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Sunday, August 23, 2026

Standing With Humanity Against the Machine: Be A Reactionary Radical


 August 21, 2026

Photo by Drazen Nesic

There is…a way of disqualifying the metaphysicians.  Judge them by their works.  What have they done for mankind beyond the spinning of airy fancies and the mistaking of their own shadows for gods?  ….what tangible good have they done for mankind?…. Step by step, before the advance of science [the metaphysicians] have been driven back.” 

–Socialist revolutionary protagonist Ernest Everhard in Jack London’s The Iron Heel

…my belief in the profanity of technology is not widely shared.  While there have been astute religious critics of the machine, it appears that many spiritual leaders and thinkers are as swept up in the Machine’s propaganda system as anyone else.
– Paul Kingsnorth, Against the Machine: The Unmaking of Humanity

[America is] the first culture in history that has colonized itself. 

–Robert Bly, The Sibling Society        

Just outside of Utica, in the barn of a once-working farm owned by friends, each summer for the last 10 years,  a Shakespeare play is staged.  Even back in the 1980s and 90s when young Allen Wilcox, an actor and now director of this theater, was growing up there, it was past its active dairy farm years.  Now the big white barn, fully repurposed, is Allen’s and his family’s quite splendid theater arts project.  He brings up actor friends from NYC, and draws in many people from the local community to take parts in the plays, help out with staging and set design, etc., and to serve as ushers and hosts on theater nights. The theater is part of a small local cultural renaissance that began in the 20-oughts, in which it is no exaggeration to say our Cafe in Utica, now gone, and the arts space next door, The Other Side,  still going, played a significant part.  

Without then having the name for it, I see these creations of Orin’s and mine now as acts of what writer Paul Kingsnorth, drawing from a book titled The Question of Class Struggle (1982), by Craig Calhoun, calls “reactionary radicalism.” According to Calhoun, who wrote about the doomed resistance of the pre-industrial people in England, the term refers to “movements of people who would fight against the coming of industrial society, who had traditional communities to preserve (hence “reactionary”)…and were radical populists in that they “rejected the very foundations on which capitalist society was being built in England.”

Different from the book clubs, choral and chamber music societies, writers’ and poets groups that had preceded it, and had existed quietly in the background of local public life, and different from the more established arts organizations that have to keep soft-pedaling art to get as many paying customers through their doors as possible, the Cafe in a quite radical way more or less proclaimed the Humanities tradition and the making of art as fundamental to defending humanity and a culture.  We – my husband and I – saw them, as much as local businesses –  as an alternative to the mechanization – and now I would say also to the colonization – of our humanity.  Once someone has done something such as start up independent Shakespeare productions in our left-behind region in this culturally exhausted age, you know they have some ideas going for them that are not limited to manifestations of ego.  (The recent New York Post joke that Uticans were supposed to take umbrage at, suggesting the reason real estate prices are so low here is that nobody wants to live in Utica, I guess made Manhattanites feel better about the outrageous cost of housing paid for the supreme privilege of living in NYC!)

In late July, at this year’s performance of The Tempest, I was seated in the barn next to a young man,  Greg, attending with his wife, whom I’ve known for at least 20 years as a thoughtful, leftward, committed idealist.  Now in his late forties, he is in the midst of starting his second family after a painful breakup a decade or more ago.  He and his new wife, she too in her forties, are expecting child #2, while his oldest child, from the previous marriage, is off to college in the fall.  After letting go of his family’s local food business, a work he disliked, he’s now employed as an engineer in a fairly large local firm.  There, as Greg admitted to me that night, he and his colleagues labor to enrich the owners, the adult children of the actual founder, all of whom live “out West somewhere.” Further, he admitted ruefully, the company adds nothing to the world that could be construed as contributing to any social, environmental or other idealistic good.  Towards the end of our conversation, he divulged that the new family had been made possible by a vasectomy reversal (I interrupt this broadcast with a warning to those opting for transgender surgeries for which there may be no reversal!  That is, it is not unusual to change one’s mind having made such a very permanent decision!)  Suffice to say the quiet happiness of the young couple sitting next to me was sweetly palpable. 

