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Saturday, June 27, 2026

 

The Illusions of Western Virtue: Ursula von der Leyen and Europe’s Moral Bankruptcy

by | Jun 26, 2026

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has every right to condition European relations with any other country or bloc on respect for human rights. That, of course, would hold true if she genuinely cared about such values herself.

In response to the June 19 signing of the memorandum of understanding between the United States and Iran – intended to bring an end to a destructive war – von der Leyen declared that the European Union does not intend to lift its sanctions on Tehran.

Speaking on June 15, ahead of the G7 summit, she firmly conditioned any diplomatic thawing on domestic changes within the Islamic Republic.

“The principle of sanctions is that we need real change on the ground before we can think about lifting them,” she stated, adding: “As long as there is no behavioral change, you cannot lift the sanctions because of human rights violations.”

Viewed in isolation, the European position might appear principled, even commendable. In its broader geopolitical context, however, it exposes a staggering level of hypocrisy.

On that very same day, the European Union’s duplicity was laid bare. During a Foreign Affairs Council meeting in Luxembourg, Europe effectively refused to take a unified stand on imposing trade sanctions on Israel, despite its ongoing genocide in the Gaza Strip and unchecked colonial violence and expansionist policies in the occupied West Bank.

The discussion itself would not have taken place had it not been for the persistent efforts of Spain and Ireland, which have repeatedly urged the bloc to suspend the EU-Israel Association Agreement over Israel’s flagrant violations of international law. The initiative failed because the EU remains deeply divided, constrained by the requirement of unanimity on foreign policy and repeatedly blocked by pro-Israel governments.

While Europe continues to engage Israel – providing Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his extremist coalition with desperately needed political and economic lifelines – the European public has increasingly moved in the opposite direction.

Recent polling across numerous countries has revealed growing opposition to Israel’s war and genocide in Gaza and increasing support for Palestinian rights. Across Europe, mass demonstrations, consumer boycotts, campus mobilizations, and divestment campaigns have reflected a widening gap between public opinion and official policy.

This reality appears entirely irrelevant to von der Leyen, who remains preoccupied with the human rights records of states viewed as Western adversaries. Such concern is not motivated by solidarity with victims, but by the desire to maintain political leverage that can be invoked when convenient and ignored when necessary.

Lest we forget, von der Leyen was among the first Western leaders to visit Israel following the events of October 7, arriving in Tel Aviv on October 13, 2023. Standing alongside Israeli leaders, she offered unconditional backing, declaring that “Europe stands with Israel.” She did so as Palestinians in Gaza were already being subjected to a devastating military assault that would soon claim tens of thousands of lives.

Although her rhetoric became somewhat more cautious as international legal institutions began investigating Israel for genocide and pursuing war crimes cases against its leaders, her fundamental political alignment never truly changed.

For anyone to believe that von der Leyen has suddenly discovered that human rights should occupy center stage in any responsible foreign policy is simply delusional. This is especially true given how restrained she remained, both in language and action, as the US-Israeli war on Iran expanded into a regional catastrophe that should never have been allowed to unfold.

None of that matters to von der Leyen, of course, since such immense human suffering does not neatly fit within her geopolitical priorities.

It is tempting to conclude that, for von der Leyen and many Western leaders, some human rights matter more than others. Yet even that assessment grants too much credibility to their position, because it assumes that human rights are the actual basis of policy. More often than not, they are merely invoked when politically convenient.

Even the Catholic Church appears to be moving away from this selective moral framework. Since his election in May 2025, Pope Leo XIV has repeatedly emphasized a vision of “just peace” over the traditional doctrine of “just war,” warning against the use of moral and religious language to legitimize military aggression. During his Palm Sunday homily earlier this 2026, he stressed that “God rejects the prayers of those who wage war,” a direct challenge to the normalization of violence by political leaders.

But von der Leyen cannot help herself. The instrumentalization of human rights has long been a staple of Western foreign policy, despite mounting evidence that such commitments are rarely applied consistently. In that sense, Europe appears increasingly bankrupt – not only morally, but politically as well.

The war involving Iran, the subsequent US-Iran agreement, and the major geopolitical shifts surrounding both unfolded largely without meaningful European involvement. Reduced to the role of spectator – or occasional cheerleader – the EU exerted little influence over events, underscoring its diminishing relevance in Middle Eastern and global affairs.

This helps explain why von der Leyen resorted to familiar rhetoric about human rights in Iran while remaining largely silent on Israel’s devastating actions in Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, and elsewhere in the region. With Europe’s influence steadily shrinking, moral posturing has become a substitute for meaningful diplomacy.

Will the EU continue along this path of growing irrelevance, or will it finally heed the views of its own citizens, challenge Israel’s impunity, and pursue a foreign policy genuinely independent of Washington? The answer may determine whether Europe can reclaim political relevance – or continue its slide into long-term decline.

Dr. Ramzy Baroud is a journalist, author and the Editor of The Palestine Chronicle. He is the author of six books. His forthcoming book,Before the Flood,’ will be published by Seven Stories Press. His other books include ‘Our Vision for Liberation’, ‘My Father was a Freedom Fighter’ and ‘The Last Earth’. Baroud is a Non-resident Senior Research Fellow at the Center for Islam and Global Affairs (CIGA). His website is www.ramzybaroud.net

Why Dravidianism is Needed in a Hindutva Polarising Society?



Jeeva Anbalagan | 


Dravidianism is a revolutionary social, political and philosophical framework to liberate the marginalised and build an egalitarian society.


