Tuesday, April 22, 2025

Social Self-Defense Has Begun

Source: Strike!


Image by Amy J. Pratt, Creative Commons 2.0

In the first hundred days of the Trump regime, actions against his juggernaut have swelled from small local demonstrations to nationwide days of action with millions of participants, initiating a movement to defend society against the MAGA assault. In order to understand this movement and its possible future, this Strike! Commentary provides a snap history of how the movement started. The next commentary will recount the emergence of larger-scale mass actions like “Hands Off” and “May Day.” Subsequent commentaries will explore how that movement can halt, roll back, and eventually terminate the MAGA attack on society, exploring what we can expect from Trump and his interaction with the world, the role of workers and unions, and the lessons to be drawn from past movements.

The weeks after Trump’s election echoed with endless talk about the absence of popular opposition. Since then, opposition has steadily swelled, ranging from self-organized demonstrations in state capitols, to boycotts, to crowd action aimed at Elon Musk and other corporate titans, to days of action at hundreds of post offices, government offices, and politicians’ offices. On April 5 somewhere between three and five million people protested the MAGA assaults at more than 1,300 locations worldwide. How has this movement come to be?

This is not last decade’s Trump Resistance

First stirrings

Less than a week after the election, 100,000 people registered for a call hosted by more than 200 organizations, including the Working Families Party, MoveOn, and Indivisible. More than 40,000 people joined a call announcing a new version of the Indivisible Guide, which played a crucial role in mobilizing the first Trump Resistance.[1] Officials and community groups in many cities instituted trainings designed to teach people how to spot and respond to immigration enforcement actions; a city-sponsored Chicago training in mid-November drew nearly 600 people. On January 18 people in 200 locations, including 100,000 in Washington DC, participated in the People’s March; the event was widely disparaged as diminutive compared to its ancestor, the huge 2017 Women’s March.[2]

Day without an Immigrant

On February 2, thousands of people in Los Angeles, protesting planned deportations, sat down on all lanes of highway 101, halting traffic for more than five hours. In Dallas 1,600 people protested arrests by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement.[3]

A week earlier a call was circulated on social media asking immigrants to skip work, keep their children home from school, and avoid shopping Monday, February 3. That day there were strikes and work closures in 120 cities across 40 states. According to one organizer, 250 businesses nationwide said they closed in solidarity. They included a boutique in Omaha, a coffee shop in Salt Lake City, a used car lot in Baltimore, and an accounting firm in Pasco, Wash. Other businesses partly or fully shut down due to “staffing shortage.” At the Los Angeles Unified school district attendance was 66% Monday compared with 93% for the year as a whole; many teachers reported their classes were almost empty.[4]

Movement 50501

In late January participants in a Reddit page decided to call for 50 protests in 50 states on one day — February 5. They took the name “Movement 50501” and described themselves as “a decentralized rapid response to the anti-democratic, destructive, and, in many cases, illegal actions being undertaken by the Trump administration.” A moderator on the Reddit page, which soon included 173,000 registered participants, said, “We are not an organization. We are a true, blue grassroots movement made up of tens of thousands of Americans—volunteers who passionately believed in saving our democracy.”[5] According to the 50501 website, “In just days, grassroots organizers—without any budget, centralized structure, or official backing—pulled off over 80 peaceful protests in all 50 states.” Twelve days later, tens of thousands of 50501 participants protested on President’s Day, which they dubbed “No Kings Day.”[6]

How many early protests?

In February, while a constant stream of commentaries continued to celebrate or bemoan the absence of visible opposition, the Crowd Counting Consortium, a research team of social scientists that was established in the first Trump regime, counted more than 2,085 protests, compared with 937 in February 2017. They included “major protests in support of federal workers, LGBTQ rights, immigrant rights, Palestinian self-determination, Ukraine, and demonstrations against Tesla and Trump’s agenda more generally.”[7]

Federal workers organize

FUN

In early 2024, a few members of various federal unions began reaching out to contact others through a WhatsApp chat. They came together at the April Labor Notes conference and created an informal organization they called Federal Unionists Network – FUN. In late January, FUN called for a Day of Action to “Save Our Services,” demanding no cuts to vital services, no mass layoffs, respect for union workers’ contracts, and “end the funding freeze.”

