Showing posts sorted by date for query Thalidomide. Sort by relevance Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by date for query Thalidomide. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Monday, June 22, 2026

 

Repurposed drug thalidomide shows promise for hard-to-treat brain and spinal cord arteriovenous malformations




Science China Press
Thalidomide for sporadic CNS arteriovenous malformation 

image: 

This graphical abstract summarizes the study design and main findings. The researchers constructed a KRAS-driven mouse model of sporadic brain arteriovenous malformation, identified thalidomide through transcriptomic drug screening, and validated its therapeutic potential in mice and patients. Thalidomide may promote vascular stabilization by reducing ANGPT2 expression and restoring mural cell coverage.

view more 

Credit: ©Science Bulletin






Central nervous system arteriovenous malformations, or CNS-AVMs, are abnormal tangles of blood vessels in the brain or spinal cord. They form direct high-flow connections between arteries and veins and can cause hemorrhagic stroke, seizures, headache, neurological deficits, or progressive disability, especially in children and young adults. Current treatments, including microsurgery, embolization, and stereotactic radiosurgery, can be effective but are invasive and may carry substantial risks for patients with complex lesions. This considerable therapeutic gap underscores the urgent need for effective pharmacological strategies against sporadic CNS-AVMs.

A research team led by investigators from Xuanwu Hospital, Capital Medical University, has reported preclinical and early clinical evidence that thalidomide may help stabilize and shrink sporadic CNS-AVMs.

A major obstacle to drug development for sporadic CNS-AVMs has been the lack of an animal model that closely resembles human disease. To address this challenge, the researchers developed a mouse model of sporadic brain arteriovenous malformation, or BAVM, driven by KRASG12V, a mutation associated with human sporadic CNS-AVMs. The model reproduced key features of human BAVM, including feeding arteries, a nidus, draining veins, high-flow vascular shunting, hemorrhagic changes, impaired vascular integrity, and reduced mural cell coverage.

The researchers then compared gene-expression profiles from human and mouse BAVMs and found strong cross-species similarity. Using the Connectivity Map platform, which predicts compounds that may reverse disease-associated molecular signatures, thalidomide emerged as a top candidate among FDA approved drugs.

In BAVM mice, thalidomide improved survival, reduced lesion growth, decreased hemorrhage, lowered abnormal blood-flow velocity, improved neuromuscular performance, and increased mural cell coverage around malformed vessels. These findings suggest that thalidomide may help convert fragile, unstable vessels into more mature and stable vascular structures.

The researchers also found the therapeutic mechanism of thalidomide in sporadic CNS-AVMs. Thalidomide reduced endothelial angiopoietin 2, or ANGPT2, a molecule associated with vascular destabilization and abnormal endothelial-mural cell communication. Blocking ANGPT2 with a neutralizing antibody produced key therapeutic effects similar to those of thalidomide in the mouse model, supporting ANGPT2 as a potential mediator of the drug’s benefit.

To evaluate clinical relevance, the team conducted a proof-of-concept clinical study involving patients with refractory sporadic brain or spinal cord arteriovenous malformations who were refractory invasive treatment. Among 28 patients who completed thalidomide therapy and follow-up digital subtraction angiography, no lesion growth was observed. Eleven patients had stable lesions, while 17 showed lesion regression. Some patients showed shrinkage of the nidus, feeding arteries, draining veins, or aneurysms. Adverse events were mild to moderate, with no grade 3 or higher events reported.

Human tissue analysis further supported the proposed mechanism. In cutaneous arteriovenous malformation samples from patients with metameric spinal cord arteriovenous malformations, thalidomide treatment increased mural cell coverage and reduced endothelial ANGPT2 expression, consistent with the findings in mice.

The authors emphasize that the clinical study was exploratory, single-arm, and limited by its small sample size and relatively short follow-up. Larger controlled studies are needed to confirm efficacy, determine optimal dosing, and evaluate long-term safety. Nevertheless, the findings provide a potential pharmacological strategy for patients with complex sporadic CNS-AVMs, particularly those who are poor candidates for invasive treatment or may benefit from preoperative lesion regression.

“This study provides a representative experimental model for sporadic brain arteriovenous malformations and offers early evidence that thalidomide may promote vascular stabilization through ANGPT2 downregulation and mural cell restoration,” the authors said. “These findings open a new direction for developing medical therapies for these challenging vascular disorders.”