Across the world, the fundamental conflict is labour versus capital. Do the capitalists swindle profits and amass wealth? Yes. Do they exploit labour? Definitely!

In India, this capital primarily propagates through existing caste structures (Brahminical hegemony), linguistic supremacy (Hindi imposition), and religious nationalism (Hindu Rashtra). ‘Hindutva’ ideology - being the intersection of all the three-oppression forming a cultural hegemony. B.R. Ambedkar rightly identified ‘Brahminism and Capitalism’ as the two enemies for the Indian society and gave frameworks to fight them. Periyar E.V Ramasamy, precisely coined this oppression as 'Hindu-Hindi-India'. Both giants worked tirelessly building movements to fight against it. Of them, Dravidian movement, spearheaded by Periyar who had mutual respect and approval from Ambedkar, was built with a shared mission to collectively oppose Brahminism - the caste hierarchy.

Dravidianism as ‘Social Mobility’

Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam or DMK, the electoral brainchild of the Dravidian movement, was founded in 1949 by CN Annadurai along with his brethren after having differences with Periyar, has consistently worked to weaken these structures of oppression systemically. The recent example being ‘naan mudhalvan’, the dream scheme of the former Chief minister MK Stalin, which enables marginalised to become civil service officers that renders them political power to frame policies for social upliftment. Periyar Ninaivu Samathuvapuram, a scheme introduced in 1998 by the then DMK President and Tamil Nadu CM M Karunanidhi that gives the social experience for integrated living as neighbours from diverse social location (including castes, and differently abled people) and share basic civic amenities.

The Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam or ADMK, the split away populist faction from DMK, founded in 1972 by MG Ramachandran, despite flaunting Hindutva tendencies, has also contributed to expanding the schemes for marginalised emancipation. Latest example, implemented in 2020 by the then CM and ADMK Chief Edappadi K Palanisamy, being 7.5% reservation (affirmative action) in higher education for the predominantly socially backward government school students.

There is a long trail of social-democratic schemes on the reservation policies by Dravidian electoral majors, more specifically DMK, ever since the first communal government order in 1921 that was passed by the ‘Justice party’(SILF) in the then Madras Presidency. Most notably to include the most marginalised within the classification:

Arundhatiyars among Scheduled Castes (2009), Most Backward Castes (1989) and Muslims and Christians (2007) among Backward Castes, through internal affirmative action apart from obtaining constitutional validity (1993) on the scale of reservation up to 69% - a record high among the large Indian states. The first three are credited to M Karunanidhi’s chief ministership tenure and the last in 1993 to J Jayalalithaa’s administration.

Dravidian majors have made continuous efforts in building essential shared living spaces that facilitated social mobility. For instance, hostels for the marginalised students (ST, SC, MBC, BC), when they venture out of their home for higher studies. The first initiative in Tamil Nadu transcends ever since 1923, to the Justice party times, the ‘precursor’ Dravidian electoral organisation that Annadurai, founder of the DMK fondly calls as Pattanaar katchi. The recent addition to such shared living space is the Thozhi hostels launched by DMK president and the then CM MK Stalin in July 2023, catering to the housing needs of working-class women moving to a city. He launched similar scheme called Thozhiyar hostel, a dedicated hostel for the trans-community.   

These are seen as the continuation of the DMK’s long list of women emancipation policies with the landmark legislation in 1989 by M Karunanidhi implemented (Equal Property Rights for Women - the Hindu Succession Tamil Nadu Amendment Act), granting women equal rights to ancestral property, a cause championed by Ambedkar and Periyar.

This all looks merrily social-democratic and less challenging to the existing Hindutva cultural dominance. Where has it threatened the hegemony the most? To know, one must understand what Dravidianism means!

Dravidianism as ‘Cultural agency’

According to Periyar, Dravidianism is a revolutionary social, political and philosophical framework to liberate the marginalised and build an egalitarian (oppression free) society.[1]

First, Dravidian ideologues initiated cultural reclamation as a fundamental project to instil ‘self-respect’ and rational thought. Self-respect is the fundamental philosophical pillar of Dravidianism, which means recognizing one’s own agency, rejecting subordination, and actively fighting for one's own rights and self-worth.

Periyar conceptualised ‘Self-respect’ marriages, an egalitarian marriage legalised by CN Annadurai through self-respect marriage act in 1967, that involves no Brahminical priestly intervention and religious rituals to weaken caste hierarchy and reject linguistic imposition (Sanskrit if you wonder what language).

Second, Dravidian leaders principally deployed philosophical deconstruction of the Hindu mythological texts like ‘Periyapuranam’ and ‘Kamba Ramayanam’ for invoking rationality in the society. Thee Paravattum – Let the fire spread (published in 1953) is the compilation of Annadurai’s public debate that happened in 1943, where he exposes how hegemonic dominance propagates through art, devotion, and mythology.

Dravidian ideologues utilised popular mediums like cinema, theatre and music Sabha turning them into a cultural space where ideas are pitched, debated and taken home among the working class to their reading rooms, tea shops, and hair salons. To illustrate, a dialogue in the movie Parasakthi (1952) penned by M Karunanidhi, “When did Ambal (the Goddess) speak?” captured the cultural nerve to invoke rationality among the audience. Later in 2007, during the Sethusamuduram canal project, he brought similar logical arguments - "Who is this Ram? Which engineering college did he graduate from to become a civil engineer?", that nudged the minds of people including the detractors. 

