Saturday, March 29, 2025

Five Reasons Why Euro Area Citizens Should Be Terrified By the ECB’s (Apparently) Fast Approaching Digital Euro
March 27, 2025
Source: Naked Capitalism


Digital Euro Source: Alesia Kozik. Pexels.

Imagine a technology that could facilitate an unprecedented expansion of totalitarian power in the hands of the ECB and EU Commission. What could possibly go wrong?

If you are a citizen of one of the Euro Area’s 20 member nations and are wondering why the legacy media is suddenly awash with articles on the European Central Bank’s proposed digital euro after studiously ignoring its development over the past six years, there is a simple reason: the digital euro is closer than ever to becoming a reality — at least according to own architects.

In fact, the two main EU institutions driving its development, the European Central Bank (ECB) and the European Commission, are, if anything, determined to accelerate its roll out. Which kind of makes you wonder: why all the rush?

With the “preparation phase” of the digital euro scheduled to end in October and since the European Central Bank and the European Commission need the European Parliament, the EU’s rubber stamping chamber legislative assembly, to approve the definitive legal framework for the bloc’s proposed central bank digital currency, or CBDC, the time has finally come to sell the project to the people — with the help, of course, of the legacy media and news agencies.

However, it is not easy to sell a project that is broadly seen, even by many politicians and some central bank insiders around the world, not only as a “solution in search of a problem” but one that is fraught with risks. Even the German MEP appointed to lead the European Parliament’s legislative push for a digital euro, the Rapporteur Stefan Berger, become one of its fiercest critics, eventually stepping down from the role.

According to the German financial journalist Norbert Häring, the only identifiable function of the digital euro is to “help displace cash and bring Europe closer to total digital surveillance.” So, how do you sell a project whose advocates (in the words of Federal Reserve Governor Christopher Waller) “often fail to ask a simple question: What problem would a CBDC solve?”

The answer, it seems, at least in the case of the Euro Area, is to generate as much fear as possible about Europe’s dependence on US payments providers at a time when the US is increasingly viewed as hostile to Europe. Lagarde says that the digital euro is necessary in order to preserve Europe’s monetary sovereignty — oh, the irony. Last week, the European Central Bank chief economist Philip Lane warned about the risks of Europe’s outsized dependence on American payment providers leaving it open to future economic coercion. From Reuters:


“Europe’s reliance on foreign payment providers has reached striking levels,” Lane said in a speech in Cork, Ireland. “This dependence exposes Europe to risks of economic pressure and coercion and has implications for our strategic autonomy, limiting our ability to control critical aspects of our financial infrastructure.”

“We are witnessing a global shift towards a more multipolar monetary system, with payments systems and currencies increasingly wielded as instruments of geopolitical influence,” he said.

He warned that national card schemes have been entirely replaced by international alternatives in 13 of the euro zone’s 20 countries, making it imperative that the ECB pushed ahead with issuing a digital currency.

“The digital euro is a promising solution to counter these risks and ensure the euro area retains control over its financial future,” Lane said.[1]

And here comes the first big lie from the Reuters piece:


A digital euro would function much like cash, allowing people to make direct retail payments without relying on a card service provider.

This could not be further from the truth (as we will explain in point #2 below), but it sure sounds reassuring to EU citizens who continue to trust the word of the media on matters of great import. And there are few matters more important than the system of money we live and work under.

As we warned back in 2022, the mass development and rollout of central bank digital currencies would represent (and this, I believe, is not hyperbole) a financial revolution that threatens to radically reconfigure the very nature of money itself. And let’s be clear: this will not be a bottom-up revolution. There are no European citizens marching in the streets calling for a digital euro, for the simple reason that most people already believe they are using a digital euro currency every time they pull out their card or mobile phone.

But there are some key differences between the ECB’s proposed digital euro, and the digital euro currency currently in use. For a start, the former will be money issued by the state, via the central bank (though it will still be commercial banks that manage all the customer-facing activities) and users will be allowed to hold a maximum deposit of 3,000 euros at any one time [2]. The latter, meanwhile, is private money issued and managed by commercial banks.

As the use of cash has declined, in part because of the war waged upon it by the EU Commission and the ECB, the amount of public money in the economy has also declined. Now, the ECB and Commission want to reverse this dynamic by issuing their own CBDC. But this will have potentially far-reaching implications that should give all EU citizens pause. Here are five of the most important reasons why we should be terrified of the fast approaching launch of the ECB’s digital euro:

1. The Digital Euro Could (And Almost Certainly Will) Be Used As a Tool of Financial Surveillance and Control.

A central bank digital currency system will technically no longer require middlemen such as banks or credit card companies. That said, Europe’s largest financial institutions, many of which have been helping to build the architecture for the CBDC system, will find a new role in the new digital reality. This probably explains why the ECB is so keen on further consolidation in Europe’s banking sector: once the digital euro is firmly established, there will be even less need for choice and competition within the banking sector.

As the ECB noted in a press release last December, “Supervised intermediaries, such as banks, would play a key role in distributing the digital euro. They would act as the main point of contact for individuals, merchants and businesses for all digital euro-related issues and would perform all end-user services.”

Meanwhile, the ECB, like all central banks that end up launching a CBDC, will retain oversight and control over the creation, destruction, and movement of money, just as Agustin Carstens, general manager of the Bank of International Settlements, put it at a 2020 summit of the IMF:


“We don’t know who’s using a $100 bill today and we don’t know who’s using a 1,000 peso bill today. The key difference with the CBDC is the central bank will have absolute control [over] the rules and regulations that will determine the use of that expression of central bank liability, and also we will have the technology to enforce that.”

It is not just the prospect of the ECB and the Commission being able to track, trace and monitor all of our financial activity — what we earn, how we spend, what we save — that should terrify us; it is also the prospect of them being able to “program” money so as to achieve certain monetary, fiscal or social policy objectives.