Thursday, May 28, 2026

From Soviet antihistamine to Alzheimer's breakthrough: a UK biotech bets on a molecule the world forgot

From Soviet antihistamine to Alzheimer's breakthrough: a UK biotech bets on a molecule the world forgot
A Canadian chemist, a rediscovered polymorph and a drug that may outperform everything on the market — if the West is willing to listen / bne IntelliNews
By Leon Aris in Berlin May 28, 2026

A small UK-registered biotech company believes it has found an Alzheimer's treatment that is safer, cheaper and more effective than anything currently on the market — and it has done so by revisiting a molecule that Soviet chemists first synthesised in the 1970s and that Pfizer abandoned as a failure in the early 2000s. The drug candidate, DMB-I, is now entering phase 3 clinical trials after phase 2 results showed it significantly outperforming memantine, the most widely prescribed Alzheimer's treatment in the world. The company behind it, BIGESPAS Ltd, is aiming for a commercial launch by 2028.

A disease without a solution — and a market without one either

The backdrop to this story is a global health crisis that is, by any measure, accelerating. Alzheimer's disease is on course to affect tens of millions more people by 2050, driven by two converging forces: a rapidly ageing population — the disease typically presents at 60 and above — and improved diagnostics that are reclassifying vast numbers of previously miscategorised dementia cases. "Many people who were diagnosed with old age dementia — only recently did specialists start differentiating that clearly from Alzheimer's," said Dr Boris Gorin, the scientist at the centre of the DMB-I project. "Advanced diagnostic techniques show that the number of cases is growing."

The pharmaceutical industry has largely failed to keep pace. The existing standard of care — dominated by drugs such as memantine and donepezil — provides modest symptomatic relief at best. The most high-profile recent attempt at a step change, Biogen's biologic treatment Aduhelm, received conditional FDA approval in 2021 and briefly added $19bn to Biogen's market capitalisation. But it cost $100,000 per patient per year, required intravenous administration in a clinical setting and carried serious safety risks including brain bleeds. It has since been largely withdrawn. The market, in short, is enormous, undersupplied and in desperate need of something that actually works at a price ordinary patients can afford.

BIGESPAS believes DMB-I is that something. The question is whether anyone will trust a drug developed out of post-Soviet science in the current geopolitical climate.

The credibility problem

The name Trofim Lysenko does not appear in any of the company's marketing materials, but it looms over any discussion of Russian science in the West. Lysenko, the Soviet agronomist whose ideologically driven pseudoscience set Soviet biology back decades, has become shorthand in western scientific circles for the dangers of politicised research from that part of the world. More recently, Russia's announcement of a cancer cure that failed to materialise, and the Kremlin's promotion of Sputnik V — a Covid vaccine that never received European Medicines Agency approval despite widespread use elsewhere — have deepened western scepticism about bold claims emerging from the former Soviet space.

The founders of BIGESPAS are acutely aware of this. Their first and most emphatic response is structural: this is a British company. "The fact that it was tested in Russian clinical trials does not mean it is a Russian product," Gorin said flatly. The company is registered in the United Kingdom, and its co-founder Pavel Shmarenkov — an economist and fintech entrepreneur by background — is equally direct in rejecting the Sputnik parallel. "That was an emergency situation with extraordinarily high competition," he said. "Scientific results are multinational. One plus one equals two everywhere, not only in Russia."

The decision to conduct clinical trials in Russia was, they insist, purely financial. Russian trials cost approximately one tenth of equivalent Western studies. For a small, self-funded biotech without the backing of a major pharmaceutical company, that differential is not a minor consideration — it is the difference between running the trials at all and not running them. "We did it on our own, with our initial investors," Shmarenkov said. "We needed to verify the hypothesis that DMB-I is a real, strong product before going further."

The science: a question of shape

To understand why DMB-I might succeed where previous attempts failed, it helps to recall one of the most consequential — and most disturbing — episodes in 20th-century pharmaceutical history. Thalidomide, widely prescribed in Britain and Europe in the late 1950s as a treatment for insomnia and morning sickness, caused severe birth defects in thousands of children. The reason, understood only later, was that the drug existed in two mirror-image molecular forms — what chemists call enantiomers — one of which was therapeutically useful and one of which was catastrophically harmful. The physical shape of a molecule, it turned out, was not a secondary detail. It was everything.

DMB-I's story is a variation on this theme, though with a happier trajectory. The underlying molecule, latrepirdine (also known as Dimebon), has been known since the 1970s, when it was developed in the Soviet Union as an antihistamine. It is chemically identical across all its forms — the same atoms, the same bonds. But like many pharmaceutical substances, it can exist in different crystalline structures, known as polymorphs. Think of graphite and diamond: both are pure carbon, but their physical properties could hardly be more different. One is soft and black; the other is the hardest natural material on earth. The difference is purely structural.

