Mali junta sacks Prime Minister Maiga and his government


Mali's military junta leader Colonel Assimi Goita fired Prime Minister Choguel Kokalla Maiga and his government on Wednesday. A few days previously, Maiga, who was appointed by the military in 2021, had publicly condemned the lack of clarity regarding the country's promised transition to civilian rule.

Issued on: 20/11/2024 - 

Mali's junta leader Assimi Goita attends the first ordinary summit of heads of state and governments of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) in Niamey, Niger on July 6, 2024. © Mahamadou Hamidou, Reuters

Mali's junta chief on Wednesday sacked civilian Prime Minister Choguel Kokalla Maiga and the government, days after Maiga issued a rare criticism of the military rulers.

"The duties of the prime minister and the members of the government are terminated," said a decree issued by Colonel Assimi Goita and read out by the secretary general of the presidency on state television station ORTM.

The West African country, plagued by jihadist and separatist violence, has been led by the military since back-to-back coups in 2020 and 2021.

In June 2022, the junta promised to organise elections and hand over power to civilians by the end of March 2024, but later postponed elections indefinitely.


Maiga, who was appointed by the military in 2021, on Saturday publicly condemned the lack of clarity regarding the end of the transition to civilian rule.

He said the confusion could pose "serious challenges and the risk of going backwards".

Maiga had been seen as isolated in his position as prime minister, with little room for manoeuvre regarding the ruling military.

His dismissal creates further uncertainty in an already troubled context.

Since 2012, Mali has been plunged into a political and security crisis fuelled by attacks from jihadist and other armed groups, as well as a separatist struggle in the north.

(AFP)

Mali seeks $160 million from Resolute Mining after detaining its CEO

Bloomberg News | November 13, 2024 | 

Mali is demanding Australia’s Resolute Mining Ltd. pay about $160 million to resolve a tax dispute after the government detained the gold producer’s chief executive, according to people familiar with the matter.


CEO Terry Holohan and two colleagues have been held in the capital, Bamako, since late last week after the Resolute boss traveled to the city for meetings with the nation’s tax and mining authorities. The detention comes as the military rulers of Africa’s third-largest gold producer ratchet up pressure on mining companies to renegotiate economic terms.

The government’s position is that Resolute – which operates the Syama gold mine – should pay the state 100 billion CFA francs ($162 million) to settle a dispute mainly concerning alleged back taxes following a sector-wide audit, the people said, asking not to be named as the matters were private.

The parties have been discussing a potential agreement that would see the company pay half that sum now and half at a later date, one of the people said.

Resolute’s shares fell as much as 4.1% in Sydney on Thursday, taking its losses to more than 35% since news of Holohan’s detention became public at the weekend. The rout has cut the company’s market value to around A$884 million ($574 million).

Resolute declined to comment on Wednesday. The claims against the firm were “unsubstantiated,” the Perth-based miner said in a statement on Nov. 11. “The company is continuing to work with the government on a resolution.”

Mali’s mines and finance ministries didn’t respond to requests for comment.
Government negotiations

Resolute previously negotiated a so-called convention for its Syama asset that runs until 2029, but the nation’s junta have upped pressure on firms with operating gold projects in the country after passing legislation last year that increases the state’s share of economic benefits from mining projects. Their toughening stance also coincides with a 25% jump in the price of bullion this year.

The authorities have also threatened to reclaim Barrick Gold Corp.’s Loulo mine permit when it expires in 2026. Mark Bristow, CEO of the world’s no. 2 gold producer, said last week that his company is discussing a “mutually acceptable outcome” with Mali’s leaders.

Allied Gold Corp. and B2Gold Corp. have recently announced agreements that will govern the future operations of their Sadiola and Fekola projects in the country. They will pay about $116 million and $204 million respectively to the state under the deals, according to company statements.

Mali has been under military rule since 2020, when interim leader Colonel Assimi Goita ousted the West African nation’s elected president, citing the previous regime’s failure to repel the Islamist insurgents. Since then, mercenaries from the Kremlin-backed Wagner Group have been deployed to the country, while European forces and a United Nations peacekeeping mission were forced to withdraw.

(By William Clowes and Katarina Höije)

 

Orano prioritises Niger employees as financial situation worsens

Friday, 15 November 2024

Days after Mining Minister Ousmane Abarchi said that Niger was actively seeking to attract Russian investment in natural resources including uranium, Orano has said the financial situation for its majority-owned SOMAÏR subsidiary - operator of the Arlit mine - is still deteriorating.

The First Ministerial Conference of the Russia–Africa Partnership Forum took place in Sochi on 9–10 November (Image: Kirill Kazachkov/Roscongress)

The board of SOMAÏR has approved a motion to introduce protective measures which Orano says are essential for preserving the cash required to pay salaries and maintain the safety and integrity of industrial sites. "The Board is requesting a temporary halt to expenditure related to mining and processing ore, until such time as it resumes the export and sale of its products," the French company said.