I offer this little glimpse as evidence that I do know the complications that come with any hope of extricating ourselves from the world made possible to us by technology – no matter what it is doing to our humanity.  Instead of giving up, however, I am tending to “go for broke” in my envisioning what is still possible that could offer resistance to the Machine and its technology, which author Paul Kingsnorth – fully reasonably in my view–identifies as profane. Although other writers and thinkers have sounded notes of alarm about this revolution, few have taken critique as far.  Rare (I’m guessing) among those who will express doubts about the future technology is moving us towards, he admits his respect for the ideas of the late poet/mythopoetic men’s movement leader Robert Bly. This influence is important to mention.   To take Bly seriously as a prophetic voice in regard to technology’s advance is to blatantly disobey the rule that only science can provide us with authoritative knowledge. 

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Another bit of evidence for how far we leftward people are from unbamboozling ourselves from the dominant techno-progress-all-good reality came my way recently.  In the latest installment of his Peoples’ Classroom, attended by an astonishing (for Utica, I mean) 50 people or so, teacher “Luigi” focused on Native American history.  There were not a lot of surprises for me in this talk, for I have done a fair amount of reading in that history. However, living as we Mohawk Valley-ites do next door to the Oneida Nation’s Turning Stone Casino, one of the most successful casinos in the country, Luigi did disabuse us of any idea that the casinos have been good for native Americans as a whole.  Not at all – the majority of native Americans still live in the direst poverty, lead all other minorities in suicides, etc.   Towards the end of his talk, he spoke about contemporary efforts by Native Americans to get their land back.  After purchasing some of their original lands back from the town of Sherrill in 1998, the Oneida Nation maintained that the properties should be tax-exempt.  Their exemption was upheld in 2 NYS courts, but when sent to the Supreme Court, it was voted down 8 to 1.  

Luigi wanted us to know that Ruth Bader Ginsberg, the woman “lionized,” as he put it, by liberal progressives, voted with the majority – with Thomas, Scalia, et al, saying in her opinion, “too much time has passed since the original treaty was signed.”  Coming at the end of the shameful history we’d just revisited, one could sense the news was hitting the mark with the audience. Then Luigi went on to show us some more of Ginsberg’s lesser-known stands and votes, including numerous votes against Black people’s and Native people’s interests.  About Colin Kaepernick’s famous taking of the knee during the George Floyd protests, she called his action “dumb and disrespectful.”  The one that caught the largest gasp from the audience, however, was her remark about Roe v. Wade, about which her concern was “population growth in groups we don’t want too many of.”

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My preoccupation these days, boringly, tediously philosophical as it sounds, has been how to think outside the insanity of our times that includes this desperate need on the liberal end to find heroes among these in some ways, yes, admirable, but also morally de-based people, that yields without much protest to the technocracy that accomplishes so much good, and yet at the same time is replacing human existence with machine existence.  The only basis I have yet found that provides a place to stand against the technocracy in defense of humanity is in that direction so long ago discarded in the materialist, liberal mainstream mind that any advocate of it, especially one speaking outside the religion “box,” like poet Robert Bly,  is simply laughable.  That basis is that reactionary throwback to tradition – belief in the supernaturally real.  And tradition provides the basis not because it has no patience with wishy-washy liberal morality, although it does not, but because it insists that spirituality is not a tool, useful for adding glamor to our liberal vanity, but sovereign.