Pfizer identified several polymorphs of latrepirdine when it ran its phase 3 clinical trials in the early 2000s — and the trials failed. What Gorin realised, while working on an unrelated polymorphism study in Canada around 2019, was that Pfizer had not found all of them. "I screened for all possible polymorphs using modern techniques and found one that Pfizer had not reported," he said. "The hypothesis came to life: could it be that Pfizer missed the most active polymorph?" Preclinical testing on animal models confirmed that the newly identified form — named DMB-I — was significantly more active than any of those Pfizer had studied. Gorin is careful not to frame Pfizer's failure as negligence. "I would not call it a mistake. I would call it tough luck." The screening techniques now available were simply not as comprehensive in the early 2000s. Pfizer did not know what it was missing.

What makes DMB-I specifically superior is its solubility. The new polymorph dissolves and penetrates the gastrointestinal wall faster than its predecessors, reaching the bloodstream more rapidly and building up in brain tissue more effectively. This matters enormously for an oral drug — one taken as a pill rather than administered intravenously — because the absorption efficiency of oral medications varies widely, and a compound that passes through the gut too slowly may never reach therapeutic concentrations in the brain at all.

Phase 2 clinical trials, conducted across 135 patients over 26 weeks, established the optimal dosage at 20mg taken three times daily and compared the drug's performance directly against memantine. "The short answer is yes — it is way more effective than memantine," Gorin said. The improvements observed spanned three domains: cognitive alertness, social communication — which Alzheimer's patients frequently lose entirely — and what Gorin calls operational ability, meaning the capacity to perform basic daily tasks independently. Side effects were negligible, limited to a mild aftertaste. "Next to nothing," Gorin said. The drug does not cure Alzheimer's — no drug does — but its symptomatic impact, based on phase 2 data, appears to be meaningfully greater than the current standard of care, with a safety profile backed by decades of use of the base molecule as an antihistamine.

The business case: cheap, oral and ready for a gap in the market

The commercial logic behind DMB-I rests on a set of conditions that are, for a drug developer, unusually favourable. The Alzheimer's treatment market is large and growing. The existing options are either modestly effective legacy drugs or expensive, inaccessible biologics that most patients cannot afford and most healthcare systems struggle to fund. DMB-I is oral — a pill taken at home, requiring no hospital visit, no intravenous line and no clinical supervision. That alone dramatically reduces the cost of treatment and the burden on patients, who are, by definition, elderly and often frail.

"Only a very small segment of the aged population can afford extremely expensive biologics," Shmarenkov noted. "Most rely on affordable drug products." The memory of Aduhelm — a drug whose $100,000 annual price tag provoked a public backlash and a Medicare coverage dispute even as its clinical benefit remained contested — casts a long shadow over the biologics market. A drug that demonstrably works, is safe, can be prescribed by a GP and taken at home, and costs a fraction of the current alternatives, represents a genuinely different proposition.

Phase 3 trials, targeting between 500 and 700 patients across multiple confirmatory studies, are planned to begin this year and run for 52 weeks — one year, compared with the 26 weeks of phase 2. The extended duration will allow the team to observe longer-term effects and to test DMB-I in combination with other medications, which phase 2 protocols did not permit. If results are positive, a regional commercial launch in the Eurasian market — Russia, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and neighbouring countries — is targeted for 2028. "You cannot get approval in one country today and start selling everywhere the next day," Shmarenov said. "That is not how the industry works."

The longer-term strategy is standard biotech: prove the asset in markets where regulatory approval is more accessible, build a commercial track record, then sell or partner with a major pharmaceutical company capable of global distribution. "Independently, we will not be able to penetrate the western market," Gorin said with characteristic candour. "It can be a partnership, a sellout, an IPO — but it has to be through interaction with big pharma." The Eurasian region may be retained independently under any such deal, given the team's existing relationships and infrastructure there. Canada — where Gorin has lived and worked for thirty years — is identified as the most likely first Western market entry point, with the European Medicines Agency and the FDA representing the larger but more complex targets beyond that.

Geopolitics and the long road West

The path from promising phase 2 results to a pharmacy shelf in London or Toronto runs directly through a set of obstacles that are as much political as scientific. Western regulators, particularly the FDA, have historically required that trials submitted for approval be conducted under their own protocols and on their own soil — meaning that however compelling the Russian data, an entirely separate set of studies may be required before the drug can be considered for Western markets.