In a fully cashless digital-euro system, the central bank and Commission would have a complete record of every transaction made by everyone, allowing it to essentially eradicate tax evasion. The potential applications go far beyond that, notes NS Lyons, a Washington DC-based consultant and analyst in his 2022 article CBDC Caution: A Central-Bank-Issued Digital Dollar Could Enable a Dark Future:


Fines, such as for speeding or jaywalking, could be levied in real time, if CBDC accounts were connected to a network of “smart city” surveillance. Nor would there be any need to mail out stimulus checks, tax refunds, or other benefits, such as universal basic income payments. Such money could just be deposited directly into accounts. But a CBDC would allow government to operate at much higher resolution than that if it wished. Targeted microfinance grants, added straight to the accounts of those people and businesses considered especially deserving, would be a relatively simple proposition.

Other potential forms of programming applications include setting expiry dates for stimulus funds or welfare payments to encourage users to spend it quickly in order to boost economic activity. It would be a central banker’s wet dream. Programmable money could also be used to encourage the right sorts of consumption and discourage or even prevent the wrong sorts. Taken to the extreme, governments could use CBDCs to exclude the deplorables and undesirables from the economy altogether.

As independent media outlets like this one have shone an ever brighter spotlight on the potential dangers of programmable money, the ECB has shifted its stance, claiming now that it will not use programmable money. But at the same time it has relabelled programmable money as “conditional payments” and appears to have given the job of programming these payments to the payment service providers who will be managing all customer-facing activities.

As Lyons warns, CBDCs, “if not deliberately and carefully constrained in advance by law,… have the potential to become even more than a technocratic central planner’s dream. They could represent the single greatest expansion of totalitarian power in history.” Imagine that power in the hands of the likes of Ursula von der Leyen and Christine Lagarde!

2. It Will Probably Accelerate the Demise of Cash… and By Extension, Financial Privacy.

The ECB, like the EU Commission, insists that a central bank-issued digital euro will co-exist alongside cash for many years, if not decades, to come. As we’ve noted in previous articles, cash, while in gradual decline in the EU, is still widely supported and used in many member states, particularly Germany and Austria. Also, as the near-cashless nirvanas of Scandinavia are discovering, cash offers payment systems greater resilience, particularly in times of war and rising cyber theft.

However, will cash enjoy a level-playing field with a digital euro? It’s unlikely.

Both the ECB and the Commission spearheaded Europe’s War on Cash from around 2011, going so far as to impose cash caps of 1,000 euros in Italy and 500 euros in Greece during its flirtation with Grexit. Although the ECB appears to have undergone a change of heart in recent years, even going so far as to introduce a 2023 directive aimed at protecting the right to use cash in retail settings the EU, it is impossible to know whether this is genuine or merely a position of convenience given cash’s ongoing popularity among many European publics and the intended roll out of a direct competitor in the form of the digital euro.

ECB president Christine Lagarde is anything but cash friendly. Also, banks, arguably the biggest enemies of cash, have been broadly excluded from any EU legislation aimed at preserving cash.

My guess is that once introduced, a digital euro will gradually confer more and more financial perks and benefits to those who use it. This is exactly what the Bank of Nigeria did in 2022 when it launched the eNaira, the world’s first CBDC of a largeish economy. And when that didn’t work it switched from carrot to stick, even going so far as to remove over half of all the cash notes used in the economy, causing a sharp recession. Yet even that didn’t work, and by September last year Nigerians were using more cash than before while the eNaira continued to founder.

Presumably, the EU has learnt from these embarrassing failures, and European governments (with the obvious exception of Austria) will continue with their death-by-a-thousand-cuts assassination of cash. If the ECB, EU Commission and national EU member governments were to accelerate cash’s demise by penalizing its use (while incentivizing the use of CBDCs), we would witness the loss of one of the last vestiges of financial freedom, privacy and anonymity.

The ECB and its national member banks insist that a digital euro will help to protect financial privacy, but if you believe that, I’ve got a digital bridge to sell you. Even the ECB itself has repeatedly stated that the financial privacy offered by a digital euro will be strictly limited. From Ledger Insights:


It’s worth noting that there will be two versions of the digital euro. The offline version aims to be as close to cash as possible and is designed for smaller payments. Online payments are closer to typical card or bank payments today…

The recent European elections show that future national governments could be very different from our current ones. Given Europe’s World War II history, it’s not a stretch to ponder what might happen in a less benevolent world. What if the digital euro has real traction and cash is barely used? How easy would it be to change the digital euro system to break the privacy protections currently being carefully crafted?

For the offline digital euro, transactions would remain private, but preventing people from topping up their wallets would be easy. In the case of the online digital euro case, a law change and a relatively small change in data access would probably suffice to undermine the privacy design completely.

Designing a CBDC to account for every future unpleasant scenario is likely impossible for central banks. Dooms Day scenarios aside, the ECB is making a concerted attempt to protect privacy.

That may be true today but will it be true tomorrow? This brings us to the third reason why European citizens should be terrified of a digital euro…

3. The EU’s Word Cannot Be Trusted.

The EU institutions are constantly breaking even their own rules and regulations. Witness the way the Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has run roughshod over the EU’s transparency and accountability rules in the Pfizergate scandal without facing any consequences. Or the way the Digital Services Act contravenes the EU’s own laws on freedom of expression and information, including Article 11 of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights.

Or indeed the way the Commission has essentially carried out a coup in Romania to prevent a politician who is opposed to project Ukraine from gaining power, and is now secretly interfering in the Polish election campaign, using taxpayers’ money and instruments developed by the military and intelligence services, according to the German journalist Norbert Häring.

What this should all tell us is that any pledges by the ECB and the Commission to safeguard cash, to respect financial privacy, and to not use programmable money applications once the digital euro is live are essentially worthless. The EU can change the rules of the game whenever it wants and however it wants, as it has been doing since its inception.

And that prospect should terrify EU citizens given that the driving mission of the EU is to accrue to itself more and more centralised power and control over Europe’s citizenry, businesses, societies and economies. As Brussels has consolidated power over the EU economy, the performance of that economy has been underwhelming, particularly since the self-inflicted energy crunch caused by the 16 rounds of sanctions the EU has (so far) imposed on Russia. Which brings us to the next point…

4. The EU Needs Your Money…

…to fund its remilitarisation. And taxpayer funds and further expansions of public debt alone will not be enough to finance its ambitions. Indeed, the EU’s plan to borrow €800 billion for defence was rejected by the Dutch Parliament. Just a few days ago, the European Commission announced the launch of yet another union, the “Savings and Investment Union”, aimed at channelling trillions of euros of European savings into the coffers of a new generation of innovative European companies — primarily, of course, in the arms business. From Euronews:


The European Commission unveiled on Monday a plan to better channel up to €10 trillion in bank deposits across the bloc into much-needed strategic investments.