Third, inclusive identity creation was part of the mechanism for affirmative social recognition and to reclaim indigenous roots. In fact, the word ‘Dravidian’ was coined by Pandit Iyothee Dass to build a distinct, non-Hindu, and casteless identity for marginalized communities. In public addresses, Dravidian leaders attribute egalitarianism quoting the Sangam era, a primitive commune period in Tamil history where the society had the then advancements in technology, art, literature and established trade relationship with the Roman society. In recent times there are material evidence to substantiate it in the archaeological excavation sites of Keeladi, Porunai.

More specifically to cater contemporary needs, for inclusive identity creation, M Karunanidhi has continually updated the Tamil glossary for widowed women as ‘Kaimpen’, transgenders as ‘Thirunar’, differently abled as ‘maatru-thiranaali’ (differently skilled) that gave affirmative social recognition. During M K Stalin’s chief ministership tenure 2021-26, his convention for naming social transformation projects embodied inclusivity and affirmative social recognition. To name a few: he named his universal basic income scheme as Kalaignar Magalir urimai thogai - Women’s rightful entitlement, his skill development program as naan mudhalvan - I am the first that helps students to build leadership and excellence in their chosen field, his free public transport for women and transpeople as Vidiyal PayanamJourney to Dawn (emancipation), incentive for university students as Puthumai pen - modern women, and Tamil Puthalvan -Tamil’s son to emphasise being educated is the core of Tamil modernity.

Of all, the Hindutva forces fear the most, is the cultural agency that Dravidianism brings into the social discourse as it is not just diametrically opposite to their cultural project but detrimental to their hegemony. Since assimilation of the Dravidian ideology is a herculean project, as it offers social mobility and cultural agency (read as equality, liberty and fraternity) to the marginalised, Hindutva forces try to attenuate, counter by creating and appropriating multiple variants of right-populist proxy organisation. Notably, Naam Tamilar Katchi and Tamilaga Vetri Kazhagam are the latest electoral parties to join the right-populist proxy club.

In short, cultural reclamation, inclusive identity creation, affirmative social recognition for the marginalised along with social transformation policies are challenging the hegemonic dominance.

Key Takeaway – ‘Being Dravidian’

Periyar chose rationalism, and self-respect as an agency for fighting the oppressive caste system and for the very same reason, Ambedkar adopted Navayana Buddhism.

Just like how farce is to reduce Ambedkarite liberation movement as a mere ‘Dalit Identity politics or to Buddhist spiritualism’, so is to reduce Dravidian Movement as mere ‘politics of governance’. Both the movements are radical giants of its own and together, in comparison - two sides of the same coin.

To best put in Periyar’s words, reminiscing his tour of north Indian states addressing the working class, “all those who are oppressed throughout the Indian sub-continent are Dravidians and Adi Dravidians.” In Viduthalai, the official organ of the Dravidar Kazhagam, when Palestine was bifurcated to deprive livelihoods and basic rights of the Arabs, he addresses them as ‘Arab Dravidians.’[2] In corollary, Dravidian Identity is never a given based on birth (like the varna system) nor just determined based on the language that one speaks, it is more of a conscious contention of working towards social liberation. So, the subaltern intellectuals, practitioners and activists in political movements, electoral organisations, independent progressives must ruminate and employ methods, engage popular mediums to ignite rational thoughts actively work towards marginalised liberation.

FYI – CN Annadurai deconstructed Hindu canonical texts two decades earlier than it was found as a philosophical method in 1960s by French Philosopher Jacques Derrida. Like Annadurai, he radically critiqued Western metaphysics, language, and meaning deeply transformed literary theory, philosophy, law, and architecture. On hindsight, if one must name what Annadurai and other Dravidian Ideologues did for cultural reclamation and inclusive identity creation, it can be termed as philosophical deconstruction.

The writer is an independent political observer who happens to be an engineer. The views are personal.

Calls Grow for Release of US Citizen Detained Without Charge in Israel

The Israeli military has held 20-year-old Sama Safi, a US citizen, in military detention without charge since June 2.
June 26, 2026
Congress members are calling for the release of Sama Safi — a U.S. citizen who has been held without charge by the Israeli military since June 2.Courtesy of the Council on American-Islamic Relations

The Israeli military arrested 20-year-old U.S. citizen Sama Safi at her family’s home in Ramallah on June 2. She has been held in military detention for the last three weeks without charge.

This is not the first high-profile case of the Israeli military detaining a U.S. citizen without charge since October 7, 2023.

Mohammed Ibrahim, 15, was held in Israeli military detention for more than nine months on the accusation of throwing stones at Israeli vehicles. He turned 16 behind bars and faced up to 20 years in prison if convicted, but he was released in late November of last year after a concerted pressure campaign in the U.S. calling for his release.

Safi’s lawyer, Lea Tsemel, also represented Ibrahim. She gained prominence over five decades of representing Palestinians in Israeli courts, including clients accused of attacks on Israelis. In 1996, she received France’s highest human rights award, shared with Palestinian lawyer Raji Sourani.

According to Tsemel, Safi is currently being held as a security detainee at the Ofer military prison in the occupied West Bank.

“Physically, she’s okay, very thin. They get very little to eat, of course, because she’s considered a security prisoner,” Tsemel said.

As of June 2026, Israel was holding 3,324 Palestinians in administrative detention — imprisonment without charge or trial.

As of June 2026, Israel was holding 3,324 Palestinians in administrative detention — imprisonment without charge or trial — among roughly 9,000 Palestinians held as “security” prisoners overall, according to the Israeli rights group HaMoked. The group describes the total as one of the highest figures in decades.

Palestinians living in the occupied West Bank are subject to Israeli military law, while Israelis living in settlements, which the International Court of Justice has held to be illegal under international law, are subject to Israeli civil law.