Then there is the broader question of perception. Whatever the structural argument about British incorporation, the scientific roots of DMB-I lie in Soviet-era chemistry, its trials were conducted in Russia, and its initial commercial launch will be in the post-Soviet space. In a geopolitical environment defined by deep mistrust between Russia and the West, that is not a neutral provenance for a drug seeking FDA or EMA approval — however strong the underlying data.

The founders' counter-argument returns, ultimately, to the science. The molecule does not have a nationality. The clinical results are what they are. And the market they are addressing — hundreds of millions of people globally, most of them with no access to effective treatment — is not going away. "If it works, it works," Gorin said. "I don't see why western countries would not be interested in a product that works."

That confidence may prove justified. Or the journey from a Soviet antihistamine to a western pharmacy shelf may turn out to be longer and more complicated than a promising phase 2 trial suggests. Phase 3 will begin to provide the answer. In a year or two, as Gorin put it, the world will start to hear something. The question is whether it will be listening

Sunday, September 14, 2025

UK

What has the European Convention on Human Rights ever done for us?


European Court of Human Rights
European Court of Human Rights

Every week seems to bring a new politician saying that they think the UK should leave the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). But few of them explain what it is, how it works, or how it benefits each and every one of us in the UK.

Where did the European Convention on Human Rights come from?

The ECHR rose from the ashes of Europe after the horror of WWII. It was part of the postwar settlement which said ‘never again’ –  never again should countries be able to abuse their own people with impunity. 

In the words of the famous jurist René Cassin: “we do not want a repetition of what happened in 1933, where Germany began to massacre its own nationals and everybody bowed, saying ‘Thou art sovereign and master in thine own house.’” 

In 1950, an international agreement was put in place that everyone in Europe should have a minimum of fundamental legal rights. That is the ECHR.

READ MORE: Labour Party Conference 2025: Full LabourList events programme, revealed

These rights would be for everyone, no matter their race, class, creed or citizenship, and no matter the political inclinations of the government of the day. 

A court was also set up in Strasbourg – the European Court of Human Rights – to enable people to enforce these rights where necessary.

Did the UK support the ECHR?

You might be surprised to learn that the UK was at the forefront of this international effort. David Maxwell-Fyfe – a Conservative Home Secretary – essentially wrote the entire agreement. 

No lesser figure than Winston Churchill regarded the ECHR as fundamental to Europe’s peaceful future. 

Churchill declared in a speech in 1948: “In the centre of our movement stands the idea of a Charter of Human Rights, guarded by freedom and sustained by law.” 

What kinds of things are protected under the ECHR?

The ECHR was founded on reciprocity – each nation promised to all the others that they would protect an irreducible minimum of human rights. 

Those rights protect and benefit everyone.

It is because of the ECHR and the Strasbourg Court that corporal punishment is not permitted in the UK any more, after a case where a youth court ordered the 15-year-old Anthony Tyrer to be ‘birched’.

The shocking thalidomide scandal could only be reported after the Sunday Times newspaper fought for its ECHR right to free speech.

Arbitrary police phone-tapping was widespread until an antiques dealer from Dorking called James Malone successfully argued that it breached his right to privacy.

Gay people were only allowed to serve in our military after soldiers successfully relied on their rights to privacy and non-discrimination.

Of course, cases in Strasbourg do not just involve the UK. Women have a right under the ECHR to be protected against domestic violence. Journalists cannot be required to disclose their sources.

These cases involve normal people like you and me. The ECHR is for all of us just as much as it is for each of them.

They also mean that European countries can cooperate on issues like extraditing criminals and fighting terrorism, knowing that they will all respect rights to a fair trial and to privacy.

What is the Human Rights Act?

Recognising the importance of the ECHR, the New Labour government enacted the Human Rights Act in 1998. For the first time, this enabled you or me to rely on our ECHR rights in UK courts without having to go to Strasbourg. It was about ‘bringing rights home’.

The Human Rights Act is also entirely independent of the ECHR and the Strasbourg Court. It is simply a piece of UK primary legislation like any other. 

In the UK, the Human Rights Act enabled families of Hillsborough victims get a proper investigation of what went wrong. 

It also enabled gay people to keep their home after the death of their long-term partner.

Is the ECHR anti-democratic?

The point of the ECHR is that the minimum baseline of rights should be protected from an over-mighty legislature or executive. 

But of course government has to be able to govern. We need effective government, with real power, in order to solve the problems we face.

That is why the baseline was set very low. For example, the right to life, the right not to be tortured, the right not to be enslaved, the right to a fair trial, the right to vote, and the right to privacy and family life. 

Would you want to live in a society where those minimum rights weren’t protected? Where they could be overridden at the whim of the Government of the day? Would such a society even be a real democracy?

