in Egypt. British officials thus continued to run the secret intelligence service in the country. In 1925, after Stack’s assassination had highlighted the political police deficiencies, the Cairo police special intelligence service was closed, and files were transferred to the Ministry of Interior.

    It was not until the 1936 Anglo-Egyptian treaty that the secret intelligence organisation within the Ministry of Interior was “Egyptianised”. But this only meant the substitution of British police chiefs with Egyptian men who had been brought up in the same system.

    Without a full reform of the police state, tackling its authoritarian tendencies, decolonisation remains an unrealised dream in Egypt.

    The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.

    Kyle J. Anderson is an Assistant Professor in the Department of History and Philosophy at SUNY Old Westbury. He is the author of The Egyptian Labor Corps: Race, Space, and Place in The First World War (Austin, TX: University of Texas Press, 2021).