Orano owns 63.4% of SOMAÏR, with the remaining 36.6% owned by Niger state-owned mining assets company SOPAMIN.

SOMAÏR has been facing financial difficulties since the July 2023 coup d'état in Niger. Mining activities at the mine resumed after the coup, but the country's border with Benin - the main supply and export corridor for the Arlit uranium mine - has remained closed and the company has been unable to resume sales. In October, Orano announced a decision to suspend mining activities at Arlit and use SOMAÏR's remaining cash reserves to prioritise the payment of salaries and the upkeep of vital site functions.

Orano reaffirmed this commitment in a 12 November vote on a proposal to direct its remaining available cash reserves in this way. "The administrators representing SOPAMIN left the meeting room during that vote, choosing to abstain," the French company said.

"Today, SOMAÏR is stifled by the debts accumulated by its shareholder SOPAMIN, and by its inability to export and obtain proceeds from the sale of its products, even though it has quality industrial facilities and mineral reserves which should permit production to continue until 2040; as well as a competent and highly-qualified Nigerien workforce, which has demonstrated commendable professionalism and resilience in this trying time," Orano said.

"It is important to note that what is being announced is in no way a cessation of operations or closing of the site, but merely the decision to place a stop on all non-essential expenditure in the current configuration. As an operator, Orano has always made sustainable investments in SOMAÏR and regrets this situation and the difficult consequences it will entail for the 750 employees of SOMAÏR and the firm’s sub-contractors as well as the local economy."

Russia statements 'regrettable', says Orano
 

Earlier this week, Abarchi told Russia's RIA Novosti press agency that Niger was actively seeking Russian interest in its uranium and natural resources sector.

"We have already met with Russian companies that are interested in coming to Niger and exploring and extracting natural resources. And this area is not only about uranium. Indeed, we invited them to come to Niger for this," he said in an interview on the sidelines of the first ministerial conference of the Russia-Africa Partnership Forum in Sochi.

Russia is also working on the practical steps to open an embassy in Niger - it closed its embassy in Niamey in 1992, and Russian interests there are currently represented by the Russian Embassy in the Republic of Mali. Speaking ahead of a meeting in Sochi with his Nigerien counterpart Yaou Sangare Bakary, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said the two nations' "mutual commitment to expanding bilateral interaction" had been re-affirmed with the recent resumption of operations of the Nigerien embassy in Moscow, closed since 1995. By reopening "in the near future" the Russian embassy in Niamey "we will restore a robust diplomatic infrastructure which will be beneficial for bilateral relations", he said.

Orano described Abarchi's statements in Sochi as 'damaging' and said they would not alter the company's position.

"Orano considers the statements by the Minister for Mining made to foreign media to be regrettable, as they indicate a choice which will not resolve the problems facing SOMAÏR … Only a united effort by all stakeholders to progress towards stability, and measures to stabilise operations over the long term, can allow SOMAÏR to resume its activities in peace."

Guinea: The great leap backward

Saturday 9 November 2024, by Paul Martial

While voices around the world are being raised against the kidnapping of Foniké Menguè and Mamadou Billo Bah in Guinea, the French authorities remain silent in the face of the putschists’ abuses. Three years after the coup d’état, General Mamadi Doumbouya, a former corporal in the Foreign Legion, is moving away from his promise to return power to civilians. The leniency he is receiving is unlikely to change his mind.

Indulgence for good putschists

Interviewed on RFI, Bruno Fuchs, a French Modem deputy who has written two reports on Africa and the French-speaking world and is the brand new chair of the French National Assembly’s Foreign Affairs Committee, described the Macron government’s state of mind towards the coup plotters: ‘We have a junta that we now believe is determined to return to constitutional order’. Above all, there is a desire to legalise the coup d’état with the plan for a new constitution and an election, which will obviously bring Doumbouya to power.

In an interview in July, again on RFI, Ousmane Gaoual Diallo, spokesperson for the junta, let the cat out of the bag: ‘the military did not come to power to say: “we’ll organise the election, then we’ll push for the other guy to be installed”’. The Élysée doesn’t seem to mind, as long as Guinea doesn’t join the anti-French camp in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger.

Poverty and repression

Although the coup d’état was initially well received, putting an end to the regime of Alpha Condé, who was preparing for a third term in office, the people were soon disillusioned. The economic situation has deteriorated to the point where more than 10% of the population is currently suffering from a food crisis, compared with just 2.6% in 2021. Simandou, the world’s largest bauxite mine, which has not yet been exploited, is the result of highly opaque negotiations between the junta and the Anglo-Australian multinational Rio Tinto. The critical media are censored and the main oppositionists are in exile, if not kidnapped. This is the case for Foniké Menguè and Mamadou Billo Bah, leaders of the National Front for the Defence of the Constitution (FNDC). Kidnapped three months ago and tortured in the military camp on the island of Kassa, their families and friends have had no further news. A former senior official in the mining ministry, Sadou Nimaga, was also recently abducted.