It is absolutely wrong to say, as critics of the ECHR often do, that ‘human rights are overriding democracy’ or that the ECHR is in some way ‘anti-democratic’.

Above its low minimum baseline, the ECHR is silent. It leaves government huge room to manoeuvre. Democratic governments and parliaments, including the UK government, can enact whatever policies or laws they want. 

Any notion that democracy is ‘overridden’ by the ECHR in some way is rubbish. 

Doesn’t the Human Rights Act allow judges to override Parliament?

No. Contrary to what some politicians seem to think, the Human Rights Act does not allow judges to override Parliament. That is simply wrong.

A judge can stop a minister or official from doing something that infringes an ECHR right, unless Parliament has made it clear in legislation that ECHR rights can be overridden. 

Subscribe here to our daily newsletter roundup of Labour news, analysis and comment– and follow us on BlueskyWhatsAppX and Facebook.

But judges have no power to quash an Act of Parliament. All they can do is declare that the Act is not compatible with human rights. The Act still remains fully in force. It is not ‘quashed’ in any way. 

It is then up to Government and Parliament to decide whether they want to change the law or not, but that is entirely their choice. The courts have no role there.

In short, Parliament can always decide to breach ECHR rights. But unless it has clearly decided to do that, ministers and bureaucrats have to respect those rights. There is nothing undemocratic about that.

So why do some people always complain about the ECHR?

Politicians who complain that the UK should leave the ECHR either don’t understand it or are trying to distract you from other issues. 

Some of them want to move to a less democratic system where the government can take away basic rights from people who disagree with them, or who get in the way of their plans. That could be any of us.

Every single country in Europe is a member of the ECHR, with only two exceptions – Russia and Belarus. 

Do we really want the UK to be like Russia and Belarus, the last two dictatorships in Europe, who brutally invaded Ukraine? 

Or should we stand with the other 45 European countries, our international neighbours and partners, and keep the fundamental rights and protections that we fought for in WWII?

Sunday, July 13, 2025

Taming corporations is the key issue of our times

11 July, 2025 
Left Foot Forward

To appease corporations, people may raze mountains, divert rivers, clear forests, cover countryside in tarmac and shower subsidies upon them, but they have no loyalty to any place, people or product.




There is a crisis of democracy. People can vote for whichever political party they want, but corporations always win as they fund the parties and legislators; control media and almost everything else. Their interests are promoted by obedient governments. People may elect a party that promises greater investment in education, healthcare and the environment or promises of redistribution of income and wealth but they are soon disciplined by threats of economic turbulence caused by flight of capital.


Taming the corporations is a key issue of our times. They wield enormous power over our lives, but people have little or no say in their affairs. The state gives birth to corporations and nurtures them through legal frameworks, social infrastructure, property rights, subsidies, tax perks and limited liability which enable privatisation of profits and socialisation of losses. The supposed bargain is that corporations will serve society, but that is not the case.

To appease corporations, people may raze mountains, divert rivers, clear forests, cover countryside in tarmac and shower subsidies upon them, but they have no loyalty to any place, people or product. Dodging taxes, abusing customers, exploiting workers, violating human rights and environmental damage are all normalised. Corporations remain the private fiefdom of executives.

At every stage of life, we are abused. Companies like Nestlé and Danone dominate 85% of the baby formula market and hike prices at will to boost profits and dividends. 15 largest children’s home providers make an average 23% profit per year, leaving little for front line services. Supermarkets profiteer from high food and fuel prices. Big pharmaceutical companies have made over £12bn excess profit from just 10 NHS drugs, which had profit mark-ups of up to 23,000%.

Instead of competing corporations such as Barratt Redrow, Bellway, Berkeley Group, Bloor Homes, Persimmon, Taylor Wimpey and Vistry exchanged details about house sales including pricing, number of property viewings and incentives to disadvantage customers. Companies such as Brown and Mason, Cantillon, Clifford Devlin, DSM, Erith, JF Hunt, Keltbray, McGee, Scudder and Squibb colluded to rig bids for demolition and asbestos removal contracts. In 2017, faulty cladding killed 72 people in the Grenfell Tower fire. No one has been charged and thousands of people are stuck with faulty cladding and unsaleable houses.

For most people, earning a decent living is a struggle whilst company execs collect up to 575 times the median employee pay. The case of P&O Ferries illegally sacking 800 workers shows that companies have no qualms about violating laws because governments don’t inconvenience large corporations. The average real wage is unchanged since 2008. Between 2016 and 2023, some 3m workers were denied the minimum wage. Culprits are rarely prosecuted. Trade unions can help but their members are targeted. Balfour Beatty, Carillion, Costain, Kier, Laing O’Rourke, Sir Robert McAlpine, Skanska UK and VINCI PLC collaborated to secretly blacklist trade unionists and deprive them of employment. Abused employees are silenced and bullied into agreeing out of court settlements and signing non-disclosure agreements.