They asked federal workers and supporters to take concrete actions:

  • On February 19th, wear red, white, and/or blue.
  • If you’re a federal worker, take a group photo with your colleagues (or on your own!) with signs about how your work benefits the public. If you’re a community supporter, take a photo with a sign about how you benefit from federal services.
  • Post your photos online with the hashtag #SaveOurServices.
  • Participate in (and help build) a local rally.

On February 19, federal workers and supporters rallied to “Save Our Services” at over 30 locations around the country, including in New York, Washington, D.C., Atlanta, Philadelphia, Denver, Boston, Boise, Chattanooga, and Chicago. The rallies were held at federal offices like the Department of Health and Human Services, at Tesla dealerships, and in public spaces. They included workers from across agencies; in San Francisco, for example, participants included staff members of the Environmental Protection Agency, the Consumer Financial Protection Board, the Park Service, the Army Corps of Engineers, the National Labor Relations Board, the General Services and Social Security Administrations, and the federal Departments of Education and Housing and Urban Development. In New York, Chris Dols, president of a local union at the Army Corps of Engineers, told a rally:

“The only way we have out of this is if the federal workforce on the front lines puts out a call to the broader labor movement and enters the streets and makes this a political crisis that they cannot manage.”[8]

Many of the rallies were endorsed by local unions of federal workers. National union support, however, was slower in coming. According to well-known labor writer Steve Early, on the eve of the event

The DC-based headquarters of NFFE, the National Treasury Employees, and the International Federation of Professional and Technical Engineers (IFPTE) finally endorsed the “day of action.” The American Federation of Government Employees (AFGE), the largest federal worker union, and National Nurses United (NNU), which represents 15,000 VA nurses—never officially embraced this bottom up effort.[9]

Rather than criticizing federal unions for their insufficient support, FUN took the position that workers should encourage their unions to join more fully in such actions. Over time, unions representing federal employees increasingly supported such protests and initiated them themselves.

AFGE

The largest union representing federal workers, the American Federation of Government Employees, began holding rallies with workers marching around their agency buildings in locations around the country. They invited supporters to join them. AFGE locals held scores of demonstrations at government offices and elsewhere around the country and launched an AFGE Strong Campaign.[10] The union said it had gained more than 20,000 members since January 1. That compares to 7,400 new members in all of 2024.

Educators

On March 4, educators, students, parents, and community allies held a “Protect Our Kids” day of action led by the American Federation of Teachers with events at more than 2000 locations, many featuring “walk ins” by teachers and community members at local schools.[11] On March 19 the AFT and the NEA, America’s largest union, held a second “Day of Action to Protect Our Kids.”[12] A new labor network, Labor for Higher Education, joined demonstrations around the country, such as one at the University of Washington, with 500 demonstrators backed by Auto Workers Local 4121, the University of Washington Academic Workers, which demanded an end to federal cuts and funding freezes for research.[13]

Postal workers

During the week of March 20, thousands of postal workers and their supporters rallied across the nation to protest proposals to dismantle the US Postal Service and cut 10,000 jobs in the next few weeks. There were rallies from Arizona, New Mexico and Texas to Indiana, Missouri and Florida to New York City, Philadelphia and Washington, D.C.[14]

The public had also turned against Trump’s attacks on federal workers. 58 percent of respondents in a Washington Post/Ipsos poll opposed laying off large numbers of federal workers. Just 34 percent approved of Elon Musk’s role in the federal government.[15] At events from Georgia and Wisconsin to Oklahoma and Oregon, House Republicans faced crowds furious about sweeping budget cuts and mass firings of federal workers.[16]