Robert McCaw, national government affairs department director at the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), said, “Immediately, [U.S. Ambassador to Israel] Mike Huckabee should be saying either press charges or release this American citizen now. It’s one sentence. It can happen quickly. He has not demonstrated the moral courage to do so.”

The Israeli military and Israeli Prison Service did not respond to multiple requests for comment. Security prisoners in Israel have faced brutal conditions, especially since October 7, under Minister of National Security Itamar Ben-Gvir, who oversees the prison system and has publicly boasted of making conditions harsher for Palestinian security prisoners.

This is reflected in Tsemel’s assessment of Safi’s treatment: “When she’s brought to us, she has to bend her body, bend her head … To walk with her head down, not to lift it, with a hand behind the head or behind the back, in handcuffs. These are the rules.”

Safi, who suffers from familial Mediterranean fever and receives treatment in Italy, could see her symptoms worsen while she is held in prison. According to Tsemel, who can visit her every other day, Safi has been receiving her medication but may be prevented from attending an upcoming appointment in Italy. “They might not be able to treat her here; it’s a conversation with the judge,” Tsemel said.

CAIR, which spearheaded much of the U.S. lobbying campaign for Mohammed Ibrahim’s release — an effort that produced a letter signed by more than 100 human rights, civil rights, and faith-based organizations calling on the U.S. to intervene on Ibrahim’s behalf — has also been leading efforts in Congress to pressure the Israeli government to either charge Safi or release her.

The U.S. government’s official policy for citizens detained abroad is to provide consular assistance, but not to secure their release or intervene in another country’s courts. The more aggressive “wrongful detention” track, which tasks a special presidential envoy with negotiating a citizen’s freedom, requires a formal designation by the secretary of state that has not been applied in Safi’s case. The State Department could not be reached for comment, but according to Tsemel, Safi was visited by a consular representative after she was detained and attended her first hearing.

McCaw also called on the U.S. to invoke the U.S.-Israel Mutual Legal Assistance Treaty, in force since 1999, which he said the government could use to secure evidence and compel Israeli cooperation regarding the basis for Safi’s detention.

Safi spent most of her childhood in the West Bank. Much of her family, however, lives in Florida. After they learned of her arrest by the Israeli military, some of her aunts and uncles flew to be closer to family in Ramallah. So far, Safi’s family has been denied permission to visit her while she is in detention.


“If you are a Palestinian prisoner, being a U.S. citizen means very little to Israeli authorities.”

Brad Parker, associate director of policy and a staff attorney at the Center for Constitutional Rights, told Truthout, “If you are a Palestinian prisoner, being a U.S. citizen means very little to Israeli authorities. The discriminatory Israeli military law and military court system act as a tool to control the Palestinian population living under Israeli military occupation more than anything else.”

While he was held at Megiddo Prison, Ibrahim witnessed the death of fellow child detainee Walid Ahmad, which he described to CAIR-Florida upon his release. Ahmad, who was 17, died after what rights groups described as prolonged starvation and medical neglect. An autopsy conducted by Israeli experts found he had suffered “extreme, likely prolonged malnutrition.”

In Congress, at least five representatives and senators have called on the Israeli government to either charge or release Safi.

Sen. Chris Van Hollen, whose public stance on Israel has shifted since October 7, and who has become one of the Senate’s more outspoken critics of the U.S.-Israel relationship, was one of the first members of Congress to call on the Israeli government to release her. In a statement posted to his X account, he said, “I am really sick and tired of the Israeli government — the Netanyahu government — taking American taxpayer dollars and then mistreating Americans. America must secure her release NOW.”

Representatives Ayanna Pressley and Rashida Tlaib, and Senators Peter Welch and Jeff Merkley, who were also involved in the efforts to free Ibrahim, publicly called for Safi’s release as well.


Sen. Chris Van Hollen, Representatives Ayanna Pressley and Rashida Tlaib, and Senators Peter Welch and Jeff Merkley publicly called for Safi’s release.

“Having a U.S. passport as a Palestinian does very little to change your plight,” McCaw explained. Safi and Ibrahim are not the only U.S. citizens to have been arrested by the Israeli military since October 7, and Aysenur Ezgi Eygi, a U.S.-Turkish citizen, was killed by Israeli forces while attending a demonstration against settlement expansion in the occupied West Bank in September 2024.

According to Tsemel, Safi’s spirits remain high despite the harsh conditions of detention. Outside human rights observers, including the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem, have described Israel’s prison system since October 7 as a “network” of “torture camps.”

Safi is being held with the three other Birzeit University students she was arrested with on June 2. Birzeit University, the largest university in the West Bank, has long been a site of Israeli military activity. Tsemel told Truthout it was not a surprise to her that Safi, a student at the university, was targeted by the Israeli military.

Safi has been accused of involvement in a student organization, al-Qutub, affiliated with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), which the U.S. and Israel consider a terrorist organization. The group was active during the Second Intifada, and some of its members were prosecuted for their involvement in attacks on Israelis, including suicide bombings.

Israeli prosecutors have very little evidence against Safi, according to her defense attorney, the strongest of which is a list of names of students allegedly involved in the student organization, passed to the Israeli military by an informant. The Israeli military and prosecutors did not respond to requests for comment on the basis for the detention.

“That’s the only reason she was detained. I don’t even have to claim it, the prosecution admits this is the only reason,” Tsemel said.

Due to her alleged involvement in the PFLP affiliate, Safi is considered by Israeli authorities to be a security prisoner, a designation that subjects her to harsher conditions that rights groups say violate international law.