Moreover, for all the people like myself who cannot receive belief secondhand, there exists another way.  The sovereignty I’m talking about is not (entirely) demanding obeisance to someone else’s truth- finding, i.e., the God-inspired oral traditions and scribes behind scripture. It is attained personally and experentially, in the way we’ve been told of by many artists and other mystics in history, but perhaps most authoritatively for Americans by America’s own RW Emerson.  That is, it does not matter how dismissive one is of God belief; still and even so, there is a perspective given in the personal soul that does not have to be invented – it is – to those who will sacrifice to have it.  This perspective,  though our metaphors for it might be different today, is not different from the one preached by Jesus, which, the Church having allied itself with power, has been ignored through Christian history with only a few exceptions.

Just because the Divine voice was hijacked does not mean we don’t need it, just that it has become rarely heard in Western consciousness.  Western consciousness, in which power and avarice rule, to which everyone – oligarchs, bourgeois, and the oppressed alike – necessarily adapts, has few exceptions.   But it has been safeguarded in monasteries, and has occasionally appeared in the lives of remarkable human beings whom we have considered “great” because through them we glimpsed the great creative heart of humanity. 

Let me be the first to acknowledge this direction toward imaginative, spiritual authority is likely to be taken up by very few.  The faith and hope and meaning now being put into the relationship with technology keeps so many of us going, such that, more or less, we must forgive its threat, even its real threat to our humanity, which may, after all, just be hyperbole from some Chicken Littles like me. 

However, and though I’m no fortuneteller, to the extent that western liberals can reconnect with the depths of meaning in our own souls, a transformational change in hearts, on the leftward end of the political spectrum could have great effect. It could leave room in our beings for an influx of grace sufficient that we, the vast liberal middle,  would be no longer politically useful to the oligarchs manipulating ugly resentment-based populism to buttress the neoliberal reality in which human beings are discardable!   But this is a goodness that has to show – by their fruits, etc.  The choices we make matter.  Humbly walking the in-place, people-and-past connected talk is not optional. Following vision, not optional.  There is no viable alternative to the triumph of the Machine other than to cultivate the specifically human and humanly imperfect ways of making, building, creating, living our lives in place over lifetimes,  in families and communities; to live the spiritual reality of interdependence as sovereign truth. Be creatures, not machines. Start a Shakespeare theater in a region where local theater productions are typically limited to lightweight, highly accessible comedy fare?  Turning swords into play-acting – Yes!   

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Reading Jack London’s The Iron Heel with our book club turned out at first to be amazingly synchronistic with my metaphysically-oriented thoughts.  The book begins with a scene in which the protagonist, very smart socialist revolutionary Ernest Everhard, blasts the complacent beliefs of a gathering of clergymen who’ve been vocalizing concerns for “the working class.”   Their metaphysics keeps them up in the air, he charges, above the reality faced by working people; it keeps them on the side of the capitalist owners instead of protesting the horrible working conditions. A tough argument to refute, and easily and even eagerly agreed with today by all of us who would prefer not to have to believe in airy things, materialism being still the only reality that makes sense to modern, imagination-reduced minds.

Interestingly, Ernest also takes off against “machine-breakers,” businessmen who would turn back the clock to the older model of doing business, before the age of conglomerates.  Thinking of “reactionary radicalism,” what if London’s businessmen had just taken their thinking further, to realize technology must be used in ways that reinforce the “moral economy,” rather than destroying it?  But this would have required London to challenge his own Marxism, which wanted to put workers in charge of the existing factory system, not resist industrial society itself.

The materialist victory has not turned out well.   118 years after The Iron Heel was published,  it looks as if – and some of us are seeing this –  even that hard-headed, fact-based theorizing that took up the noble cause of the working class – in that triumph,  the baby got thrown out with the airy bathwater.  Metaphysics is not just airiness out of touch with the world; it’s that which infuses the created world with any meaning at all.  Its opposite is not freedom, but nihilism. Science, which has brought us so much of the world we enjoy,  now our monotheistic basis for irrefutable truth, has proven itself not to be up to that faith we’ve put in it.  Married with technology, science faith is taking us way past sustainability, and into a future where Moloch replaces Christ as king.  And as far as the revolution anticipated in The Iron Heel, while the working class still provides the valid basis for socialist critique of capitalism, the poor and oppressed remain the multitude in this world, holding up identity for the rest of us so that we may not be them.