Economic action

Boycotts

A wave of massive but diffuse and difficult to track boycotts quickly sprang up in reaction both to Trump policies and to corporations supporting and implementing them. In January, when Target announced it was ending its diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) policies, calls for a boycott spread on social media. Twin Cities Pride, which runs the annual Pride festival in Target’s headquarters city Minneapolis, announced it was dropping the company as a sponsor. Black Lives Matter issued calls to boycott the company. A 40-day “Target Fast” aimed to show “Black spending power in real time.” A Latino Freeze Movement called for a boycott on companies that had scaled back their DEI initiatives and asked for participants to not spend money on non-essentials “until they show us that they care about our minority and immigrant populations.” On February 28, a “National Economic Blackout” targeted Target along with Walmart.[17] Target, Walmart, McDonald’s, Lowe’s, and Amazon were hit by a series of rotating boycotts.[18]

While the effects of these boycotts on their targets are difficult to ascertain, their extent of participation appears to be extraordinary. 36% of Americans told Harris pollsters they are or will be participating in “the boycotts that have been making headlines over the last few weeks,” making the boycotts one of the largest if not the largest protest in American history. 53% of gen Zers, 46% of millennials, 53% of African Americans, and 51% of Hispanics said they were boycotting. Their top reason was: “They want to show companies that consumers have economic power and influence, and express their dissatisfaction with current government policies.” Nearly half of those boycotting (46%) pointed to companies rolling back their diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) policies as a reason behind their boycott.[19]

Tesla Takedown

As Elon Musk rapidly emerged as the implementer of many of Trump’s most unpopular policies, local actions began popping up at Tesla showrooms around the country. By mid-February, demonstrations with more than a hundred participants were occurring in New York, San Francisco, and other cities. By early March, an action in Tucson drew 1,800. At a livestream event March 20, a “day of action” was announced for March 29. Rallies were held in front of nearly every Tesla showroom in the US and many around the world – 250 sites in all, according to the Tesla Takedown website. There were about 750 protesters outside of a Tesla location in Rockville, Maryland; hundreds at a protest in Boston; and 200 in Chicago.[20]

These early anti-MAGA actions seemed to have little impact on the public, the media, or the Trump administration. Within weeks, however, such social self-defense would grow from thousands to millions.


[1] Sarah D. Wire, “The Donald Trump resistance is ready for when Democrats are done grieving,” USA Today, November 22, 2024.  https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/elections/2024/11/22/trump-resistance-groups-democrat-movement/76414325007/

[2] “People’s March,” Wikipedia, Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/People’s_March

[3] “Marchers protesting planned deportations block major freeway in Los Angeles,” APUS News, February 3, 2025. https://apnews.com/article/immigration-ice-protests-los-angeles-california-dallas-ecf1afef642ffff40117f88641c8605f?ref=meditations-in-an-emergency.ghost.io

[4] Andrea Castillo, Malia Mendez, Cindy Carcamo & Gustavo /Arellano, “Businesses close, children skip school for ‘a day without immigrants’ protest,” Los Angeles Times, February 3, 2025.  https://www.latimes.com/politics/story/2025-02-03/businesses-close-children-skip-school-for-a-day-without-immigrants-protest and Rivera Sun, “Resistance to Trump is everywhere – inside the first 50 days of mass protest,” Waging Nonviolence; People Powered News & Analysis, March 13, 2025.  https://wagingnonviolence.org/2025/03/resistance-to-trump-is-everywhere-inside-the-first-50-days-of-mass-protest/

[5] Eloise Goldsmith, “ ‘Be Loud. Stay Peaceful’: Anti-Trump ‘Movement 50501” Protests Take Place Nationwide,” Common Dreams, February 5, 2025. https://www.commondreams.org/news/movement-50501-protests

[6] https://www.fiftyfifty.one

[7] Erica Chenoweth, Jeremy Pressman, and Soha Hammam, “Resistance is alive and well in the United States,” Waging Nonviolence, March 19, 2025.  https://wagingnonviolence.org/2025/03/resistance-alive-well-us/

[8] Steve Early, “On National Day of Action: Federal Union Rank-and-Filers Protest Musk & Challenge Their Own Leaders,” BeyondChron, February 24, 2025. https://beyondchron.org/on-national-day-of-action-federal-union-rank-and-filers-protest-musk-challenge-their-own-leaders an “Save Our Services Day of Action,” Action Network, February 19, 2025. https://actionnetwork.org/events/save-our-services-day-of-action