Demonstrations are banned and repressed. According to Amnesty International, 47 people have been killed. While the government has quickly lost popular support - 72% of Guineans consider the situation in their country to be bad - there were also rifts within the army, leading to the settling of scores, the dismissal of officers, such as the head of military security Ismael Keïta, and the arrest and death of Colonel Célestin Bilivogui and the junta’s number two, General Sadiba Koulibaly. This is the junta’s very own way of undertaking the ‘return to constitutional order’.

L’Anticapitaliste

Attached documents

• guinea-the-great-leap-backward_a8734.pdf (PDF - 904.2 KiB)
  Extraction PDF [->article8734]

France

• Mazan, rape as a political fact
• Decolonisation now in Kanaky!
• Martinique: ‘Our economy is based on a colonial model’.
• France in the grip of multiple crises
• Gender and sexualities: the reactionary offensive of the far right

Guinea

• Who are the architects of death and how can we combat them?

• Paul Martial

  Paul Martial is a correspondent for International Viewpoint. He is editor of Afriques en Lutte and a member of the Fourth International in France.

International Viewpoint is published under the responsibility of the Bureau of the Fourth International. Signed articles do not necessarily reflect editorial policy. Articles can be reprinted with acknowledgement, and a live link if possible.

Resolute Mining says CEO, executives held in Mali

Bloomberg News | November 9, 2024 | 

Terry Holohan, chief executive officer of Resolute Mining. Credit: Resolute Mining Ltd.

Terry Holohan, chief executive officer of Australian gold miner Resolute Mining Ltd., has been detained by the military-controlled government of Mali in West Africa, the company said.


Holohan and two other company executives had traveled to Bamako to hold discussions with local mining and tax authorities but were “unexpectedly detained” by government officials after the meetings concluded on Friday, Resolute said Sunday in a statement.

The apparent detention follows a number of arrests in recent weeks targeting fellow gold miner Barrick Gold Corp. employees by the military government which staged a coup d’état in 2020. Four Barrick employees were arrested in October.

Resolute, like other international miners operating in Mali, has been under growing pressure since the military seized power. The company has ramped up production at its Syama project in the nation’s southeast and a second phase of the mine is expected to be in operation in 2025.

“Resolute has followed all official processes with respect to its affairs and has provided the authorities with detailed responses to all the claims made,” the company said in the statement.

“While Resolute is working toward a settlement with the government of Mali to help secure the long-term future of the Syama gold mine, the upmost priority remains the safety and wellbeing of its employees.”

A Mali mining ministry official previously declined to comment when reached by phone.

(By Paul-Alain Hunt, Katarina Höije and William Clowes)

SO MUCH FOR THE 'FREE' MARKET

Our Response to the Government of Canada's order to Shut-Down TikTok Canada

NewsNov 6, 2024

Shutting down TikTok’s Canadian offices and destroying hundreds of well-paying local jobs is not in anyone's best interest, and today's shutdown order will do just that. We will challenge this order in court. The TikTok platform will remain available for creators to find an audience, explore new interests and for businesses to thrive.

TikTok’s closure in Canada raises worries for creators’ revenue, support

By Staff The Canadian Press
Posted November 8, 2024 

TikTok’s Canadian offices ordered to shutdown amid 'national security risks'.


Canadian TikTok creators fear that the federal government’s decision to shut down the app’s Canadian operations will erode their support system and limit earning potential.

Toronto-based TikTok culture commentator Mikael Melo says the app’s Canadian division helped local creators with account optimization, resolving technical issues and securing sponsorships.

He’s concerned that vital support will vanish with the closure.

The federal government ordered the dissolution of TikTok’s business in Canada on Wednesday, citing national security risks, but it did not ban the app.

Lifestyle and food content creator Mali Raja says TikTok’s Canadian arm frequently organized pop-up events and digital campaigns to spotlight local talent, and played a key role in connecting creators with brands.


The Toronto-based creator says she now feels less motivated to continue making TikToks when the future of the platform seems uncertain in Canada.

Advertisers may also become reluctant to invest in content on the platform, says Michelle Nguyen, president and chief strategist of Toronto-based social media agency Super Duper. As a result, Canadian creators may see a decline in ad dollars, she says.

 

Closure of TikTok’s Vancouver office a big blow to employees, content creators

This year, TikTok expanded its downtown Vancouver offices from a co-working space to an entire floor of the 32-storey office tower at 595 Burrard St., which boasts 16,000 square feet of space.

Author of the article: Sarah Grochowski
Published Nov 09, 2024 • 

Abbotsford's Emmy Raine Curtis credits TikTok Canada with launching her influencer career. 