“Currently, too few European citizens make a decent return on their hard-earned savings, at least not in a simple and cost-efficient way,” EU Commissioner for Financial Services Maria Luis Albuquerque told reporters in Brussels. “This is regrettable and represents a loss to us all,” she added.

In other times of widespread war, European and North American governments have been able to raise funds by selling war bonds to the citizenry. But that has tended to work only when the government of the day and its war effort enjoy a minimal level of popularity. That is unlikely to be the case with the EU’s attempts to keep project Ukraine alive. So, instead, Brussels is seeking to rewrite its own regulations, primarily aimed at protecting investors, in order to make it easier for investment funds to invest in arms manufacturers, including in securitised assets.

This plan appears to have been in the pipeline for some time. Just over a year ago, France’s Minister for the Economy Bruno Le Maire declared that Europe does not have sufficient funds and needs to “mobilize all of Europeans’ savings – 35 trillion euros – to finance the climate transition, fund our defence efforts, and invest in artificial intelligence.”


The fact that an increasingly militarised EU is openly coveting its citizens vast savings pool and is willing to significantly water down investment protections in order to get it should also set off alarm bells wrt its digital euro plans. If the ECB and EU Commission are able to successfully launch a digital euro (still a big “IF” since no G20 central bank has managed to pull it off), they will have far greater control over our funds. And to gain easier access to those funds, all they would need to do is rewrite the rules.

5. The Digital Euro Will Go Hand in Hand With the Digital Identity Wallet.

Most EU citizens are probably blissfully unaware that the EU launched its digital identity legislation last year, and that by 2026 all be required to offer at least one EU Digital Identity Wallet to all citizens, residents, and businesses. As the FT reported back in 2021, CBDCs will almost certainly have to go hand in hand with digital IDs:


“What CBDC research and experimentation appears to be showing is that it will be nigh on impossible to issue such currencies outside of a comprehensive national digital ID management system. Meaning: CBDCs will likely be tied to personal accounts that include personal data, credit history and other forms of relevant information.”

Combining digital currencies with digital IDs while phasing out, or even banning, the use of cash would grant governments and central banks the ability not only to track every purchase we make but also to determine what we can and cannot spend our money on. They could also be used to strongly encourage “desirable” social and political behaviour while penalizing those who do not toe the line. Imagine that power in the hands of Eurocrats like Von der Leyen!

The positive news is that the future success of the ECB’s digital euro depends primarily on the citizenry. As happened in Nigeria, we will have the choice as to whether to accept it or not, as notes the German independent media outlet Multipolar:


[W]hen the exclusive characteristics of cash and the consequences of its replacement come into public awareness, citizens can make a conscious decision at the checkout whether to pay digitally and thus work towards the disappearance of cash, or whether to use notes and coins and thus contribute to future generations being able to take advantage of the properties of cash.

Those properties include “the freedom to hold taxed income in one’s own hands,… anonymity when paying, the ability to transact in the event of technical failures, and better control over one’s own spending, promotion of a disciplined approach to money even for children, inclusion of people with visual impairments, Down’s syndrome and other disabilities, the possibility of earning money independently without first opening a bank account, and escape from the fees of the financial industry.”

[1] It is hardly surprising that the ECB is using this argument as its prime justification for accelerating the launch of the digital euro. For a start, anti-Trump feeling is strong both among EU politicians and the broader European public right now. Also, the argument is nothing new. In fact, the most commonly cited justification for launching CBDCs going all the way back to 2019 is as a means of countering the risks posed by so-called “stablecoins” like Meta’s proposed Libra coin.

[2] This 3,000 euro holding limit is considered low enough to mitigate the risk of deposit flight from commercial bank deposits to the CBDC accounts leading to a dangerous outflow of capital from the commercial banking system, resulting ultimately in bank runs and collapses. The last thing the world’s central banks want to do is disintermediate large private banks, whose interests they tend to serve above all else.

In fact, central banks have been working hand-in-glove with many TBTF lenders (JP Morgan Chase, Goldman Sachs, HSBC, BNP Paribas, BBVA…) to set up and road test the CBDC infrastructure. If any financial institutions are going to be “disintermediated”, it will probably be small, local banks and credit unions, which will not be able to cope with the added layers of regulatory costs, burdens and complexities.

According to a December 2023 report commissioned by the European Banking Association, a holding limit at 3,000 euro could realistically lead to an outflow of up to 739 billion euro of bank deposits in the euro area — equivalent to a loss of 10% of the total household deposit base and 3% of the total bank liabilities. And it is smaller banks that will feel the most pain:

Such deposit runs might especially hit smaller banks for two reasons. First, customers in smaller banks tend to have lower levels of deposits. Hence the holding limit will bind fewer customers, leading to a larger share of deposits being withdrawn from smaller banks than larger banks. Second, deposit funding typically makes up for a larger share of the funding for smaller banks.

Irrelevance Breeds Defiance in Europe

March 26, 2025
Source: Pressenza


Image from Pixabay

A few weeks ago, I paraphrased Marx’s words from nearly two centuries ago: “A spectre is haunting Europe – the spectre of irrelevance”. Recent events suggest that the spectre is rapidly becoming a reality. While the European Union and Britain are in overdrive, expressing unconditional support for the Ukrainian government and pushing it to continue fighting, the Ukraine crisis is no longer central for the dialogue between Russia and the United States. It has become just one of many issues – and possibly not the most important one – in the growing strategic discussion between Moscow and Washington, a discussion that excludes Europe.

Europeans naturally resent their exclusion from negotiations. Many attribute this exclusion to the drastic policy shift undertaken by President Trump and his team. J.D. Vance’s critical speech at the Munich Security Conference with its emphasis on values and democracy highlighted the conflict between the globalist ruling circles of the EU and the newly nationalist American administration. He overtly supported Europe’s nationalists and deplored their ostracization, specifically mentioning Germany and Romania.