Kim C. Domenico, reside in Utica, New York, co-owner of Cafe Domenico (a coffee shop and community space),  and administrator of the small nonprofit independent art space, The Other Side.  Seminary trained and ordained,  but independently religious. She can be reached at: kodomenico@verizon.net.

Monday, August 10, 2026

 

Source: Foreign Policy In Focus

On the night of July 30, Donald Trump announced on Truth Social that his newly minted “Board of Peace” had reached what he termed a historic agreement for the complete disarmament of Hamas and every other armed group in Gaza. He hailed it as a “critical step” toward a new Palestinian government that would work closely with the board.

Read that arrangement for what it actually is. The new Palestinian government is defined, in the very same breath that announces it, by its institutional subordination to a body chaired for life by an American president. That is not the grammar of sovereignty. It is the language of colonial guardianship, repackaged for the twenty-first century.

Two crucial realities were conspicuously omitted from the announcement. First, Israel has not accepted the roadmap. Second, Palestinian factions maintain that no weapons will be surrendered until an unconditional Israeli military withdrawal is guaranteed. Consequently, the deal remains, for now, a paper document rather than a fact on the ground. But the document itself is the point. Whether or not it is ever implemented, its terms lay bare what Palestinians are expected to swallow, and what fundamental rights they must forfeit to buy a momentary pause in the slaughter.

The mechanics detailed in the roadmap are explicit. Hamas is required to hand its weapons—starting with tunnels, depots, and heavy arms—to a Palestinian national committee operating under international verification. An International Stabilization Force of roughly 5,000 troops, placed under the command of an American general, would position itself between Palestinians and withdrawing Israeli units while training a newly recruited police force from scratch.

Civil administration would pass to the National Committee for the Administration of Gaza, a technocratic body designed with no place for Hamas and zero electoral origin. Its appointed head, Ali Shaath, is a former Palestinian Authority official installed from above. At no point in this sequence does the Palestinian public choose who governs them.

Compare this with the failed bargains of the past. The Oslo and Camp David frameworks failed Palestinians in nearly every conceivable way, and the state they promised never materialized. But even those flawed frameworks explicitly named statehood as the destination. The core formula was “concede now, receive a state later.” The concession was extracted, the state was withheld, and that systemic betrayal became the central wound of the last three decades.

What is entirely unprecedented in 2026 is that the destination has been deliberately struck from the text. The roadmap is meticulous about weapons, verification timelines, and the 200-300 days that demilitarization is expected to take. On Palestinian statehood, it is utterly silent. A plan that specifies precisely how an occupied people must disarm while remaining mute on what they are disarming toward has answered the question by refusing to ask it.

An administered territory is not a state in waiting. It is a protectorate with polished branding. The committee running Gaza answers upward to an external board, never downward to the people of Gaza. Its reconstruction funds flow through a financial vehicle controlled by that same board, whose charter allows any government to buy a permanent seat for a billion dollars in cash. Trump will chair it for life, removable only by a unanimous vote. Notably, France, Spain, and Norway reviewed this charter in January and flatly declined to join, recognizing it as an attempt to bypass and supplant the United Nations. Their hesitation was not squeamishness; it was a basic reading of the text.

Where does Israel stand in this architecture? It sits outside the board, because it does not need a seat. Every phase of Palestinian disarmament is strictly tethered to an Israeli withdrawal controlled entirely by Tel Aviv, backed by Washington. Israel can accept these terms in theory while violating or reinterpreting them in practice, fully confident that the United States will shield it from consequences. This is the same military machine that has flattened much of Gaza, that faces an active genocide case at the International Court of Justice and ICC arrest warrants for its leadership, and that now acts as the gatekeeper for the entire peace process. Palestinians disarm on a rigid schedule; Israel withdraws at its absolute discretion.