[9] Ibid. https://beyondchron.org/on-national-day-of-action-federal-union-rank-and-filers-protest-musk-challenge-their-own -leaders/

[10] “AFGE In The News,” AFGE, April, 2025. https://www.afge.org/media-center/afge-in-the-news/?link_id=23&can_id=45c1bd607484cf87bc6bcbbee7ab1154&source=emailsss-&email_referrer=&email_subject=96ee7202ac2bcb7bf1b97126dc17f42a08b6ec4f&& and “We Are AFGE Strong,” Ibid. https://www.afge.org/afgestrong?link_id=24&can_id=45c1bd607484cf87bc6bcbbee7ab1154&source=email-&email_referrer=&email_subject=96ee7202ac2bcb7bf1b97126dc17f42a08b6ec4f&&

[11] Nicole Gaudiano, “AFT Holds 2,000 Events, Activities During March 4 Day of Action to ‘Protect Our Kids,’ “ AFT Education, Healthcare, Public Services, March 4, 2025. https://www.aft.org/press-release/aft-holds-2000-events-activities-during-march-4-day-action-protect-our-kids#:~:text=WASHINGTON—Educators%2C%20students%2C%20parents,and%20Elon%20Musk’s%20cruel%20and

[12] “Protect our Kids,” Ibid. https://www.aft.org/ProtectOurKids?link_id=21&can_id=45c1bd607484cf87bc6bcbbee7ab1154&source=email-&email_referrer=&email_subject=96ee7202ac2bcb7bf1b97126dc17f42a08b6ec4f&&

[13] “HANDS OFF! OUR HEALTHCARE, RESEARCH, JOBS,” LABOR FOR HIGHER EDUCATION. https://www.labor4highered.org/?link_id=10&can_id=45c1bd607484cf87bc6bcbbee7ab1154&source=email-workers-fightback-for-climate-and-jobs-labor-network-for-sustainability-newsletter-90&email_referrer=email_2636534&email_subject=workers-fightback-for-climate-and-jobs-labor-network-for-sustainability-newsletter-90

[14] “US Mail Not For Sale –Day of Action,” APWU. March 20,2025. https:/apwu.org/day-of-action?link_id=22&can_id=45c1bd607484cf87bc6bcbbee7ab1154&source=email-&email_referrer=&email_subject=96ee7202ac2bcb7bf1b97126dc17f42a08b6ec4f&&

[15] Jessica Piper, “Warning signs for Trump in new polling,” POLITICO, February 21, 2025. https://www.politico.com/news/2025/02/20/cnn-washington-post-polls-trump-approval-00205169?link_id=4&can_id=45c1bd607484cf87bc6bcbbee7ab1154&source=email-workers-fightback-for-climate-and-jobs-labor-network-for-sustainability-newsletter-90&email_referrer=email_2636534&email_subject=workers-fightback-for-climate-and-jobs-labor-network-for-sustainability-newsletter-90

[16] Scott Wong, Syedah Asghar, Sahil Kapur & Ben Kamisar, “At town halls, Republicans feel the heat from Trump and Musk’s firing and cutting spree,” NBC News, February 21, 2025.  https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/congress/town-halls-republicans-feel-heat-trump-musks-firing-cutting-spree-rcna193164

[17] Betty Lin-Fisher, “What are the results from the Feb 28 economic blackout? See what data shows,” USA TODAY, March 6, 2025. https://www.usatoday.com/story/money/2025/03/04/did-feb-28-economic-blackout-work/81191601007/

[18] “WE FIGHT BACK! FEBRUARY BOYCOTT-AMAZON, WALMART, TARGET, MCDONALDS, LOWES, DEI SUPPORTERS: COSTCO, ALDI. ACROSS THE U.S.A. 2/2025, Facebook,  https://www.facebook.com/photo/?fbid=10234475701409389&set=a.10207693575432978