However, the American attitude toward the European Union is not new, in fact, it shows a degree of continuity. It was a senior official of the Obama administration, Victoria Nuland, who laconically expressed this stance in 2014. In a telephone conversation with the U.S. Ambassador in Kiev she tersely dismissed European concerns raised by the ambassador: “Fuck the EU”. If anything, Trump officials have been more gracious and diplomatic.

This continuity reflects Europe’s chronic dependence on the United States. The crisis in Ukraine was triggered by the Maidan events, fomented with the active participation of the same Ms. Nuland, who testified that the U.S. had spent $5 billion on reorienting the Ukrainian ruling class away from Russia and political neutrality toward NATO and a Euro-Atlantic future. Europe went along with American policies, and European media followed suit by demonising Russia and its president. Russians have been excluded from most international sports events, film festivals and scientific conferences. Hardly anything positive has been published about Russia in mainstream media in recent years. “Rusophrenia” – a belief that Russia is about to collapse and to take over the world — has been stoked on both sides of the Atlantic. This irrational view of Russia is now entrenched in Western public opinion, even in countries like France, which traditionally maintained close cultural, economic and political ties with that country.

European foreign policy has largely degenerated into sabre-rattling. A prime example is Estonian Kaja Kallas, who, despite her position as the EU’s chief diplomat, rejects diplomatic approach with respect to Russia. President Macron, in an eloquent address to the nation, offered to extend nuclear deterrence to other European countries, with Poland and the Baltic republics gratefully accepting it. More recently, he presented a “survival manual” to his compatriots, instructing them on the supplies they must keep at home to survive a war. Ursula von der Leyen promised to rearm Europe, to raise 800 billion euros for this purpose and to revive Europe’s stagnating economy through military Keynesianism.

Since the newly elected Bundestag members, would have refused to adopt it, the outgoing parliament voted on an amendment to the constitution, lifting the government’s limitation to borrow money for the military. This disregards the democratic will of the citizens but benefits Rheinmetall, Germany’s main arms manufacturer. Alarm bells are ringing over austerity measures and further cuts to social services across Europe, not just in Germany. U.K. Prime Minister Starmer, arguably the most enthusiastic cheerleader of Europe’s war party, announced an overhaul of the welfare system, cutting benefits to the disabled and pushing many into poverty. All of this does not bode well for liberal ruling circles, as Europeans grow increasingly frustrated with political manipulations that render their democratic choice meaningless and relegate their concerns to the back burner.


Europe’s apparent preparations for war are based on the belief that Russia is bent on conquest – first all of Ukraine, then the rest of Europe. Any mention of the fact that Russian government has never expressed such intentions is simply dismissed as “Kremlin’s disinformation”.

This belief feeds into a long-standing European phobia, portraying Russia as a menacing Other. This ideology took a most aggressive and genocidal form as anti-Russian racism, which fueled the extermination war that soldiers from a dozen European nations, under German auspices, waged against the Soviet Union from 1941 to 1945. The rehabilitation and celebration of Nazi collaborators in that war have become mainstream in Eastern Europe, including Ukraine, and this view is spreading elsewhere with the growing influence of East Europeans in Brussels.

Instead of a realistic assessment of the evolving international context, fiery rhetoric and self-righteous posturing drive European policy, with no exit ramp in sight. The oft-repeated idea of dispatching European soldiers to Ukraine is a non-starter — not only for Russia but also for Europe itself, which lacks both the will and the power to confront Russian forces. All talk of a “coalition of the willing” – an ominous term given the West’s debacle in Iraq – is contingent on an American “backstop”, which the U.S. has refused to provide.

Europe seems determined to undermine the current Ukraine peace process by encouraging Kiev’s intransigence and formulating unrealistic demands that ignore military and political realities. Veteran political analyst, Anatol Lieven has called this European attitude “malignantly stupid” and characterised Europe’s military preparations as “a costume play,” in which Macron plays Napoleon and Starmer plays Winston Churchill. Curiously, in the Oval Office last February, Zelensky, answering in English a question about his wardrobe, misused the word “costume,” which means “suit” in his native Russian.

Trump has significantly shifted the country’s foreign policy despite the dominant anti-Russian sentiment in the U.S., which the previous governments and loyal to them media actively fomented. So far, European politicians continue to double down on their denunciations of Russia, albeit wisely refraining from antagonising Washington — a risky move at best. They continue to nurture Zelensky’s hope of joining NATO, even though Trump and his team have repeatedly rejected the idea. Europe has become a prisoner of its own rhetoric, which appears increasingly delusional.


Growing progressively estranged from where the real action is, it is becoming merely the western periphery of Eurasia.

Ironically, there is hope for Europe — not only in the growing ire of European electorates, who may vote current liberal politicians out of office, but also in European leaders’ habit of following Washington. Gradually, they may abandon their ideological narratives and come around to the American position, even as they resent it. It may act like a defiant teenager, which Prince William recently demonstrated posing in a British tank a hundred miles from the Russian border. However, its nickname “the Old World” suggests that Europe may return to its senses, especially in view of its economic and demographic decline. Otherwise, Europe may start another world war – this time the last one.



Yakov M. RabkinWebsite
Yakov M. Rabkin is Professor Emeritus of History at the Université of Montréal. His publications include over 300 articles and several books, including Science between Superpowers, A Threat from Within: A Century of Jewish Opposition to Zionism, What is Modern Israel?, Demodernization: A Future in the Past, and Judaïsme, islam et modernités. He has performed consulting work for, among others, the OECD, NATO, UNESCO, and the World Bank.
Selective Outrage: Britain’s Silence On The Jailing Of Imran Khan

Why won’t the UK defend Pakistan’s most high-profile political prisoner?
March 27, 2025
Source: Declassified UK



The United Kingdom prides itself on being a champion of democracy and human rights, frequently condemning political repression and imprisonment in authoritarian states such as China, Iran, Russia and North Korea.

Yet, its response to the arbitrary imprisonment of Pakistan’s former prime minister Imran Khan – an elected leader with extensive ties to Britain – has been muted at best and complicit at worst over the last two years.

This glaring inconsistency reveals the self-serving nature of the UK’s foreign policy, which prioritises strategic defence and intelligence-sharing interests over democratic principles when dealing with countries like Pakistan.
Imran Khan’s British connections

Imran Khan has more personal and institutional linkages to Britain than almost any other political prisoner in the world. He was educated at an elite British school before completing a degree in Politics, Philosophy, and Economics (PPE) at Oxford University.