The word carrying the heaviest ideological freight in Trump’s announcement is “technocratic.” It sounds like a welcome relief after catastrophe: competent management at last. But technocracy is a political tool designed to lift a fundamental question out of the realm of popular politics: who decides the future of this land and its people? Swap an elected government, however compromised, for a committee of appointed managers answering to a foreign board and Gaza doesn’t really get depoliticized leadership. Governance has simply moved into a closed room where no Palestinian holds a vote.

Defenders of the plan argue that the alternative is endless war, and that a rebuilt, disarmed Gaza justifies the loss of a political horizon. That trade deserves its proper name. Such stability is bought by sacrificing the future, and it is negotiated and executed on behalf of a population that was never consulted. According to Gaza’s Health Ministry, at least 1,100 Palestinians have been killed since the ceasefire ostensibly took effect on October 10, 2025. A population that has buried so many dead under a supposed truce has every reason to want the dying to end on almost any terms. That profound desperation is not consent; it is leverage, and the architects of this deal are exploiting it to the hilt.

Some will object that Hamas rule was never democratically chosen either, and that an appointed committee is no worse than a movement produced by years of political vacuum. That objection misses the entire design. The fundamental grievance is not Hamas versus a committee. Rather, Palestinians have not had a voice in either arrangement, while the latter makes disenfranchisement permanent by structural design. Weapons are a poor foundation for a nation, and Hamas’s arsenal brought Gaza nothing but ruin. But a people that disarms first, under foreign supervision, into a structure with no route to self-rule has surrendered the last card it could carry into a negotiation over its own destiny. The deal does not postpone Palestinian statehood; it dismantles the very mechanism by which statehood could ever be demanded.

Through this deal, Israel secures impunity. The board secures a working precedent— authorized under UN Security Council Resolution 2803—that a great power can administer a conquered population through a committee of its choosing. Gulf financiers secure a lucrative reconstruction project to shape. And the Palestinians secure quiet, a committee, and a permanent place beneath someone else’s board. Call the arrangement by many names, but do not call it a step toward a Palestinian state.


This article was originally published by Foreign Policy In Focus; please consider supporting the original publication, and read the original version at the link above.Email

Imran Khalid is a geostrategic analyst and columnist on international affairs. He is a senior fellow at Foreign Policy In Focus.

 


Among many buzzwords in diplo-speak around Palestine is the support for “a demilitarized Palestinian state living side by side in peace next to Israel.” This condition is repeated so often that it goes unnoticed most of the time.

That premise, and its inherent injustice, dysfunctionality, and lack of pragmatism, was highlighted this week by no less an entity than Donald Trump’s Orwellian “Board of Peace.”

On August 1, the Board released the full text of its plan, outlining the latest scheme to create an actual ceasefire in Gaza, begin rebuilding, allow a Palestinian body of technocrats to start assuming some small authority in Gaza, and, above all, to disarm Palestinian armed groups.

It is worth noting, briefly, that such a plan should not have been necessary, since such a plan was supposed to be part of the so-called “ceasefire” that was declared in October 2025. 

This new plan was presented as the second stage of the October plan, ignoring the fact that Israel has not fulfilled any of its obligations in stage one, and in fact, has never stopped killing Palestinians and has gradually occupied more and more of Gaza, pushing the survivors ever closer to the sea.

Palestinian factions reportedly had some very difficult consultations regarding this latest plan. In the end, they decided to accept the plan and put the ball in Israel’s court.

The key to that acceptance was one particular clause in the agreement, which tied Palestinian disarmament to Israeli withdrawal from Gaza, to be accomplished in phases, and stated that the Palestinian weapons would not be destroyed but would be handed over to the Palestinian board of technocrats. 

Those conditions were in the Board’s plan. Article 8 described a “process to decommission and store heavy weapons, military production sites, depots of weapons, and tunnels, shall begin after completing the remaining commitments under Sharm Sheikh Protocol, the entry of NCAG and deployment of ISF.”