“The whole hearing was a parade by the military court to show that everything is proper, everything is nice,” Tsemel said of the first hearing. “They even moved us from a small, lousy room to the nicest room in the court, to show that everything is so formally nice.”

McCaw, however, pointed out that the “sense of impunity” enjoyed by the Israeli military since October 7 is “making them increasingly inflexible in these cases.”

He added, “The United States should have a definitive policy that anytime an American is being held overseas in custody, either charges be filed or they be released, whether that’s Israel or not.”
Op-Ed

Trump’s Federal Lawyers Ramp Up Their Attacks on Demonstrators and the Left

Prosecutions of anti-ICE and pro-Palestine protesters are part of a broad effort to crack down on dissent.
June 27, 2026

Police face off with demonstrators following the close of the "Free Speech Zone" near the immigration jail in Broadview, Illinois, on October 18, 2025.Scott Olson / Getty Images

In March of this year, in Fort Worth, Texas, nine demonstrators were convicted on a variety of different charges that ranged from providing material support to terrorists, conspiracy, and attempted murder, to obstruction of justice, as a Trump-appointed judge permitted the prosecutors to argue a completely fallacious theory — that the defendants were part of an “antifa” terrorist cell when they participated in a noise demonstration on July 4, 2025, in front of the Prairieland ICE facility.

On June 24, eight were sentenced to shockingly long and disproportionate sentences ranging from 30 to 100 years. The 30-year sentence was imposed on a defendant who didn’t even attend the protest, and whose “crime” was moving a box full of antifascist zines during the investigation. The 100-year sentence was doled out to a former Marine reservist standing guard in the woods who was convicted of wounding a local police officer about to shoot an unarmed fleeing protestor. One demonstrator received a 70-year sentence and five others received 50-year sentences.

Acting Attorney General Todd Blanche celebrated the conviction of the “Prairieland Terrorists”:

The sentences handed down today make clear that Antifa terrorists who attack law enforcement and federal facilities will face swift and uncompromising justice. Their violent extremism has no place in our country, and the Department of Justice will continue to aggressively investigate, disrupt, and prosecute those who threaten law enforcement officers or undermine the rule of law.”

FBI Director Kash Patel sounded a similar warning:

Today’s sentencings show the FBI remains committed to identifying, locating, and dismantling Antifa and its funding networks across the country. Acts of violence against our law enforcement partners will not be tolerated, and we continue our work to protect communities across the country from domestic terrorism.”

The Prairieland defendants are just one example among the many activists illegally targeted in the Trump administration’s vicious crackdown on dissent.
Trump Declares War on “Domestic Terrorism” “Antifa” and the Left

In the wake of the fatal shooting of right-wing activist Charlie Kirk, Donald Trump issued his illegal National Security Presidential Memorandum 7 (NSPM-7) on September of 25, 2025. Ominously entitled “Countering Domestic Terrorism and Organized Political Violence,” the directive essentially paints anyone who doesn’t support Trump’s agenda as a “domestic terrorist.” Target ideologies specifically listed in the memorandum include “anti-Americanism, anti-capitalism, and anti-Christianity; support for the overthrow of the United States Government; extremism on migration, race, and gender; and hostility towards those who hold traditional American views on family, religion, and morality.” This broad designation includes individuals, their organizations, and funders, and encompasses anti-fascist, pro-Palestinian, anti-ICE, and other leftist demonstrators in its net. The NSPM-7 openly calls for “investigative” tactics designed to “disrupt” and “dismantle” these groups.

The language of the memo harkened back to the days of the government’s illegal and racist war against the Black liberation and New Left movements of 1960s, and of tactics that the FBI used to violently attack similar movements and leaders under its secret COINTELPRO program.

The Trump administration memo also rallied the government’s politically motivated lawyers in the Department of Justice (DOJ) in Washington and in U.S. attorneys’ offices across the country to join the effort by using myriad federal statutes to vindictively and wrongfully charge and prosecute those who actively opposed the government and its violent and genocidal actions. This too mirrored the DOJ blueprint of the late 1960s and early 1970s that was aggressively pursued under the leadership of Attorney General John Mitchell.

The Broadview Case

At the time Trump issued NSPM-7, his ICE and Border Patrol troopers had met massive resistance to their unconstitutional and violent invasion of greater Los Angeles, and they were confronted with an even more remarkable neighborhood-to-neighborhood fight against the blatantly racist “Operation Midway” that was mounting in Chicago in early September.

Trump’s forces were dragging the Brown immigrants they had indiscriminately arrested during their terror raids to the ICE jail in neighboring Broadview. Resistance was swift, and a Customs and Border Protection agent fatally shot one undocumented man (Silverio Villegas González) who was fleeing from them, while peaceful demonstrators at Broadview, some of whom were practicing civil disobedience, were met with violent barrages of pepper spray, tear gas, rubber bullets, and physical brutality. As public opinion turned decidedly against the invaders, in early October, the Chicago U.S. attorneys’ office (no doubt at the direction of Washington) sought conspiracy indictments against six of the most publicly vocal demonstrators, most of whom had connections to the progressive wing of the local Democratic Party.

Employing an infrequently used federal conspiracy law that was passed during Reconstruction to protect federal officers from the Ku Klux Klan, an experienced assistant U.S. attorney, Sheri Mecklenburg, was met with a reluctant grand jury that raised numerous questions and initially refused her exhortations to indict. One juror called the case a “crock of shit,” and he and several others who questioned the case were shown the door by an angry Mecklenburg. Finally, after presenting additional testimony from an agent, the jury was visited by U.S. attorney Andrew Boutros, who, in a highly irregular lecture, sought to identify any remaining jurors who did not buy the government’s case, while making a thinly veiled threat that they had “a different procedure” for dealing with such jurors. Not surprisingly, none of the remaining jurors raised their hands.