Photo by Emmy Raine Curtis /Postmedia

Former Vancouver-based TikTok staff and content creators say Canada’s decision to shut down the app’s operations over alleged national security risks will throw a wrench in their financial livelihoods.

“It will have minimal impact on security, but will put people out of work in an already challenging job market,” said David FitzGerald, a former recruiter for TikTok in Vancouver.

Among those potentially impacted are content creators like Abbotsford’s Emmy Raine Curtis, who credits TikTok Canada with launching her influencer career.

“Shutting down the TikTok Canada offices means less access to support for Canadian creators, and fewer job opportunities for people,” said Curtis.

FitzGerald and Curtis’s comments were in response to this week’s news that the Canadian government had ordered TikTok Technology Canada to “wind up” its operations, citing “national security risks” linked to the app and its Chinese parent company, ByteDance. The order follows a review that began last year.

Canadian users will still be able to access the app, but the company’s offices in Vancouver and Toronto will shutter.

However, FitzGerald, who since founded his own recruitment company, believes “any potential security threat is far more likely to stem from the technology itself rather than from a physical office or local team.”

A TikTok spokesperson confirmed the closure of its Canadian offices will result in the loss of hundreds of well-paying local jobs, and that the company plans to fight the federal order in court.

This year, TikTok expanded its downtown Vancouver offices from a co-working space to an entire floor of the 32-storey office tower at 595 Burrard St., which boasts 16,000 square feet of space.

This growth aligns with TikTok’s 65 career openings in Vancouver, spanning roles in machine learning, software engineering, data science and product management, according to LinkedIn. The majority of the jobs were posted within the past week.

For content creators who regularly visit TikTok’s Vancouver office for support, this news brings concerns of a major setback.

“It’s causing a lot of upset,” said Vancouver-based creator Nadiia Synook, who runs the account Torroooo, with nearly 51,000 followers.

Synook regularly attends networking events and workshops at TikTok’s Vancouver office. She found out about the closure on Wednesday through the media.

“Having offices here is a big plus for creators,” said Synook. “Working online is one thing, but meeting amazing creators from across Canada is something else. It helps us grow by collaborating with each other.”

When Curtis of TikTok’s Itsemraine had a small following in 2023, she said the company invited her to be its digital host of the FIFA Women’s World Cup in Australia.

“During that opportunity, TikTok Canada helped me establish brand deals, I signed my first major deal with Powerade during the tournament and was given every resource possible to ensure I could maximize my experience,” she recalled.

In the year since, the Canadian TikToker has grown into a sports personality, amassing over 35,000 digital followers.

“I can’t make it clear enough just how much TikTok, but specifically TikTok Canada, has boosted my career,” Curtis said.

Postmedia News contacted TikTok employees in Vancouver, but many declined to comment, citing a company policy prohibiting them from disclosing information to the media.

“We’ve been reminded of this policy multiple times in the past few days. Therefore, I cannot provide any information directly related to me or allow my name to be used in any way,” one staffer said Friday.

ByteDance is subject to strict Chinese national security laws, which could compel it to share TikTok data with the Chinese government if required. The company has maintained that foreign user data isn’t stored in China.

A Canadian Security Intelligence Service document tabled at the Public Inquiry into Foreign Interference in September revealed that as early as 2022, the agency suspected TikTok could be used by China to monitor foreigners.

The app was banned from federal government devices in February 2023.

With files from The Canadian Press

sgrochowski@postmedia.com

Barrick sees deal with Mali over new mining code before year-end

By Divya Rajagopal and Felix NjiniNovember 7, 2024

Souvenir luggage tags are displayed at a Barrick Gold Corp at the Prospectors and Developers Association of Canada (PDAC) annual conference in Toronto, Ontario, Canada March 1, 2020. 

REUTERS/Chris Helgren/File Photo 

Summary

Companies
Barrick has offered 55% economic interest in Loulo-Gounkoto

CEO says talks with Mali's government continue

Government has demanded alleged unpaid taxes, sources say

TORONTO, Nov 7 (Reuters) - Barrick Gold (ABX.TO), opens new tab, the world's No. 2 gold miner, is confident of concluding talks for a new mining code with Mali's junta-led government before the end of the year, CEO Mark Bristow told Reuters on Thursday.
Talks between Toronto-based Barrick and the authorities in Mali on how to implement new mining rules governing its Loulo-Gounkoto mining complex, one the biggest gold mines in Mali, have dragged on for months.

an country is demanding about $500 million in unpaid taxes from Barrick, Reuters has reported, citing sources, as the government tries to wring more income from the sector, which is dominated by gold miners, to shore up state revenues as prices of the precious metal rally.

Mali has been negotiating with miners in the country on how to apply new mining rules in which the state and local private investors must own a 35% interest in mining projects, up from 20% currently.