[19] Lauren Aratani, “A quarter of US shoppers have dumped favorite stores over political stances,” The Guardian, February 18, 2025. https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2025/feb/18/shoppers-political-boycotts-spending-patterns-poll an Rivera Sun, “Resistance to Trump is everywhere – inside the first 50 days oof mass protest,” Waging Nonviolence, March 13, 2025.  https://wagingnonviolence.org/2025/03/resistance-to-trump-is-everywhere-inside-the-first-50-days-of-mass-protest/

[20] Dara Kerr and Edward Helmore, “Protests hit Tesla dealerships across the world in challenge to Elon Musk,” The Guardian, March 29, 2025. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/mar/29/tesla-protests-elon-musk-doge

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Jeremy Brecher is a historian, author, and co-founder of the Labor Network for Sustainability. He has been active in peace, labor, environmental, and other social movements for more than half a century. Brecher is the author of more than a dozen books on labor and social movements, including Strike! and Global Village or Global Pillage and the winner of five regional Emmy awards for his documentary movie work.

Safety Is a Practice We Enact Together: Building Solidarity Under Trump 2.0

Source: Truthout

Since President Donald Trump’s return to office, his administration has issued a series of executive orders escalating the U.S.’s demonization of trans people, migrants, and activists against Israel’s genocide in Gaza. A key strategy of the White House appears to be controlling the mobility of these groups and removing them from public life — whether it be through targeting migrants and activists with Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) raids and deportation, or implementing travel bans against trans women athletes and criminalizing the use of public bathrooms for trans people.

Several of these executive orders call on the public to report people in their own communities, under threat of economic and criminal sanctions. They frame the authoritarian state as protecting “us” by attacking “them.” Eliminating trans people’s right to exist is “defending women”; detaining and deporting migrants is “protecting the American people against invasion”; McCarthy-esque targeting of activists “combats antisemitism.” These policies set self-preservation against community care, forcing us into compliance and turning us against one another — all while the far right peddles the fascist belief that casting out entire sectors of our society is not only acceptable but necessary. The Democratic Party has not offered any meaningful alternative narrative; instead, it advocates a “daring” strategy: “Roll over and play dead.” Indeed, some Democrats directly foment these attacks, including characterizing trans rights as a politically toxic issue and voicing approval for police crackdowns on student protests, leading to students facing criminal charges and deportation.

Our safety will also not be doled out by legislatures or courts. Because the U.S. legal system structurally favors whiteness, wealth and patriarchy, the mere existence of legal rights does not equate to material safety. Basic rights for trans, immigrant and activist communities can be swept away with the stroke of a pen, and we cannot count on the Supreme Court to defend the Constitution, as seen in its decisions giving a pass to Trump’s Muslim Ban and overturning pregnant people’s bodily autonomy.

Instead of pleading with the state to stop violating its own laws and international agreements, we are better served by “doing justice” through our actions in community with each other. Doing justice requires us to work across our differences and refuse to allow the state to pit us against each other. We are engaged scholars of migration and gender studies who understand that the attacks against trans people, migrants and pro-Palestine activists are entangled — and in our meetings and classrooms, we have found that foregrounding the shared roots of attacks on some of the most marginalized members of society helps us combat efforts to fracture solidarity. Below we highlight some of the most powerful approaches we’ve seen to contest this fascist regime.

Empowering Our Communities

Scholar Kelly Lytle Hernandez calls immigration policy “one of the least constitutional and most racist realms of governance in U.S. law and life.” Indeed, it provides effective weapons for an authoritarian government to wield against people it deems do not belong to U.S. society. The threat of ICE raids terrorizes migrant communities into staying home, fearing that merely stepping into the public puts them at risk for detention and deportation. While schools, clinics and religious sites are no longer shielded from ICE raids by the “sensitive locations” memo, community members and employees continue to protect each other from the intrusion of law enforcement.

One way of doing this is through Know Your Rights trainings: Public education practices to inform vulnerable community members of their constitutionally protected rights.

The mere existence of legal rights does not equate to material safety. Basic rights for trans, immigrant and activist communities can be swept away with the stroke of a pen.