In late October, Boutros and Mecklenburg finally got the government’s hopelessly tarnished indictments — charging the “Broadview Six” with conspiring to “impede a federal officer” when they allegedly joined a large group of demonstrators who attempted to block an ICE vehicle that was driving into the facility and slightly damaged it. During pre-trial discovery, lawyers for the six sought the secret grand jury transcripts, and the prosecutors first produced copies with the blatant misconduct deleted, then dismissed the felony charges while proceeding on the companion misdemeanor charges; in doing so, they hoped to avoid producing the unredacted transcripts.

The trial judge, April Perry, herself a former assistant U.S. attorney, was not deceived. The damning transcripts, complete this time with the prosecutorial misconduct, were produced and later publicly released, Boutros was compelled to dismiss the entire case, and he came, hat in hand, to apologize to the judge. There have been numerous calls for Boutros’s resignation; Judge Perry is considering taking further action against the prosecutors, more than 100 former assistant U.S. attorneys have publicly condemned Boutros and his assistants’ conduct in the Broadview case, and a broader investigation of Mecklenburg’s conduct before other grand juries has, to date, led to the dismissal of at least two unrelated cases.

Convictions in the Spokane 3 Case

On July 15, 2025, the acting U.S. attorney in Spokane, Washington, announced the conspiracy indictments of nine demonstrators who, a month earlier, were among a crowd of hundreds who had attempted to block the transport of two Venezualan immigrants who were seeking asylum to an ICE jail. Former acting U.S. Attorney Richard Barker had resigned rather than signing the indictments, which were brought under the same anti-Klan statute that was later used in Chicago, because, he said, “none of the agents were hurt and none of the protesters were hurt.”

Six of the nine, including a former city council president who had called for the protest, avoided jail time by pleading to lesser charges, and the remaining three — all of whom are people of color and two of whom are nonbinary, one a recent law school graduate, one a member of the Spokane Human Rights Commission, and one a decorated veteran whose father is running for Congress — went to trial in May in front of a conservative Eastern Washington jury. During the trial, it was revealed that a prosecution witness had authored social media posts that called Black politicians “lying ghetto garbage,” transgender people “mentally ill,” and had boosted a post showing ICE arresting a pregnant woman at gunpoint that called her a “pregnant invader.” Nonetheless, the three were convicted, and face possible six-year sentences. Spokane Mayor Lisa Brown called the convictions “politically motivated” and designed to discourage political dissent, while former U.S. Attorney Barker said, “I really do question whether justice was truly served.”

“Michigan 8” Indictments

In the early morning hours of June 10, 2026, the FBI conducted SWAT team raids as part of a multi-state operation that included FBI field offices in Detroit, Chicago, and Milwaukee, as well as 12 local law enforcement agencies. The heavily armed agents arrested seven former University of Michigan student activists, handcuffed them, put them in armored cars and transported them into federal custody pursuant to a 10-count federal conspiracy indictment. Together with an eighth activist, who was out of the country, they were charged with conspiring, at the height of campus protests against the Israeli genocide in Gaza, to orchestrate a campaign of threats and intimidation that targeted, homes, businesses, organizations, and individuals connected to the University trustees, and the Israeli war effort. Their alleged acts centered around spray painting, noxious “stink bombs,” fake corpses, and “mark[ing] their victims with threatening symbols used by Hamas, including red inverted triangles and red handprints,” coupled with demands to divest, and militant communications and conversations. Additionally, two of the protesters were charged with attempting to intimidate a federal witness. Announcing the indictments, U.S. Attorney Jerome Gorgon Jr., a Trump loyalist, said, “In America, we rule by law not by fear. These alleged threats and attempts to terrorize government officials, businesses, and the Jewish Federation are anti-American. We will counter intimidation with justice.”

Despite the “domestic terrorist” saber-rattling of the federal prosecutors, the “Michigan 8” were released on bond by federal magistrates. Detroit’s Sugar Law Center condemned the indictments:

The actions of law enforcement appear to be a new low in the criminalization of student opposition to the human rights violations, war crimes, and genocide in Gaza. Based on evidence that the government appears to have had for more than a year and for actions occurring nearly two years ago, the federal government is seeking to bring federal charges for acts traditionally reserved for local prosecutors. It must be asked why and why now.

15 Targeted in Minneapolis

On June 16, federal prosecutors in Minneapolis announced the conspiracy indictment of 15 ICE observers and anti-ICE demonstrators under the same anti-Klan statute that was used in Chicago and Spokane, this time also charging some of the defendants with interstate stalking, solicitation, destruction of property, and assault. The Minneapolis U.S. Attorney’s Office, whose lawyers had already lost half of the individual cases they had previously brought against activists who had participated in the mass resistance to ICE’s murderous invasion of their city, cobbled together claims that the demonstrators allegedly used debris, vehicles and other objects to obstruct roads used by federal agents, utilized homemade shields to resist officers on foot, and utilized group chats that monitored and tracked vehicles going to and from the building that served as the hub for ICE agents, as the basis for the conspiracy charges. Announcing the indictments, U.S. Attorney Daniel Rosen, asserting that the defendants were members of two Minneapolis-based leftist groups connected with “antifa,” further proclaimed, “Today’s charges and arrests reflect a broad federal effort to address organized lawless behavior, which seeks to disrupt the execution of federal law, endanger law enforcement, and importantly endanger the very communities that these defendants falsely claim to be protecting.”