Bristow said Barrick had offered Mali 55% of the economic benefits from the Loulo-Gounkoto operation, in a deal that he said bore similarities to an agreement the miner reached with Tanzania about five years ago. The CEO declined to comment on Mali's cash demands and allegations of unpaid back taxes and fines.

"We are prepared to give them more of the economic benefits," Bristow said in an interview. "The key is you don't want to damage the long lasting value of the asset. The biggest sufferer will be the country, and any increase in basic cost has an impact on how long the projects will run."

While Barrick and Canadian miner B2Gold (BTO.TO), opens new tab are among Mali's biggest gold producers, they have recently faced pressure from the junta over unpaid back taxes following an audit of the sector.

B2Gold said in statement on Thursday it made a one-time tax payment of $30 million after an audit and the company would also advance an output expansion at its flagship Fekola mine.

B2Gold said in September the company would keep its 80% stake in Fekola, while the government holds the remainder.

While Barrick has offered a larger share of "economic benefits" to Mali, the company would continue to "carry the capital risk which we have always done", Bristow said, adding that talks were ongoing.

The CEO reiterated that Barrick would target to grow 30% organically, without the need for M&A, which would give it space to look at "external opportunities for the few (deals) that the company may need to have value creation criteria".

 

2025 African Union Polls: A Contest of Prestige, Not Continental Vision

Nicholas Mwangi | 02 Nov 2024 | NEWSCLICK INDIA

• 
  

The elections for African Union Commission Chairperson are set for February 2025, yet it seems that candidates’ are more focused on the possible symbolic victory rather than a chance to build continental unity and challenge western dominance.

With the February 2025 election for the African Union (AU) Commission Chairperson just four months away, momentum has been building among candidates vying to succeed outgoing Chairperson and former PM of Chad, Moussa Faki Mahamat, who is stepping down after two terms. The candidates for the upcoming race are from Djibouti, Kenya, Madagascar, and Mauritius. The stakes are high as Africa faces critical issues that require visionary leadership, but the campaign dynamics are also highlighting divisions that historically continue to plague the AU in the run up to every election.

The AU, established in 2002 to replace the Organization of African Unity (OAU), was founded with a mission of strengthening integration, self-determination, and cooperation across Africa. Today, its institutions like the AU Commission and the Pan-African Parliament are meant to promote policy across economic growth, political stability, and conflict resolution.

While not new, when it comes to these elections, the current campaigns appear to focus more on national pride and regional dominance. Winning the AU Commission Chairperson role has become an empty symbolic victory for the candidate’s country, often driven by the desire for regional influence rather than a robust plan to concretely address Africa’s pressing issues that are systematic alongside new emerging problems.

Kenya’s former Prime Minister, who leads the country’s opposition party, has emerged as a frontrunner after receiving endorsement from the East African Community’s (EAC) in Nairobi in an event spearheaded by President William Ruto. This backing places him as East Africa’s candidate of choice, poised to bring the region’s interests to the AU’s center stage. Kenya has invested in AU leadership bids before. In 2017, Kenya’s candidate Amina Mohamed was highly publicized and backed with significant resources, yet ultimately lost to the outgoing Moussa Faki. This setback was partly attributed to Kenya’s historically complex relationships with its neighbors and the Francophone bloc’s strategic unity, which has been seen as less cooperative with East Africa.

Meanwhile, Djibouti’s candidate, Mahmoud Ali Youssef, Minister of Foreign Affairs since 2005 is also gathering momentum, especially after the endorsement by Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and possibly Francophone countries. Colonial and linguistic affiliations remain deeply influential, with Francophone and Anglophone countries often voting along these lines. However, the Sahel region’s recent political shifts, where Burkina Faso, Niger, and Mali have left the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), has cast uncertainty on how the Francophone bloc might align in this AU election.

Africa’s challenges demand an alternative vision.

Given that 60% of the population of the African continent is under 25 years and many countries like Congo, Angola, Kenya, Ghana, and South Africa are abundant raw materials, AU leadership should prioritize visionary policies that unleash the continent’s economic potential and tackle its pressing issues. Africa’s Agenda 2063, launched in 2015, aspires to create a self-determined, prosperous Africa. However, progress has been slow, and many feel that the agenda remains more symbolic than actionable. Although calls for continental unity, visa removal, and trade freedom feature prominently in the current race, historically these campaign promises can become just populist rhetoric, as practical implementation has repeatedly stalled and for various reasons.

Critics argue that the AU itself has also become detached from grassroots issues, focusing on corporate-style, exclusive meetings that lack input from everyday Africans on important issues like health, education, and security. The AU’s decision-making process has increasingly become an echo chamber for African elites, promoting a culture of political clout and regional rivalry rather than collective advancement of the continent. In fact, a core requirement is that candidates must have previously served as presidents, prime ministers, or foreign ministers.