The NCAG is the proposed Palestinian technocratic board, and the ISF is the often-discussed “International Stabilization Force” that would handle security in Gaza. The “remaining conditions” that need to be fulfilled refer to Israel’s ongoing attacks on Palestinians and its advance beyond the so-called “Yellow Line,” which splits Gaza in two, with Israel occupying 53% of the territory. It has since advanced well beyond 60% and, by some estimates, is nearing control of 70% of the territory. 

The Board of Peace clause continues: “…This process shall be linked to an Israeli withdrawal, in phases, from the areas under its control in Gaza and the decommissioning of armed militias in accordance with article 10 of this Roadmap. …The Palestinian factions shall take part in this process, and no weapons shall be transferred or handed to Israel or non-Palestinian parties.”

There’s no ambiguity there. All weapons would be held by the Palestinian technocrats, and the handover of weapons was explicitly tied to Israel’s withdrawal, not just from ahead of the Yellow Line—which is immediately required—but, in gradual phases, from all of Gaza.

Hamas and the other Palestinian factions called the American and Israeli bluff by agreeing to this. And, if they expected that it was a bluff, they were proven right very quickly.

Despite the clear wording of the agreement that linked Israeli withdrawal to Palestinian disarmament, Israel refused to accept the agreement, which should have come as no surprise to anyone. Yet almost immediately, the chair of the Board, Nickolay Mladenov, met with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the Board sent out a “clarifying statement” which stated that Israel would only withdraw after the Palestinians had completely disarmed. 

This swift reversal didn’t merely confirm that the Board of Peace is nothing more than a tool for continuing the project of crushing the Palestinians; it doubled down on it.

Palestinian self-defense is the core of the issue

The Board of Peace is a Trump initiative, and there is no more reason to expect it will ever seriously consider Palestinian welfare than there is from any American, much less Israeli, idea. Yet the speed with which the Board reversed itself so completely raises a more fundamental question about international diplomacy on Palestine in general.

Diplomacy around Palestine continues to focus on a two-state solution, and while many advocates for Palestine rightly argue that the two-state solution is not viable, it is necessary to examine some of the assumptions that undergird this failed pursuit.

The formulation for two states has been expressed as two states for two people, with an Israeli state living side by side in peace with a demilitarized Palestinian state. The idea that a Palestinian state would not have the ability to defend itself was long assumed, but officially unstated until U.S. President Bill Clinton described a “non-militarized Palestinian state” in his Clinton Parameters of 2000

Clinton envisioned an international border force that would defend Palestinian borders and deter attack, but this was, of course, never realistic. What international force would actually repel an Israeli force if it decided to invade this hypothetical Palestinian state? The inability of UNIFIL to prevent Israeli infiltration in Southern Lebanon is a case in point. 

As time went on, all allusions to such an international force were simply forgotten. But the idea that a Palestinian state would be demilitarized has endured and become an essential part of the envisioned two-state framework. 

As we can see from the way the Board of Peace and the Trump administration are operating in Gaza, what this notion really means is that Israel and its allies will insist that Palestinians give up the means to resist Israel by force. 

Few ask what Palestinians think of that idea, but when the Palestinian polling firm The People Company for Polling and Social Research asked in June 2026, it found that only 20% of Palestinians accepted the idea of a demilitarized state.

Indeed, when asked about not just this condition, but the sort of package that the two-state solution usually includes (such as Palestinian refugees only being allowed to return to the Palestinian state, with only a token number returning to areas within Israel), 59% were opposed to it, even though 51% still said they were supportive of the idea of a two-state solution in general. 

But the issue is not the two-state solution itself; the real issue that has been exposed again in the past week is the idea that Palestinians, even in a post-genocide, post-occupation world, would be denied the right of self-defense. 