A demonstration gathered at the courtroom during the bond hearing, officers deployed pepper spray and flash bangs, and one protester was treated by paramedics. The defendants were released on bond, and one of their lawyers, Bruce Nestor, called the charges “an act of political oppression. It’s designed to punish and intimidate.”

Resisting Repression

Defeated on the streets by enraged demonstrators who have successfully resisted Trump’s storm troopers everywhere that they have invaded, and stymied when they have brought individual cases against the protesters, the government has now resorted, with mixed success, to broad disruptive conspiracy prosecutions that harken back to the Smith Act prosecutions of alleged Communists in the 1950s and the prosecutions of the New Left and the Black Panthers in the late 1960s. This escalating attack against the left and the First Amendment, criminalizing free speech and militant protests, must continue to be resisted both in the courts and on the streets. As the James and Grace Lee Boggs Center in Detroit has so aptly stated: “All of us need to resist this latest effort to not only disrupt and destroy the lives of young people of conscience but also to intimidate a generation whose imaginations and moral sensibilities are precious to all of us.”



This article is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), and you are free to share and republish under the terms of the license.

Flint Taylor is a founding member of the People’s Law Office in Chicago, and, since 1969, has litigated numerous high-profile police violence and prosecutorial misconduct cases, including the Fred Hampton Black Panther case and the Chicago police torture cases. His latest book, The Conviction Machine, documents systemic prosecutorial misconduct in those cases.

Trump Designated Antifa “Domestic Terrorists” — New Prosecutions Follow His Lead

With new conspiracy cases against activists — including the indictment of 15 Minnesotans — Trump’s NPSM-7 bears fruit.
June 24, 2026

Natasha Rakotz poses for a photo near her home in Minneapolis, Minnesota, on June 18, 2026. Rakotz is one of 15 people charged with federal felonies in the wake of the immigration crackdown that began last winter in Minneapolis.
Bridget Bennett for The Washington Post via Getty Images

This week, Minnesota federal prosecutors handed down a blockbuster indictment of 15 activists involved in efforts to resist Operation Metro Surge, part of the Trump administration’s immigration crackdown that flooded 2,700 federal agents into the Twin Cities to target Somali communities. Eleven of the 15 activists are charged only with conspiracy to impede or injure a federal officer. The indictment spans 94 pages, much of it cataloging Signal messages in group chats. While the indictment mostly focuses on protests involving more confrontational tactics — using U-Haul trailers and shields to block roadways to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) buildings — it also covers conduct common to ICE resistance across the country, such as tracking the license plates and locations of ICE vehicles. At every opportunity, the indictment underscores the anarchist affiliations of the activists, citing out-of-state Anarchist Speaking Tour engagements and articles written for the anarchist website CrimethInc.

From the 1919-1920 Palmer Raids deporting anarchists to the more recent Stop Cop City and DisruptJ20 mass prosecutions, the government has long directed investigative and prosecutorial firepower toward disrupting anarchist movements. Two new indictments in the past two weeks now signal a new era of protest-related prosecutions. In addition to the indictment of ICE protesters, federal prosecutors unsealed an indictment of two Stop Cop City protesters alleged to have set fires outside of the office building of Brasfield & Gorrie, the general contractor for the Atlanta Public Safety Training Center, in 2022. Troublingly, both indictments were credited as part of the National Security Presidential Memorandum 7 (NSPM-7) initiative, an effort to investigate and prosecute civil disobedience and protest-related petty offenses as domestic terrorism. This week, the Trump administration also officially claimed the prosecution of protesters over events that transpired at a July 4, 2025, noise demonstration at the Prairieland ICE detention facility as part of the NSPM-7 initiative. One protester received a 100-year sentence for nonfatally shooting a police officer; another received 30 years for moving a box of antifascist zines.

NSPM-7

Last year, 12 days after the Charlie Kirk assassin engraved bullet casings with “Hey fascist, catch!”, President Donald Trump signed an executive order designating antifa as a domestic terrorist organization — never mind the fact that antifa is not an organization, and no federal law provides for the designation of domestic terror groups.

Days later, on September 25, 2025, Trump issued the National Security Presidential Memorandum/NSPM-7, titled “Countering Domestic Terrorism and Organized Political Violence.” As examples of domestic terrorism and political violence, the memo cites the assassination of United Healthcare CEO Brian Thompson, the attempted assassinations of Trump and Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh, and “anti-police and ‘criminal justice’ riots.”


Prairieland Protesters Sentenced to 30 to 100 Years for “Terrorism” Charges
These sentences are far longer than any of the prison sentences given to the 1,500 January 6 rioters. By Shireen Akram-Boshar , Truthout June 23, 2026


Formerly, the FBI and Department of Homeland Security (DHS) investigated anarchists under the banner of “Anti-Government or Anti-Authority Violent Extremism,” a category that also included “sovereign citizens” and right-wing militias. In contrast, NSPM-7 focuses exclusively on the anti-fascist left, or by its terms, movements that “portray foundational American principles (e.g., support for law enforcement and border control) as ‘fascist’ … Common threads animating this violent conduct include anti-Americanism, anti-capitalism, and anti-Christianity.” NSPM-7 directs the FBI, Department of Justice (DOJ), and other federal agencies to investigate, prosecute, and “disrupt” anti-fascist groups engaged in domestic terrorism — which it defines as including trespassing.