He played county cricket for Sussex, and Oxford University’s own squad, and later became a cricketing icon in the UK, leading Pakistan to victory in the 1992 Cricket World Cup – a moment celebrated even in Britain. His first wife, Jemima Goldsmith, is a British citizen, and his two sons are British nationals, living in the UK.

Yet, despite these connections, the UK government has chosen to remain silent on his unjust imprisonment. His real crime, it appears, is not any of the absurd charges levied against him – ranging from treason to a so-called illegal marriage – but rather his refusal to bow to the demands of Pakistan’s military and foreign powers.
Special relationship with Pakistan’s establishment

Unlike China or Russia, where the UK has little political leverage, Pakistan presents a different dynamic. Britain enjoys deep-rooted defence, intelligence, and diplomatic ties with Pakistan, particularly with the country’s powerful military and intelligence services.

The last three British High Commissioners to Pakistan have been seen more often with Pakistan’s military leadership than with elected officials, reinforcing the notion that democracy in Pakistan is merely a façade and that the UK is comfortable working within this hybrid system. Pakistan’s army chiefs are given red carpet treatment in the UK quite often too.

The reason for this selective diplomacy is clear: Britain relies on Pakistani intelligence, primarily through the notorious Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI), a relationship which is heavily dependent on Pakistan’s military establishment.

Additionally, the UK has strong defence trade relations with Pakistan, including the reported sale of over $1 billion worth of military equipment via British defence companies, partly linked to ongoing conflicts like Ukraine.

In this arrangement, an independent politician like Imran Khan – who has been critical of the military’s interference in governance and prioritises the welfare of the Pakistani people over foreign interests – becomes an inconvenient figure.

His persecution is met with silence because challenging his imprisonment would mean confronting the very military generals with whom the UK maintains its strategic ties.
Imran Khan’s Sham trial

Since his imprisonment in August 2023, Imran Khan has faced an avalanche of politically motivated charges, including terrorism, treason, and corruption. Some of these carry the death penalty.

In an attempt to discredit him, the military-backed government even pursued a case questioning the menstrual cycle of his wife. Despite being acquitted in several cases by Pakistan’s High Court, new charges are continuously manufactured to keep him behind bars.

When the Islamabad High Court started to push back against this judicial persecution, the military regime simply stripped the court of its authority and installed more compliant judges. The goal is clear: ensure that Imran Khan never walks free again.

Pakistan’s February 2024 general elections were universally condemned as the most rigged in the country’s history. Independent watchdogs such as the PATTAN documented widespread electoral fraud, vote suppression, and manipulation.

The UK, along with the US, the EU, and the UN, issued mild statements expressing concern over the elections, yet none have dared to directly confront Pakistan’s military or ISI – the real architects of the rigging.

This contrasts sharply with the UK’s outspokenness against electoral manipulation in countries like Iran, Venezuela, or Belarus, where it has no strategic interests at stake.

Adding to the UK’s reluctance to take a firm stance, Pakistan’s weak response to the Gaza crisis aligns conveniently with British and American foreign policy interests. While many Muslim-majority nations strongly condemned Israel’s actions, Pakistan’s government – installed with the blessing of the military – offered only feeble concern.

Reports have also emerged of military-backed Pakistani journalists visiting Israel as a goodwill gesture, despite Pakistan officially not recognising Israel as a state. Such moves indicate a willingness to align with Western geopolitical interests rather than represent the will of the Pakistani people, a move that a truly democratic leader like Imran Khan would have never accepted.
Changing face of British-Pakistani diaspora

One factor the Foreign Office may not have anticipated is the shift in sentiment within Britain’s Pakistani diaspora, which numbers nearly two million, making up almost three percent of the UK’s population.

Traditionally, British-Pakistanis remained indifferent to the frequent military takeovers and political feuds in their ancestral homeland. However, the crackdown on Imran Khan and the unprecedented human rights violations targeting not only his supporters but also British-Pakistanis in Pakistan have triggered a political awakening.

Today, a large number of British-Pakistanis are writing to their MPs, demanding explanations for the UK government’s silence. They are gathering outside 10 Downing Street, chanting against the tyranny of Pakistan’s generals and questioning why the UK, which preaches democracy abroad, turns a blind eye when its closest allies undermine it.

The imprisonment of British-Pakistanis in Pakistan and threats against dual nationals have made this issue deeply personal, forcing the UK government to at least acknowledge these concerns in private, even if it continues to avoid taking a public stance.
Time to drop the pretense

If the UK insists on maintaining its diplomatic silence over Imran Khan’s imprisonment, it should at least drop the pretense of promoting democracy and human rights in Pakistan.

The British taxpayer deserves to know why their government selectively condemns political oppression in countries where it has little influence, while turning a blind eye to blatant authoritarianism in a country where it has significant leverage.

Imran Khan’s imprisonment is not just a Pakistani issue; it is a test of the UK’s credibility on the global stage. If Britain continues to prioritise short-term intelligence and defence interests over democratic values, it risks not only being on the wrong side of history but also alienating its own citizens of Pakistani heritage.

The question remains: Will Britain remain complicit in Pakistan’s descent into military dictatorship, or will it finally stand up for the principles it claims to uphold?




Shahzad Akbar is a Pakistani politician and barrister who served from 2018-22 as an adviser to prime minister Imran Khan on domestic and accountability issues, in the capacity of a minister in Cabinet

What Does the Ukrainian Working Class Want?


March 27, 2025
Source: theAnalysis-news

As the U.S. and Russia discuss a possible ceasefire, what role do the Ukrainian people—especially the working class—have in shaping the outcome? Paul Jay speaks with Ukrainian political scientist Denys Gorbach about the war, class dynamics, and the neoliberal assault on workers’ rights during the conflict—a rare, progressive, class-conscious look at the war in Ukraine.


Support Ukrainian resistance — not monstrous rearmament plans



Published 

Solidarity Collectives Ukraine

First published at People and Nature.

“What peace?” is a wide question. To narrow it down, we can ask: what sort of peace is being discussed among Ukrainians?