This detachment can also be seen in the context of the recent popular anti-imperialist sentiments in the Sahel. The AU’s dependence on financial and political support from Western powers and institutions like the IMF and World Bank has led to criticisms of it as an extension of neo-colonial influence rather than a body fully committed to African sovereignty. This reliance often constrains the AU’s policies, especially when aligning with Western interests means sidelining the voices of African citizens pushing for a more autonomous and assertive continental agenda.

One activist from the social movements in Kenya told Peoples Dispatch,” The African Union’s dependence on foreign funding, particularly from the European Union and the United States, restricts its ability to adopt policies that truly reflect African interests. When you’re reliant on imperialist powers for support, pursuing independent, progressive policies becomes nearly impossible. As Thomas Sankara said, ‘Who feeds you controls you.’”

The activist stated that, “The AU’s endorsement of neoliberal economic policies reflects this compromise. Instead of promoting self-reliant, people-centered development, it pushes for foreign investment, privatization, and market liberalization, aligning itself with global capital rather than the welfare of African people.”

“Its historical reluctance to support anti-imperialist movements shows the AU’s alignment with, or at best, passive permission of imperialist interests. From Western military bases to corporate exploitation, the AU remains silent or compliant. Many African heads of state involved in the AU benefit directly from Western alliances, using these relationships to secure power domestically. As a result, the AU prioritizes stability for the elite rather than progressive change for the many.”

As the AU Commission Chairperson race continues, we are left wondering if the next leader will bring about a substantive shift toward Africa’s true strategic interests, challenge neo-colonial and imperialist interests, and transcend regional rivalries, or simply continue to perpetuate the AU’s symbolic role in global politics. February’s election should mark a shift and not another chapter of continued missed opportunities for Africa’s future.

Nicholas Mwangi is a member of the Ukombozi Library in Kenya.

Courtesy: Peoples Dispatch

 

How West Africa’s military juntas exploit anti-French sentiments for support but undermine human rights

By Alex Batubo

Published 30 October, 2024

First published at National Record.

The key problems for the common people in most countries across West Africa are the same as in Nigeria, poverty, inequality and corruption. Across the Sahel, especially in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger this had led to armed insecurity led by Islamic militants. It was the failure to quell such violence that led to the military coups in recent years.

French troops also failed to contain the Islamic militants. This failure and incidents where French forces shot dead local people led to widespread opposition to the French troops and their eventual exit from these countries. This demonstrated that their governments had far more control over the French forces than many people imagined.

However, military solutions were never likely to be successful. The underlying causes of poverty, inequality and corruption have to be addressed before insecurity can be significantly reduced. This is the reason that Boko Haram and ISWAP remain active in the north east of Nigeria.

The military juntas have benefited from, and encouraged, the wave of anti-French feelings and this also helped the opposition to win the presidential elections in Senegal. The anti-French nationalism has provided a certain focus for the bitterness of the mass of workers, peasants and the lower middle classes over their economic plight. But it also restricts their demands to those that do not upset the ruling classes in each country.

Expelling the French military from these countries does nothing to reduce poverty, inequality or corruption. In addition, there is an ideological conservatism which accompanies these anti-Western feelings. So, there are moves against women’s rights, and against protections for LGBT people etc. Opposition to French imperialists in West Africa is not necessarily progressive.

The second issue was the currency that remains a hang-over from the colonial era in these French speaking countries. The military juntas have gained a level of mass support with promises to move away from the CFA currency. This was also one of the main planks in the success of the opposition in the Senegalese elections earlier this year. The currency clearly remains a symbol of the former colonial power.

However, at least for the West African countries, almost all aspects of the CFA were removed in May 2022 when the remaining foreign reserves, previously held by the French Central Bank, were repatriated to the common central bank, the BCEAO, in Dakar. In addition, French representation was reduced to only one member on the 27-person Monetary Policy Committee. There is now no representation at all from France on the main board of the BCEAO Central Bank.

There are benefits, especially for the rich elite, from this common currency and its parity with the euro. It means their imported goods are cheaper, it is easier for them to transfer their looted funds out of the country and their savings do not dwindle due to the low rate of inflation.

The workers of Senegal, at least, also benefit from this low inflation as the minimum wage, as in Nigeria, has not been increased over the last nearly five years. But over this time, inflation in Senegal has only been the same as in Nigeria over the last six months.

The governments of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger have shown that they can successfully demand for the French soldiers to leave their country (and more recently in Niger also the removal of the US troops). They are also in a position to break from the link to the Euro, if the governments choose, but given the above advantages they may not actually make this change.

In 1960, when countries of West Africa gained independence from France, this may have only been flag independence. But nearly 65 years later things have changed. Even in terms of trade France no longer dominates. In the two largest economies, Cote d’Ivoire and Senegal, the largest trading partners are now China and India rather than France.

French multinational firms still form 10 of the 20 largest firms in Senegal, so they are clearly significant. But they no longer totally dominate the economy. The 13 largest French controlled firms only provide 3.3% of the formal employment in Senegal. So less than one worker in 20 in the formal sector works for a French controlled company. This is a major change from 1960.