Of course, Palestinians reject this, but no one, even the ostensible Palestinian leadership in the quisling PLO, debates the issue in the diplomatic arena. The notion of a “demilitarized Palestinian state” is repeated often and rarely, if ever, challenged.

It is, in fact, debated even less frequently than the right of return, another condition that it is simply assumed Palestinians will relent on, an assumption made seemingly by everyone except Palestinians themselves, who seem never to be asked about it. 

But the right of return is so fundamental to Palestinian nationalism that many Palestinians have raised so loud a voice that it is more difficult to ignore, though much of the world still earnestly tries.

The issue of self-defense has been less prominent, in part because it is inherently associated with a two-state solution, so opposition to it is often subsumed under opposition to that solution in general. 

The question of the right to resist has become more prominent, however, since October 7, 2023. 

Right of self-defense

October 7 villainized Palestinian resistance even further than it had been in the minds not only of Israel and its western allies, but also in the Arab capitals that had been working to find ways to establish relations with Israel despite Israel’s refusal to compromise at all on its occupation. 

Rather than learn the obvious lesson that occupation and the denial of basic rights inevitably lead to horrific days like October 7, and to even more obscenely horrifying responses like the genocide that has followed, Israel used the event as further proof that Palestinians had to be disarmed. 

The cooperation in the Board of Peace process and the support not only from Europe but also from most of the Arab official leadership demonstrate the success of that effort. 

That is a powerful consensus that either supports or at least acquiesces to the idea that Palestinians must be unable to defend themselves. It goes beyond the argument that October 7 somehow proves that Palestinians are, stereotypically, “too brutal” to be trusted with weapons, even while the far more violent and murderous Israeli government and settlers are never challenged in their “right of self-defense,” no matter how often that “right” is used to aggressively murder innocent civilians.

No, this is a much broader argument that says that Palestinians are so inherently and uniquely violent that they can never truly govern themselves. Even the patronizing “pathway to a Palestinian state” is always conditioned on someone else having both authority and the means of enforcing it above the heads of the Palestinians. 

How can there possibly be any kind of Palestinian self-determination—regardless of whether that is in one state between the river and the sea, two states, a confederation, or any other arrangement—if Palestinians must trust that Israel, which has so brutally dominated, dispossessed, and denied rights to them for so long, will not decide to do so again?

Even before we consider the absurdity of claiming Palestinians must live next to or with their long-term oppressors in that state of naïve faith, there is the fact that self-determination is inseparable from the right and the ability to defend oneself against attack. 

If the vision was to create some sort of magical, pacified region where Israel could no longer pose a threat to the Palestinians, it would be reasonable to argue that Palestinians do likewise. Given the history and the nature of the real world, neither side of that equation is realistic.

Those among Hamas and the other Palestinian factions who argued for calling the American bluff and accepting the initial offer from the Board of Peace recognized all of this, and that is why they insisted that their weapons be handed over gradually and only to other Palestinians. It’s possible they wouldn’t have even agreed to that much if they expected Israel to accept the deal, but they took the risk because, even if Israel surprised them and cooperated with the Board, the Palestinians’ weaponry would remain in Palestinian hands.

That was and is the problem, and not only for Israel. When confronted with that objection, there was no effort to push back on it from the various “Board of Peace” tools of the Trump administration. That’s because Hamas had been correct: this was not about disarming them, which, under certain conditions, they could accept, albeit reluctantly. But this was about disarming Palestinians permanently, which neither Hamas nor most Palestinians will acquiesce to.

It is just one more example of how the Palestinians are expected to accept terms that no one else would ever be confronted with. And it is another example of how international diplomacy—whether originating in Washington, Brussels, or Riyadh—remains in a hopeless quagmire of its own making, endlessly proposing new ways to dehumanize the Palestinians rather than trying to help chart a path to a better future for everyone between the river and the sea. 


This article was originally published by Mondoweiss; please consider supporting the original publication, and read the original version at the link above.