In an era in which we are facing drastic attacks on constitutional protections, these practices have taken on new life. Nationwide, all kinds of nonprofits and activist organizations are facilitating Know Your Rights workshops on everything from how to engage immigration officials, to transgender rights with employers or the State Department, and rights during protests in a time of extreme surveillance and repression. That the federal government frames these workshops as lessons on “how to escape arrest” speaks to how this fascist regime views community empowerment and rights as obstacles to its agenda. Trump’s “border czar” Tom Homan complained that, “Sanctuary cities are “making it very difficult to arrest the criminals. For instance, Chicago, [is] very well educated.” In reality, what communities make difficult are illegal apprehensions.

In Chicago, a public elementary school denied entry to U.S. Secret Service agents, initially identified as ICE, because the school followed its sanctuary campus protocols to protect students. Hospital workers are also protecting their immigrant and transgender patients. Nurses from the California Nurses Association, for example, have distributed information about immigrant rights and held protests affirming trans rights to contest any threats to gender-affirming care at the San Francisco Medical Center. Videos of health care workers, teachers and unions circulating on social media explain how to refuse cooperation as employees with duties to safeguard privacy through HIPAA and FERPA regulations. By prioritizing community safety over cooperation with an authoritarian state, service providers are enacting abolitionist practices that reject the criminalization and punishment that the executive orders rely on. As these few examples show, labor and unions are a central front of the resistance that have the potential to coordinate across different sectors of the economy.

Creating Sanctuaries

To counter the deployment of ICE, U.S. Marshals and other federal cops to kidnap community members, ordinary people are coming together to form community watches and rapid response teams that document ICE raids in their neighborhoods. Organizations are providing Migra Watch trainings and hotlines to support the proliferation of community countersurveillance. These types of projects call on community members to take action by bearing witness to the workings of immigration enforcement, which often lacks transparency or accountability. Organizations like the Black Trans Travel Fund and the Trans Continental Pipeline have emerged to provide transgender people with relocation resources and access to safer means of travel. The need for organizations and resources like these has only increased as many states rapidly expand the criminalization of immigrant and trans life and wield carceral violence against protests and political speech.

Other communities have moved to expand notions of sanctuary. Cambridge, Massachusetts, recently extended its sanctuary policy for immigrants to include trans and nonbinary people, pledging non-cooperation with anti-trans federal or state policies and resolving to ensure equal access to housing, health care, education and employment. These forms of community care and defense can be adapted to protect other targeted communities, like those enduring aggressive police presence. Campaigns that have brought together police and prison abolition with migrant justice already provide vibrant models. For example, the #EraseTheDatabase campaign in Chicago works to permanently end the city’s gang database, which relies on racist narratives of criminality that target Black and Brown people and which shares data with 500 agencies including the Department of Homeland Security and the FBI. The coalition simultaneously pushes for financial and structural investment in Chicago’s most under-resourced communities as a strategy to break the cycle of criminalization. These and related campaigns offer an expansive vision of sanctuary that not only disrupts the surveillance and capture of Black and Latinx communities of all legal statuses, but proactively strives to make daily life safer for every resident.

The original sanctuary movement for Central American migrants fleeing U.S.-sponsored Dirty Wars in the 1980s laid a foundation for our work today. Faith-based groups in the United States provided shelter, legal aid, and other forms of material care to refugees and immigrants who were under threat of deportation. Sanctuary practitioners risked their own criminalization, motivated by their understanding that U.S. imperialism abroad was inseparable from unjust immigration policies at home. They drew on the Nuremberg trials to craft their approach: Because the state was violating the law and causing violence and death, ordinary people had a duty to intervene and create justice through acts of community care. Today, sanctuary is a vital framework for protecting each other and for addressing the targeting of specific vulnerable groups as linked pieces of a much larger attack. As authoritarian forces try to separate our communities, we must act to defend each other, knowing that our fights — and our collective survival — are intertwined. In doing so, we affirm that safety is not in a place — it is a practice we enact with each other.