The relationship between France and its former colonies in West Africa can also be extremely beneficial for the leaders of these countries, if they are prepared to support France in international arenas.

So, for example, the then French President, François Hollande, admitted that the French made arrangements for Blaise Compaoré to leave for the Ivory Coast when he was overthrown by a popular uprising in 2014. In 2019, the French foreign minister admitted that French warplanes had struck a rebel convey in Chad to prevent a coup d’etat against the former President Idriss Deby. France then supported the current dictator when he took power after the death of his father two years later. The President of Cote d’Ivoire, Alassane Ouattara has received firm support from France after being elected in contested elections for an unconstitutional third term in December 2020. A former French president attended the swearing-in ceremony.

Swapping French and US troops for mercenaries from Russia has not reduced insecurity across the Sahel. As in Nigeria, the root causes of poverty, inequality and corruption must be addressed by robust trade union action. Changing the currency will not allow the poor majority to buy enough food to eat. A decent minimum wage is what we all need.

The main claims by the West African military juntas, when they took power in Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, was that they would quickly address the security issues in their countries. In each case, they have failed to do this. If anything, the insurgency by Islamic militants is getting worse, especially in Burkina Faso and Mali. In addition, the military are extending their rule with promises of elections and a return to civilian rule being postponed or forgotten. The authoritarian military rulers have inflicted further attacks on human rights in each of these four countries as we show below.

Despite this, the trade unions are still able to organise and are beginning to improve the conditions of their members, at least in some countries. However, much more is needed to reduce the levels of poverty, inequality and corruption that are the main drivers of insecurity.

Burkina Faso

“The human rights situation in Burkina Faso is very worrying”, said Drissa Traoré, Secretary General of the International Federation for Human Rights (IFHR) in early October. In addition, the National Commission of Human Rights is concerned about the arrests and kidnappings of citizens by unidentified individuals and outside of any adequate procedures.

Two years after Ibrahim Traoré’s coup d’état, human rights organizations paint a bleak picture of freedoms violated in the country. IFHR denounces in particular arbitrary arrests of opponents, the forced recruitment of civilians, the disappearance of defenders of freedoms and the end of freedom of the press. Street protests have been banned in Burkina Faso since the Traoré led coup in September 2022.

This situation has been made worse by the introduction of anonymous hotlines. In September alone, 726 denunciations were made and these resulted in at least 350 arrests. In October, a meeting of about 50 journalists complained about the disappearance of four of their colleagues who are thought to be “in the hands of the military”.

IFHR also shares its concern about the increase in disappearances of human rights activists and the growing repression of dissident voices. “We are witnessing a resurgence of arbitrary arrests and pressure on journalists and activists”. Several prominent figures found themselves sent to the front to fight against Islamic militants, including human rights defender Daouda Diallo and former foreign minister Ablassé Ouédraogo.

Last year, Amnesty International said, “public figures were abducted or arrested and forcibly disappeared, including the national president of an organization representing pastoralists’ interests” who are blamed for the insurgency.

Russian military personal are used to personally protect Traoré. When he came to power, he promised to only stay for 21 months. But this was extended by another five years in May 2024. In addition, Captain Traoré is to be free to continue his rule by being a presidential candidate when the elections finally take place.

The IFHR calls for a general mobilisation to restore fundamental freedoms in Burkina Faso and guarantee the independence of the justice system. Some fifteen Burkinabe unions, united in a collective, have called for a rally on October 31 in Ouagadougou to protest against “restrictions on freedoms” which they say have been imposed by the country’s military authorities.

“This mainly concerns the restriction of individual and collective freedoms (which) result in forced disappearances of citizens, kidnappings of citizens by armed and hooded individuals, forced recruitment, measures to close press organs”, said Moussa Diallo, Secretary General of the General Confederation of Burkina Workers (CGT-B), the principal trade union centre in Burkina Faso. He was effectively sacked from his university lecturer post in April 2024 and is now in hiding to avoid being kidnapped or arrested.

Minimum wages

Country	Monthly wage (CFA F, thousands)	Monthly wage (N thousands)	Date of last increase
Burkina Faso	45	125	June 2023
Mali	44	123	January 2016
Niger	42	117	January 2024
Guinea	550 (Guinea francs)	108	June 2022

Mali

The Malian military authorities, in power since the second coup of 24 May 2021, have continued to drastically restrict the civic and democratic space in the country. The last four years have seen a resurgence of arrests, arbitrary detentions, abductions, secret detentions and also of judicial harassment of anyone who expresses a dissenting opinion.

The four years of military rule have also been marked by threats and intimidation, kidnappings and arbitrary arrests of Malian journalists and opinion leaders. International media journalists have their authorities denied.