A cost of living crisis is caused by unchecked profiteering. Since the pandemic, electricity and gas supply companies have increased their profit margins by a whopping 363%. Since 2020, big energy companies have made operating profits of £514bn, a major cause of poverty and destruction of industries. Since privatisation in 1989, water companies have levied inflation-busting charges on customers, but haven’t built a single new reservoir. Instead, they paid nearly £85bn in dividends. They dump raw sewage in rivers and flout laws to boost profits. Despite over 1,135 criminal convictions they remain in control of a vital resource.

Thalidomide, mad cow, cancers and obesity epidemic caused by food high in fat, salt, sugar and chemical additives, are some examples of diseases and disabilities manufactured in corporate boardrooms by wealthy executives living in leafy suburbs. Companies don’t bear the social cost of irresponsibility.

The finance industry is riddled with frauds and fiddles. Numerous financial products, including pensions, endowment mortgages, precipice bonds, mini-bonds, split capital investment trusts, interest-rate swaps, car loans and payment protection insurance have been missold, leaving millions in misery. JPMorgan, HSBC, Standard Chartered, Deutsche Bank and Bank of New York Mellon have defied money laundering crackdowns by moving staggering sums of illicit cash for shadowy characters and criminal networks. Puny fines are ineffective.

40% of the world’s dirty money is routed through the UK and its offshore satellites. Governments can check it by taking out Unexplained Wealth Orders (UWO) and prosecuting the beneficiaries. Since 2018 only seven UWOs have been issued to recover just £22m. No one has been prosecuted. No government has sought to cleanse the finance industry. Instead of strengthening public interest protection duties of regulators, the UK government now requires regulators to promote growth of the finance industry.

Auditors, the self-appointed police force of capitalism, are mired in scandals. None noticed that the Post Office didn’t keep proper accounting records and prosecuted innocent postmasters. The audit quality reports show that major accounting firms still don’t meet the feather-duster UK standards. Malpractices only come to light after scandals. For example, PwC programmed its audit partner to spend just two hours on the audit of BHS. KPMG submitted false information and documents to the regulator investigating audit failures at Carillion.

Pandora Papers, Paradise Papers, Bahamas Leaks, LuxLeaks, Swiss Leaks and Panama Papers are some of the episodes that shed light on the destructive tax abuse and illicit financial flows industry dominated by accounting and law firms and banks. They face little retribution. In 2023-24, fewer than five criminal cases were brought against those who aid tax dodgers. The Criminal Finances Act 2017 gave government powers to prosecute companies for tax evasion. Since its introduction, there have been no prosecutions or convictions of corporations”.

The privatisation of healthcare created new exploitative opportunities for corporations. Newmedica, Optegra, SpaMedica, CHEC and ACES are major beneficiaries as the NHS doles out cataract surgery contracts to the private sector. In 2023-24, they made a profit of £169m on the back of profit margins of 32%-43%. Care services for senior citizens are dominated by corporations. Some £1.5bn a year is taken out of the care sector in the form of shareholder returns, leaving less for front line services.

Death is the last chance for corporations to exploit people and they don’t miss it. Regulators complain that funeral directors don’t clarify the prices and bereaved relatives can’t easily haggle.

The above examples are a tiny glimpse of corporate power and abuses. Governments do little to make corporations accountable to the people. Companies such as Alphabet, Apple, Amazon, ExxonMobil, Microsoft, Nvidia, Shell, Walmart and others employ thousands of workers and their revenues exceed the gross domestic product (GDP) of many a nation state. This gives them enormous clout to discipline elected governments by withholding investment, shifting production and tax dodges through complex structure. Corporate hunger for profits knows no limits. In the 1930s Giant corporations and banks collaborated with Nazi Germany as it was profitable. US corporation IBM directly supplied the Nazis with technology which was used to transport millions of people to their deaths in the concentration camps at Auschwitz and Treblinka. In the1950s Anglo-Iranian Oil Company, now part of BP helped to overthrow the government of Iran. Any government resisting corporations can always be toppled. Elon Musk, the controller of Tesla Corporation, is willing to fund Reform UK to advance his ideological project and erode remnants of democracy in the UK.