In an interview about the Trump-Putin talks, and the prospects for any agreement, our comrade Denis Pilash, a member of Sotsialnyi Rukh, said that “Ukrainians have two things in mind when thinking about any deal: the fate of people in the occupied territories, and how to prevent Russia from restarting the war.”

These points could frame areas for agreements, he argued. He pointed to the Ukrainian government’s position that it will not recognise illegal annexations, but would accept a ceasefire followed by negotiations.

On security guarantees, Denis argued that NATO membership is not only problematic but also unlikely. But “some sort of security guarantees involving important players are needed, to ensure Russia does not invade again”.

This in turn raises questions about who can guarantee security for who, and how.

To answer these, we need to look at broader, contextual issues, I believe. Here are comments about four of these.

Authoritarianism versus democracy  

For many Ukrainians, the war has forced the issue: live under Putin’s authoritarian rule, or in a democracy, albeit seriously flawed. The answer has been: stubborn resistance to the invasion by civil society.

But is it right to see this resistance as part of a wider international battle between authoritarianism and democracy? I think this is a problematic framing.

The western European powers, including the UK, which have now promised to support Ukraine after the reversal of US policy, are among the greatest enemies of democracy and democratic rights. Not because of their domestic political systems, in which valuable democratic rights and freedoms, won in past struggles, still persist. But because of their support for vile dictators who defend the interests of capital internationally.

They had, after all, hoped to continue to work with Putin’s regime before and after 2014  despite Chechnya, despite Syria  and only revised their view in 2022.

The clearest reminder of these powers’ attitude to democracy and human rights is in Gaza. They continue to arm and support Israel, despite 15 months of relentless war crimes and crimes against humanity, committed daily in Gaza, and now the West Bank, by a government of extreme right-wingers and near-fascists.

Disproportionate targeting of civilians; deliberate blockading of food and medical supplies; bombing of civilian infrastructure; Israeli ministers’ explicit calls for ethnic cleansing  each of these are war crimes. But the western governments continue to supply weapons to Israel, and to witch-hunt their own citizens who protest.

Does this mean we should refuse the support given to Ukrainians resisting Russian aggression by the genocide facilitator Keir Starmer or the near fascist Georgia Meloni? No. But we should open our eyes to their motivations.

Their claims to be fighting authoritarianism are hypocritical lies. Leading Ukrainian politicians, too, are culpable: they have taken the opportunity provided by war to undermine democratic and labour rights.

Furthermore, we should challenge the European leaders’ idea of “security”. I believe that they mean, security for capital and its structures of power. The same “security” that underpins their murderous, racist policies targeting migrants. For us, security means, security for people. These are different, opposite, things. We need to define our collective stance on this.

The labour movement and social movements need an independent programme under which to mobilise in support of Ukraine.

Ours is not the first generation that has had to deal with the problems of making limited alliances with our class enemies. Collectively we should look at examples of resistance to Nazi occupation regimes during the second world war.

Many of these  in Greece, the Balkans, France and elsewhere  were organised predominantly through the workers’ movement, but worked alongside, and in constant tension with, the bourgeois states-in-exile who were supported by Britain and other western powers.   

Rearmament

Following the reversal of US policy, the European powers have decided on long-term rearmament programmes, that is, substantial state investment in arms manufacture.

We must not become cheerleaders for these programmes. We are not required to endorse them, in order to support politically the provision to Ukraine by western European states of the weapons and ammunition it needs. We can support non-state actors in Ukraine  medical volunteers, civil society groups supporting the military, and so on  without endorsing the strategies of the ruling class.

In a recent article about rearmament, the socialist journalist Owen Jones argued that “defence spending must be scrutinised”. I agree.

Jones pointed out that “a significant amount” of the UK defence budget goes on Trident nuclear missiles, which have no relevance to the war in Ukraine; that billions have been spent on aircraft carriers and Ajax armoured vehicles that military specialists say are useless.

Furthermore, the UK government has predicated rearmament on massive cuts in other state spending.

This is a typical neoliberal false choice: support for Ukraine, or for public services. It is framed by the mainstream politicians, and supported by the Putinesque far right.

We need to challenge it. Let us win support for our demands to cancel Ukraine’s debt. Demand the seizure of frozen Russian financial assets, that the European authorities are likely to hand back this year. Demand an end to arms supplies to Israel. Tax the rich to fund public services.

The nature of the Russian threat

To develop our approach to these issues, we need also to characterise the nature of the Russian threat. For our friends in Ukraine, and the Baltic states, this threat is immediate. We need to seek their advice.

We also need to assess to what extent Europe faces a wider threat of Russian military action.

There is a strand of establishment opinion that compares the present moment to 1938, and warns that appeasement of Putin will lead to all-out war. This overlaps to some extent with rearmament policies.

I have doubts about this. Having concentrated its forces in Ukraine for three years, Russia has not only failed to capture Kyiv, but has captured only one fifth of Ukrainian territory, at huge cost – including the abandonment of its closest ally in the Middle East, Bashar al Assad.

Look, too, at the growth of social movements against some of eastern Europe’s Putinesque regimes, in Slovakia, Serbia and Hungary.

We need to ask not only whether the Kremlin, driven by deranged nationalism, might WANT to launch attacks more broadly to Russia’s west, but also: to what extent is it ABLE to do so. Perhaps it is more likely to use cyberwarfare, low-level sabotage and of course support for far-right parties in Europe.

I do not have answers to these questions. But if we do not discuss them, we will not put together meaningful strategies.

What can the labour movement and social movements effectively do?  

I hope this conference will discuss not only what governments can or will do  over which our influence, the influence of civil society, is always limited  but also what we can do independently of governments.

Of course, we need to link support for Ukrainian resistance, and for a just peace, with wider fights for social justice, against anti-migrant policies, and for effective action on climate change. Everyone here is familiar with these arguments.

Beyond this, I will make just one point. Let us compare the demonstrations against support for Ukraine  attended in the UK by one or two hundred campists, Stalinists and cranks  with the demonstrations against Israeli genocide, regularly attended in the UK by hundreds of thousands of people.

When we go to those demonstrations with a banner stating “From Ukraine to Palestine, Occupation is a Crime”, there is enormous sympathy in the crowds.