Presidential elections scheduled for 27 February 2024, which would have allowed a return to civilian rule, were again postponed in September 2023. In April and May 2024, the Malian military authorities organised the Inter-Malian Dialogue, national consultations aimed at proposing solutions to the political and security crisis in Mali. The dialogue produced 300 recommendations, including calls to “extend the transition period from two to five years” and to “promote the candidacy of Colonel Assimi Goïta in the next presidential elections“.

In June 2024, 11 leading politicians were arrested for demanding the return to civilian rule.

Also, in June 2024, the National Union of Banks, Insurance Companies, Financial Institutions and Enterprises of Mali (SYNABEF) held a three-day strike by banks and petrol stations and won the release of its secretary general, Hamadoun Bah after five nights in detention. Bah is also the secretary general of UNTM, the largest trade union centre in Mali. A coalition of political parties and associations (Synergy of Action for Mali) also called for protests against the high cost of living and power cuts.

Again, in June 2024, the higher education union, SNESUP held a 3-day strike. They had several grievances, including the suspension of the Dean of the Faculty of Economics and Management and the implementation of the agreement recently reached with the government following the previous indefinite strike in 2023. They also demanded improvements in working conditions, salary increases, regularization of salary arrears and security for schools and universities.

At the end of October, the head of one of the cattle markets in the capital, Bamako, was arrested by state security. This was after a 1-day strike over the relocation of the cattle market.

Niger

The military authorities in Niger have cracked down on the opposition, media, and peaceful dissent since taking power in July 2023, says Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the International Federation for Human Rights (IFHR).

On May 29, the justice and human rights minister issued a circular suspending all visits by human rights organizations to Nigerien prisons “until further notice“, in violation of national and international human rights law.

On August 27, 2024, Gen. Abdourahamane Tiani established “an automated data processing file containing personal data of people, groups of people or entities involved in acts of terrorism.” “Niger’s new counterterrorism order allows people to be labelled suspected terrorists on vague criteria and with no credible evidence,” said Human Rights Watch. Those included in the database face severe consequences, including being denied the ability to travel nationally and internationally, and having their assets frozen.

The Trade Union of Magistrates of Niger (SAMAN) called for a 72-hour strike at the beginning of June, 2024 to defend judicial independence and protest against the intervention of the executive branch in judicial affairs.

Negotiations opened between government ministers and trade union leaders in mid-October. Before the coup, the trade unions held a 2-day general strike to demand the harmonization of allowances for all state agents, the recruitment of contract civil servants in education and health to the civil service and the increase in the minimum wage. These demands remain to be addressed. However, in July the price of petrol was reduced from 550 à 499 FCFA (N1,500 to N1,350) and in August the fees and charges in public hospitals were reduce by 50%.

Guinea

A 3-day general strike was held in February 2024. The call was launched by trade unions from the public, private and informal sectors, seeking a reduction in the prices of basic necessities and an end to media censorship. The unions also demanded and won the release of Sékou Jamal Pendessa, Secretary General of the Union of Press Professionals of Guinea. The strike received the support of the main political parties and most civil society organisations.

There was then a truce between the military and the opposition and civil society. In May, the military regime released Foniké Menguè and two other civil society leaders while civil society suspended its demonstrations.

But then, the Prime Minister said in late September: “We do not yet have complete and precise information on where they may be,” in response to a question about the disappearance, since July 9, of two activists from the National Front for the Defense of the Constitution (FNDC), Foniké Menguè and Mamadou Billo Bah. Since then there has been no news about their whereabouts.

In July, before his disappearance, Foniké Menguè said: “So what is certain is that we will resume our meetings, and following the meetings, you know that we will again go on demonstrations. We will continue the fight against the seizure of power by the CNRD.”

Also in July, the Guinean customs also seized nearly a thousand copies of the autobiography of Foniké Menguè. The stock of books was being transported from Dakar. According to the Customs Directorate, it was seized at the land border with Guinea for reasons of “public order and public security.”

Earlier this year the junta agreed to hold elections by the end of 2024, but then backtracked on this in July.

Earlier in October, the trade union centre, the National Confederation of Guinea Workers (CNTG) demanded the full implementation of the agreement of November 2023. This included the negotiation of a revised minimum wage for the private and informal sectors and improved public sector transport services.

Conclusions

The military coups in West Africa have not addressed the key issues of poverty, inequality and corruption. Neither have they been able to address the insecurity around the Islamic militants which was the main issue many of them gave for removing the previous civilian governments. Where the insecurity is worse, in Burkina Faso and Mali, the military coups have led to a major worsening of human rights.

However, the trade unions have managed to continue to organise. They are beginning to reassert their rights and to push for improvements in the conditions of their members. We can only hope that this will continue and that they are able to address some of the issues of deep poverty and inequality that led to the Islamic rebellions.

This assertion of trade union activism is also needed in the countries of West Africa that are still ruled by civilian governments where poverty, inequality and corruption remain major issues.