We have a choice. We can have either democracy and public accountability or rampant corporate power with enormous wealth and power concentrated in the hands of a few business executives, but not both. Corporations must be brought under democratic control. Yet the political system is unable or unwilling to call them to account. Political parties, governments and pressure groups are bought off. Unaccountable corporate power is damaging the fabric of society, the structure of families, the quality of life and the very future of the planet.

A proportional representation voting system has a better chance of enabling people to speak. This must be accompanied by a total ban on receiving and giving of political donations to parties and spurious corporate consultancies for legislators. No one should be allowed to own more than one media outlet. All large corporations must have worker elected directors on their boards and employees must vote on executive pay. Directors must be made personally liable for abuses. Essential industries must be in public ownership with workers and consumer elected directors on boards. Section 172 of the Companies Act 2006 must be reformed so that directors advance the welfare of stakeholders, not just shareholders. Giant corporations must be broken-up to increase competition and reduce their threat to the people. The libel laws need to be changed to favour the citizen rather than powerful corporations. Companies should not be able to conceal any information that could prevent injury, disease and harm to people. The public’s ‘right to know’ should take priority over concerns about corporate secrecy and confidentiality.

The above suggestions are not a panacea but provide a modest start to build a democratic society.


Prem Sikka is an Emeritus Professor of Accounting at the University of Essex and the University of Sheffield, a Labour member of the House of Lords, and Contributing Editor at Left Foot Forward.

Thursday, May 08, 2025

Opinion
Women's health



The Guardian view on bias in medical research: disregard for women’s health belongs in the past

Editorial

It is shocking that while illnesses specific to men are studied, those affecting women are ignored


Wed 7 May 2025


Six years after Caroline Criado Perez’s bestselling book Invisible Women drew a mass readership’s attention to the long history of sexist bias in medical research, it is shocking that women and their illnesses are still underrepresented in clinical trials. Analysis by the Guardian of data gathered for a new study showed that from 2019 to 2023, 282 trials involving only male subjects were submitted for regulatory approval in the UK – compared with 169 focused on women.

Health inequality is a complex and multifaceted problem. There are massive socioeconomic differences in life expectancy and infant mortality, as well as race inequalities – for example, in maternity and mental illnesses. These and other disparities, along with those relating to disability, can also be mapped geographically.



Women, on average, live longer than men, so in this sense men can be said to be disadvantaged. But in addition to the risks associated with pregnancy and childbirth, far more women have dementia, while survival rates from female- and male-specific cancers – and other diseases that affect the sexes differently – are highly variable.

The five-year period in this study, which was carried out by the University of Liverpool and the Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency (MHRA), was not necessarily typical. It does not reveal how funding was divided up. But taking on board these caveats, it is hard to see a benign explanation for there being 67% more trials investigating men’s health than women’s. This gap in research inputs could reasonably be expected to contribute to a disparity in outcomes further down the line.

This is all the more disappointing given recent progress in tackling women’s exclusion from health research. For decades, as Ms Criado Perez and others have documented, many clinical trials were conducted on male subjects only. Researchers preferred to avoid what they saw as complications associated with the female reproductive system, especially pregnancy – although experts now regard concerns that women’s hormones might skew results as having been wrong.

Ninety per cent of the UK trials in the MHRA study involved both sexes. It is not possible to compare this precisely with past practice, as the data has not been scrutinised in the same way before. But increased recognition of the variable effects of medicines on males and females has led regulators and funders to change their policies. In the US, the National Institutes of Health has required investigators to consider sex as a variable since 2016. In the UK, the Medical Research Council changed its rules in 2022. Since then, experiments conducted on animals have been expected to include both sexes – with limited exceptions (such as when the condition being studied affects one sex only).

The lack of medical research on pregnant women came to the fore during the pandemic, when many were unvaccinated and alarming numbers ended up in intensive care. Reluctance to test drugs on pregnant women is often linked to the thalidomide scandal of the 1960s, when thousands of babies were damaged by a drug given to their mothers for morning sickness. But while caution may be merited, among pregnant women themselves as well as researchers, there is no shortage of women who are not pregnant. The disparity in sex-specific research points to an anti-female bias. Ministers, funders, hospitals and the pharmaceutical industry should all be concerned.

Wednesday, December 11, 2024

Today’s Science Skepticism Goes Back to the Scientific Revolution



 December 11, 2024
Facebook

Nikolaus Kopernikus beim Beobachten der Gestirne (Detail von Jan Matejkos Gemälde)

Most of us are aware of the deep problems in the current US pharmaceutical industry. Yet few may realize that today’s issues stem from changes that occurred centuries ago.