 

Source: Jacobin

This is what we’ll do. We won’t work on March 27 and 28. Take sick leave, take a day off, turn off the switch, shut down your computer. Let your absence be felt — make yourself heard!” That was the call from BaÅŸaran Aksu, leader of Umut-Sen, a socialist organization supporting workers and independent unions in Turkey. At first glance, the appeal might seem like a minor act amid the wave of social outrage following the arrest of Istanbul’s mayor, Ekrem İmamoÄŸlu, on March 19. In the first two weeks of protests, universities came to a halt, businesses linked to Recep Tayyip ErdoÄŸan’s government were boycotted, and an “economic standstill” was staged — a day of refusing to spend as a form of protest.

Yet Aksu’s proposal is another drop in a rising tide of mobilizations, with growing calls for a general strike from multiple fronts. “The general strike aims to address the real problems of 80 percent of society — lack of future prospects and economic insecurity — beyond this political blockade and systemic clash,” Aksu explains. “It’s about opening a debate on the problems society faces beyond İmamoÄŸlu.”

İmamoÄŸlu’s party, the center-left Republican People’s Party (CHP) — Turkey’s main opposition in parliament — gathered crowds outside Istanbul’s city hall during the first week of protests. There Özgür Özel, leader of the Kemalist CHP, announced that “when necessary,” it would call a general strike to deny the government “room to breathe.” But the warning went no further. “The CHP doesn’t hide its distance from the working-class struggle, aligning with its own interests. At its core, it has no fundamental difference from ErdoÄŸan’s AKP [Justice and Development Party] when it comes to protecting capital,” says Ali Ergin Demirhan, a journalist and analyst for Sendika.org. “The phrase ‘when necessary’ reflects the CHP’s needs, not the working class’s.”

Islands of Organization

Demirhan recalls that during the 2013 Gezi protests — the largest demonstrations against then prime Minister Recep Tayyip ErdoÄŸan — union confederations called a general strike. But after objections from major CHP-aligned union federations like the Confederation of Revolutionary Trade Unions of Turkey (DISK) and the Confederation of Public Employees’ Trade Unions (KESK), many workers did not join. “Most of Turkey’s working class isn’t organized. A general strike that brings life to a standstill and forces the government to retreat can’t happen through union confederations alone — it needs rank-and-file workers,” he argues.

Excluding the public sector, Turkey has around 17 million workers, only 15 percent of whom (totaling about 2.5 million) are unionized. But the close ties between these unions, corporations, and political power have bred skepticism about any strike call.

“It wouldn’t be a full mobilization. For example, DISK [a trade union confederation whose main faction is aligned with the CHP] can’t effectively respond to such a call, except in CHP-run municipalities. Meanwhile the AKP can neutralize any action by its members, including many union leaders,” Aksu says.

Yet over the past fifteen years, spontaneous forms of worker resistance have emerged, some union-led but many driven by grassroots worker groups. The largest was the 2015 “metal storm,” where over 150,000 metalworkers occupied their workplaces across nearly a dozen provinces. Workers challenged the ban on their demands in court, and three years later, the Constitutional Court ruled in their favor, forcing the government to compensate them.

“Since then, labor struggles have continued like a passing torch — uninterrupted,” says Aksu. In fact, Turkey did not see such large mobilizations again until after the pandemic, as millions of households struggled with currency depreciation and soaring inflation. The strikes and occupations that followed have been far more decentralized. According to a 2022 study by the Society for Labor Studies (ETC), after the pandemic, there were 1,556 worker and public employee protests scattered across the country. However, these were sporadic actions, and when adding up the participants, they amounted to a total of 155,000 people — meaning that the count from over a thousand labor protests was the same as the “metal storm” of a decade ago.

Sevda Karaca, who is MP for Gaziantep, an industrial city in southeastern Turkey, and vice chair of the left-wing Labor Party (EMEP), attributes the weakening of labor organizations to government pressure: “The failure to build lasting unity even among workers in the same factory, mutual distrust, the mindset of ‘we won’t achieve anything this way,’ and obstructive union bureaucracy,” she describes. “Today [someone] joining a union risks getting fired. Even in the simplest fight for rights at any factory, police and gendarmerie oppose workers at the bourgeoisie’s orders. Governments issue rulings that practically forbid workers from even breathing.”