These crowds are made up largely of young people who believe in a better future  free of war, of oppression and of the threat of climate disaster.

Making common cause with them is crucial, if we are to strengthen support in western Europe for Ukrainian resistance and for a just peace.

Based on a talk given at a panel,“What peace?”, on Wednesday 26 March held as part of the Solidarity with Ukraine event in Brussels. Pirani wishes to thank the European Network for Solidarity with Ukraine for inviting him to speak on the panel.


Ukraine: The left’s dilemma amid a crumbling world order: Prepare to fight or let others determine the outcome?

Friday 28 March 2025, by Oleksandr Kyselov


With a madman in the White House, all pretences have fallen away and raw power again reigns supreme. Trade wars, huge aid cuts, explicit demands to annex Greenland and depopulate Gaza — every new day brings forth another crisis that throws into question internationally recognised collective and individual rights and undermines global institutions that supposedly exist to defend them. Is this genuinely the world we were hoping for when we criticised the hypocrisy of the West? Is the internationalist left simply going to accept this new state of affairs?


Negotiations to end the war in Ukraine, so desired by many commentators, now seem closer than ever — even if Ukraine currently has little say in the matter. What kind of deal are the great powers preparing for us? A gentleman’s agreement to give Russian President Vladimir Putin a slice of our land and a veto over our future in return for US President Donald Trump receiving 50% of our natural wealth? Of course, there is also no room in such talks for the pleas of the Russian anti-war opposition. But who cares about nuance when “peace” is on the table?

An armistice may very well be needed — for Ukraine to catch its breath. Prolonged war has not made us stronger, and this is even more true for the left which has barely survived. However, to avoid wasting time before a potential new round of fighting resumes — whether in Ukraine or on a larger scale — we must soberly assess the new environment and identify its pressure points. Moral appeals only work when someone can be made to feel shame, which is clearly not the case anymore. A credible left response needs to be rooted in reality, respond to material conditions and leverage political openings, rather than cling onto eternal truths.

Instability is growing and, as a result, smaller nations are increasingly vulnerable — especially when strategic locations, resources or trade corridors are at stake. Therefore, when dealing with defense matters, the left’s approach should not focus on exploiting and spreading fear but rather on how to avoid becoming easy prey for imperialistic predators. Given this, there are several key points worth keeping in mind when it comes to security.

First, insisting on having the means to defend oneself is not warmongering. Without these means, diplomacy is reduced to little more than pleading for mercy. Rather than hiding away in a bubble, the left must take an active role in deciding how weapons are procured, produced, distributed and used. This cannot be left to lobbyists, oligarchs, arms dealers and foreign powers.

Second, crisis preparedness is a significant asset. In war, natural disaster or even revolution, those who are best organised and know what to do determine the outcome. Speaking from our own bitter experience, the left, which has been largely confined to safe spaces in universities, NGOs or social media, has been sidelined. In crisis situations, practical skills, resoluteness, access to useful social networks, and the ability to mobilise resources make one indispensable. In Ukraine, too often, it was the right who could provide these.

Third, social infrastructure is critical for resilience. As has become evident in Ukraine, a country at war needs functioning railways, hospitals and energy systems, as well as an adequate housing stock and qualified personnel to run all those. Whatever is unreliable in peacetime will surely fail once a crisis breaks out. Weakening social investments under the pretext of defence or fiscal austerity, as well as loosening state controls and coordination for the sake of freedom of competition, are acts of sabotage and must be called out as such. The sooner individual voices consolidate into a single loud voice, the greater the likelihood of putting these issues on the agenda and giving the neoliberals a good fight.

Fourth, regardless of what munitions are at our disposal, wars are ultimately fought by people. Strong military defence depends on popular participation and willingness, neither of which are permanent. No amount of coercion can completely replace consent. It is enough to recall the story of the French-trained Anne of Kyiv brigade [which was disbanded due to mass desertions]. A conscription-based army with a large reserve force is not the only affordable and realistic way to guarantee self-determination. But it is important to understand that this creates a structural dependency, which necessitates ensuring the legitimacy of actions and that people’s trust is won.

Finally, no one can survive alone. Pooling resources, sharing knowledge, leveraging economies of scale, and even entering into a common defence agreement can all contribute to mutual security and saving costs. While cooperation is crucial for countries, it is even more critical at the grassroots level, where solidarity and joint efforts are essential for effectively organising on a global scale and delivering results. Simply listening and hearing each other would be a vital first step.

One could, of course, say that instead of seeking to influence decision-making, the left should identify mounting frustrations, amplify them and channel them toward systemic subversion. Yet even if we believe the left’s odds of winning amid this chaos as good, unless the global situation changes drastically, similar questions about guaranteeing security and peace will continue to reappear.

Ruling elites face a looming legitimacy crisis due to their incapacity to respond to a growing number of external threats and the rise of extreme right forces at home — both of which are the fruits of the neoliberal turn these same elites orchestrated. This vulnerability provides an opening that the left can seize to reshape the debate and win, at least, some of our key demands.

Acting in a quick and determined manner now can help give peace a chance. Even where collapse is imminent, the left can best position itself by joining the battle to strengthen the power resources of the working class today, rather than wait until the only remaining option is underground resistance to a fascist dictatorship, whether home-grown or imposed from outside.

Links 3 March


Attached documentsukraine-the-left-s-dilemma-amid-a-crumbling-world-order_a8918.pdf (PDF - 909.1 KiB)
Extraction PDF [->article8918]



Oleksandr Kyselov
Oleksandr Kyselov is a member Sotsialnyi Rukh (Ukraine), currently in Sweden.


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Feminist mobilizations weave intersectional resistance in Chile
March 27, 2025
Source: Ojalá


Women march under a pink banner that reads "Against the legacy of impunity" on March 8, 2025 in Santiago, Chile. Photo © Nicole Kramm.

At 8:30 in the morning feminists and activists gathered to offer seeds, sopaipillas (fried flour dough), and fruit to a tree in Cerro Huelén, a hill in the center of Santiago de Chile. Their offerings marked the beginning of March 8 activities this year, and were followed by a llellipun, a traditional Mapuche ceremony in which they prayed to the Ñuke Mapu [Mother Earth] for the well-being of people, living beings and the intertwined networks that sustain life.