As I explain in The Apothecary’s Wife: The Hidden History of Medicine and How it Became a Commodity, the current medication system was established between 1650 and 1740, when professionals used the scientific revolution to push women out of the medical space. At that time, domestic medicine was dominant. Women were the primary sources of medicine in their communities, making medication from organic ingredients at home. Despite using the exact same ingredients for their own medicines, apothecaries and physicians persuaded the public of the superiority of their treatments and began charging for them. Medicinal substances transformed from free, household goods for everyone into commodities available only to those with means. This transformation normalized the practice of withholding life-saving medications from people who could not afford it — and valuing the economic success of corporations over the lives of some citizens.

The forces that transformed medication into a commodity are still with us. For example, domestic medicine encouraged sharing recipes to maximize healing, but today’s commercial medicine attempts to keep recipes secret to maximize profit. The US patent system and the battles between corporations making generic and brand-name drugs is a logical result, even when those mechanisms imperil patients’ health and lives. (See also Victor Roy’s Capitalizing a Cure: How Finance Controls the Price and Value of Medicines.)

Regulation is another legacy of medication’s economic transformation. In an attempt to exclude quacks from the medical marketplace and to protect consumers, 17th- and 18th-century professionals began testing competitors’ medicines to prove their inferiority and then publicizing the results. Joshua Ward (ca. 1685-1761), for instance, widely sold “medications” made of metals such as lead and antimony despite knowing that ingesting them could be fatal (Chapter 7 in The Apothecary’s Wife has a lot to say about him). Regulatory entities such as the Food and Drug Administration and European Medicines Agency should do this work now. History provides ample proof that when guided by science, regulation works. It has also shown us that lax oversight, such as in the famous case of thalidomide, the furor over aduhelm, and today’s generic drug industry, endangers patients.

We also continue to experience the fallout from the campaign to elevate “the New Science.” Its 17- and 18-century advocates made it seem more impressive by casting this new way of thinking and discovering as too difficult for ordinary people. That strategy generated an ongoing suspicion of science and a profound misunderstanding of how science functions. Although particularly virulent in the United States, this skepticism and ignorance of science abounds worldwide.

For the United States, this legacy will be even more obvious and determinative after the new government is sworn in on January 20, 2025. The Affordable Care Act of 2010 (ACA) is America’s only attempt so far at a public health system. For decades, the Republican party on the whole has been opposed to the ACA and national health care more broadly, drawing on the value system that displaced domestic medicine’s ethos with one that prioritizes corporate health over human health. 17- and 18-century professionals recognized this issue in converting medication into a commodity, but decided against adding a mechanism for treating the impoverished. Repealing the ACA would be returning to the three-hundred-year-old roots of today’s system. Similarly, the current nominee to lead the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS), Mehmet Oz, has pursued profit opportunities in medicine with disregard for science and the health of ordinary people. He has even promoted colloidal silver (more upscale than Joshua Ward, but an equally ancient claim). It is likely that the provisions in the Inflation Reduction Act of 2022 requiring the CMS to negotiate the prices that it pays for pharmaceuticals will be ignored or removed.

Skepticism and suspicion of science undoubtedly will bear down on federal divisions, departments, and institutes responsible for health care and science. Regulation is a probable early casualty. The nominee for Secretary of Health and Human Services (HHS), Robert F. Kennedy, Jr., harbors these views, exemplified by his opposition to vaccines, fluoridated water, and pasteurized milk. Kennedy’s misunderstanding of how science works, not to mention the role of regulation, leads to a hostility toward scientists that has much in common with witchcraft fears. History suggests that under such leadership, HHS and the CMS will authorize the use of unscientifically tested treatments, reject the scientific foundations of the regulation process, and nurture a national hostility to science and scientists.

The consequences of this approach will appear quickly. Federal opposition to vaccines, for instance, will swiftly raise the mortality rate, especially the infant and child mortality rates, to spectacular highs. As Olivia Craighead drily wrote after Mehmet Oz’s nomination, “Fingers crossed colloidal silver works for measles.” Outbreaks of easily prevented, highly communicable, frequently fatal or permanently debilitating diseases such as measles and pertussis (whooping cough) will likely negatively impact the economy. Tourism will drop as visitors choose to avoid such a perilous environment. The national failure to provide a reliably healthy, sound workforce will curtail domestic productivity and obstruct foreign investment.

Prognostication in this case is fairly easy. Addressing these values and beliefs about the role of medication is not. They are rooted in medication’s transformation into a commodity. Knowing where these ideas came from, however, offers insight into the current system, and as history shows, insight is a step toward action.

This post was originally published on the University of California Press blog and is reprinted here with permission.