From the outset, it was clear that ICE protests would be in NSPM-7’s crosshairs…. The memo characterizes protests blocking roadways to ICE facilities as riots, a loaded term aimed at delegitimizing civil disobedience.

From the outset, it was clear that ICE protests would be in NSPM-7’s crosshairs. The same day, then-Attorney General Pam Bondi issued a memo entitled “Ending Political Violence Against ICE.” In back-to-back sentences, the memo lumped comments from politicians criticizing ICE together with a Dallas incident in which a sniper targeting ICE agents accidentally hit detainees. The memo characterizes protests blocking roadways to ICE facilities as riots, a loaded term aimed at delegitimizing civil disobedience. In a subsequent memo, Bondi directed U.S. Attorneys to prosecute crimes on a list of the “most serious, readily provable offenses.” The list includes conspiracy to impede or injure a federal officer. While this charge hardly rises to the level of seriousness implied by the domestic terrorism header, leaning on conspiracy charges eases prosecutors’ burden. Prosecutors need not prove that alleged conspirators committed any crime themselves; merely that they undertook an overt act in furtherance of an overall unlawful objective. With the Minnesota indictment, prosecutors seem poised to argue that Signal messages coordinating logistics for a protest blockading ICE facilities qualify as requisite overt acts.

This reframing — of civil disobedience as rioting and solidarity as conspiracy — is aided considerably by NSPM-7’s explicit directive to categorize protest as terrorism. Renee Good and Alex Pretti resisted ICE operations in ways reminiscent of the conduct alleged in the Minnesota indictment handed down this week. Despite widely circulated video showing the circumstances of the killings, the Trump administration stands by its characterization of Good and Pretti as domestic terrorists. All of the protest activity covered by the indictment took place in the days and months after Good’s killing; federal investigative agencies had either an informant, flipped alleged coconspirator, or undercover officer ready and able to infiltrate closed-door activist debriefs. (The indictment contains information from in-person meetings in which participants were told to turn over their phones.)

But anti-ICE protests are not the only target of NSPM-7. In a memo about the implementation of NSPM-7, Bondi directed all federal law enforcement agencies to peruse five years of past files for “Antifa-related intelligence and information.” Cue the new indictment of Stop Cop City protesters, even after most state-level prosecutions had been dropped. In September 2025, a Fulton County judge dismissed the largest prosecution of Stop Cop City protesters on procedural grounds.

The case was being pursued under the Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO), a law that gives prosecutors enormous latitude against what they deem “organized crime.” (Other targets of RICO prosecutions have included cheating schoolteachers and corrupt FIFA officials.) Similar to the Minnesota indictment, the RICO case was a sprawling indictment alleging an anarchist conspiracy. After years of intense scrutiny and heated political controversy, the RICO case fell apart.


This reframing — of civil disobedience as rioting and solidarity as conspiracy — is aided considerably by NSPM-7’s explicit directive to categorize protest as terrorism.

But, in April of this year, after nearly two years of dormancy, the Georgia Attorney General’s office indicted three activists accused of setting fires outside of the office building for Cop City general contractor Brasfield & Gorrie in 2022. In the press release, Attorney General Chris Carr is quoted as saying, “When it comes to fighting Antifa and keeping people safe, we won’t back down.” The press release indicates that state officials worked alongside federal partners to build the case. Less than two months later, a federal grand jury indicted two of the three activists. Arrest warrants were issued for the two activists named. One of the defendants, Katie Kloth, was processed through a Colorado jail and told to appear in Georgia under threat of a $10,000 bond.

More NSPM-7 operations may be brewing in the shadows. Per Atlanta Community Press Collective reporting, protest defense lawyer Xavier T. de Janon indicated that a recently unsealed indictment of Palestine protesters was also related to NSPM-7, even if it wasn’t publicly credited as such. Like the Cop City federal case, the Palestine protest case dredges up old conduct, this time from 2023. Among other charges, the protesters are accused of making threats after they delivered fake corpses covered in blood to a University of Michigan regent’s home. The charge carries up to five years of prison time. Protesters are also charged with conspiracy to tamper with a witness and destruction of property to prevent seizure.

Will the Federal Indictments Fall?


While the existing indictments are troubling, and more are likely to come down the pike, the fate of state-level cases provides reason for optimism. As reported by ProPublica and FRONTLINE, prosecutors dismissed or refused to file charges for over a third of the protesters and bystanders arrested by federal agents during the immigration crackdown. Like those cases, the Minnesota indictment might fall apart.

In Georgia, early signs signal trouble for the Cop City NSPM-7 prosecutions. Already, the state-level charges have collapsed. Defense attorney de Janon brought a successful motion to dismiss, arguing that by waiting until 19 days before the statute of limitations expired to prosecute them, the state violated the three defendants’ due process rights. In the bench ruling, the judge criticized the charges as “political.”

Federal prosecutions often take years. While, on the one hand, this means that a new president may be in power by the time cases resolve, the slow progress means that charges carrying significant prison time hang over the heads of activists. Even if the cases are eventually dropped, the wait takes a toll. Hannah Kass, one of the three Cop City defendants named in the state-level Brasfield & Gorrie and RICO indictments, told Mainline Atlanta about her difficulty in finding employment after graduating from her Ph.D. program while the prosecution was pending. But when it comes to trying to free other targets of political prosecutions, she notes, “Now we have the precedent.”


This article is licensed under Creative Commons (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), and you are free to share and republish under the terms of the license.

Cody Bloomfield
Cody Bloomfield is a journalist covering policing and protest. They are the former communications director of Defending Rights & Dissent.