Part of this pressure stems from the legal ban on strikes. Since the AKP came to power in 2002, restrictions on collective action have affected over 200,000 workers, according to research by the economist Aziz Çelik. Until 2017, under Turkey’s parliamentary system, banning or postponing a strike required a cabinet decision. But after transitioning to a presidential system via referendum, the authority shifted to the president — who has since banned every strike. “With us, what you call ‘strikes’ no longer exist. Now there are no strikes. If there are no strikes, it means workers are being given their due and their rights are protected,” ErdoÄŸan declared in a 2018 speech.

“Working-class citizens realize there’s no longer any connection between them and the authorities,” says Aksu.

Student Leadership

For now, even though workers and unions are surely present in the streets, they are not the most active group. Neither are leftist parties, weakened by post-Gezi crackdowns and constant arrests for street actions. University students were, from the very first day, the social group with the most presence and initiative in the protests. Like other parts of society, they share certain parallels with workers in terms of the erosion of rights and economic capacity. According to data from the Turkish Statistical Institute (TÜİK), 40 percent of university students today both study and work, whereas the rate was around 20 percent a decade ago. Every year, about 200,000 students drop out of their degrees, either for financial reasons or because they transition into full-time work.

Primarily from public institutions, students have carried out the largest street demonstrations in recent years — against government interventions, such as the imposition of rectors affiliated with ErdoÄŸan’s party, as well as protests over their declining economic position. Slogans like “We Cannot Shelter” (against rising rents for rooms and dormitories) and “We can’t make it to the end of the month” have also been adopted by working-class Turks.

It was this groundwork that led students to take the lead in protests following the arrest of İmamoÄŸlu. It all began on March 19, when students from Istanbul University — the institution that stripped the mayor of his diploma hours before his arrest — managed to break through a police barricade to march toward the city hall. The revocation of İmamoÄŸlu’s diploma, a requirement to be able to run in the presidential elections, was widely perceived in Turkish society as an attack on institutions, where nothing holds value anymore and everything can be changed or canceled at any moment.“The demolition of this barricade became the symbol of a movement that, the next day, spread to other universities across the country. It was a decisive factor in the days that followed,” explain Ezgi Tatlı, a student at Yıldız Technical University, and Taylan Özgür DelibaÅŸ, a student at Istanbul University, both members of the Labor Youth (Emek GençliÄŸi).

While the trigger for the protests was the jailing of an electoral contender, the slogan “Salvation lies in the streets, not in the ballot boxes” spread across the country, with the creation of student committees and protest actions on campuses and in city centers, along with calls for a total boycott of classes. They rapidly got the support from a teachers’ union called EÄŸitim Sen. Tatlı was one of the students who took the stage at the large protests outside Istanbul’s city hall, reaching out for unity. “We promise to continue our struggle until this decision is overturned, and all detainees are freed. As universities declare boycotts one after another, we call on workers, laborers, unions, and professional organizations: let us organize a general strike and a mass resistance,” she told the crowd.

“We are aware of the limits of student and youth struggle. Even if we fill the squares and organize massive marches, we know that the collapse of the ruling order depends on the working class and laborers joining the movement,” Tatlı and DelibaÅŸ explain.

“The fundamental issue uniting people in the squares is anxiety about the future and economic struggles. As the spokesperson and enforcer of the capitalist class, the AKP has long used this economic pressure as a tool to suppress movements that would rise up against attacks on rights and freedoms,” they added.

Despite everything, everyone agrees that this process marks “the beginning” of something. The president has labeled the protesters “terrorists” and “marginal elements.” But the authorities can no longer cover up problems with identity-based attacks. The protesters come from diverse backgrounds and have different ideological influences, yet the system’s shortcomings remain the same. It remains to be seen whether the demonstrations will be able to appeal to the broader working class. “We can expect that in this new phase of struggle — where ‘we are only at the start’ — there will also be room for a workers’ movement, much like the astonishing youth movement we are witnessing now,” concludes Demirhan.

Kavel Alpaslan is a journalist based in Turkey. He covers stories about Marxist history and social movements around the world.