During the ceremony, members of the Ulcha Zomo collective and the Mapuche Women’s Network led us through a process of connecting with the land and with one of this year’s slogans: “Where is Julia Chuñil?” Chuñil is a Mapuche woman and land defender who disappeared four months ago with her dog, Cholito.

As the ceremony concluded, we distributed the offerings among those present and affirmed our desire to honor the International Day of Working Women.

Feminists, community groups, unions, and cultural organizations began assembling in the center of the capital. By around 11:00 o’clock, the city’s long, wide street known as the Alameda had filled with people. We set off westward from Plaza Dignidad, as Plaza Baquedano was renamed during the 2019 uprising.

“To the streets: against the neoliberal consensus and the patriarchal offensive,” read the banner at the head of the march. On the front line were spokeswomen for the march and Senator Fabiola Campillay. Campillay was not there as a Congress person, but as a working woman, a survivor of police violence, and a leading figure in the movement against police terror. A few weeks earlier, the Supreme Court prevented her from speaking publicly about Claudio Crespo, the cop involved in the event that blinded activist Gustavo Gatica during the uprising.

Seeing Campillay surrounded by feminists and in front of the banner “Against the legacy of impunity!” moved me to tears. It reminded me that state violence constantly renews itself, as does feminist resistance and our tireless struggle to honor the history of what we have been and what we can be.

Over the last decade in Chile, in strike after strike, and meeting after meeting, feminists have woven a network of almost 100 collectives, roundtables and union-like structures. This year, painfully aware of the patriarchal offensive currently underway, we resolved to weave our struggles together even more tightly and kick off 2025 united, organized and fighting.

In more than 40 cities, towns and hamlets, protests and other activities centered the diverse struggles of the feminist and anti-patriarchal movement, support for imprisoned women and sexual and gender dissidents, and the struggle against extractivist violence and neocolonial dispossession. We also marched against misogynist violence, which has been rising, with nine femicides in 2025 thus far.
Against impunity

“We’re marching to highlight that the government has prioritized impunity and a repressive agenda over legal abortion, decent pensions, and the right to housing,” said Javiera Mena, spokesperson for the Coordinadora Feminista 8M and the Articulación por la Huelga General Feminista 2025, in a statement to the media.

“Today, they are evicting land occupations and encampments,” said Cristina Varela, another spokesperson from the Coordinadora. “Today they are going to discuss changes to the migration law, which criminalizes migrants and strips them of their rights. Today we have laws like the Nain-Retamal law, which criminalizes protest, which is our only tool for transformation.”A shot of the beginning of the March 8, 2025 march in Santiago de Chile. Photo © Nicole Kramm.

I was just a few meters from them when they made these statements, but I could barely hear what they were saying. According to organizers, there were nearly half a million people on the streets of Santiago.

The sound of the thousands around us thundered, intermixing with the beating of drums and chants like the classic: “We can hear it, we can feel it, long live women in struggle!” And there was the more recent chant: “[former president] Piñera’s legacy will fall, and we’re going to demolish his monument,” a reference to a motion passed in the Senate to erect a monument in his memory.

For hours, feminist and anti-patriarchal organizations publicly voiced their hopes, grief and demands. They criticized real estate speculation and the nearly 50 evictions of land occupations that the government plans to execute.

The women migrants in the anti-racist Afro-bloc warned that “there is no feminism without those criminalized by forced displacement.” The sexual and gender dissident truck, a mobile stage, featured bisexual, lesbian and trans artists. The Calypso Girls, women from Chayanne’s fan club, dressed up as high schoolers and shouted, “It’s never too late to study.” Palestinians and internationalist fighters raised their banners against genocide and demanded that Chile break relations with Israel.

After walking three kilometers, we reached the stage, where artists Thaïna Henry, Francelis and Luta Cruz from the anti-racist bloc gave moving presentations. Then Mónica Araya, an 87-year-old woman from the Movement of Families of the Detained and Disappeared and the Chilean Women’s Freedom Movement (MEMCH), addressed the crowd.

Araya marched with a photo of her disappeared mother, as she does every year. “Today, more than ever, we must take to the streets,” she said.

Fundación Camila performed the song “Yo tenía una hermana” [I had a sister] demanding justice for Camila and Almendra, two deaf women who were murdered. In sign language, they condemned ableism and the difficulties that disabled people face when attempting to secure justice.

Finally, activists read the manifesto “United, Organized and Fighting!” aloud. It celebrates transnational feminism and salutes women, sexual and gender dissidents and those who resist war, occupation and imperialism from the East and West.

As the event came to a close, police dispersed marchers with tear gas and a water cannon, as is common in Chile, and arrested 16.
The prelude: assemblies and calls to action

To grasp the significance of this year’s 8M, it is not enough to talk about the present. We have to remember that we also organized a Feminist May and that millions of us took to the streets in 2019, playing a key role in the uprising. And we should keep in mind that we have suffered defeats, exhaustion, precariousness, the pandemic, discouragement and sometimes blamed ourselves for these defeats.

It can be hard to keep fighting in this context. That’s why we decided to join forces, reflect on what we have experienced and work to create a new March 8, which, at least in Chile, is the first major protest of the year.

We held weeks of meetings to discuss what actions to take before and during 8M. A broad consensus became clear as each came to similar conclusions. We must resist the advance of the far-right, led by Javier Milei, Donald Trump, and Benjamin Netanyahu, while challenging the spread of racism and xenophobia among progressive leaders and some segments of the left that also promote militarization, securitization and neo-extractivism.

We organized “Feminist Super Monday” on March 3, during which we renamed 60 subway stations to commemorate milestones in the working class feminist movement. This lifted our spirits, rooted us in history and strengthened our resolve against fascism.

Later that evening we gathered in Puente Alto, on the outskirts of Santiago, to burn a three-headed figure representing colonialism, patriarchy, and capitalism. With this rite and in front of the fire, we kicked off the first week in March, which year after year is a time when we renew our desire to change everything.A young woman with a red hand painted on her chest during the March 8, 2025 march in Santiago de Chile. Photo © Nicole Kramm.
Is Chilean feminism dead?

A few days before the march, a far-right activist claimed that the feminist movement was in decline and that this year would be the last March 8 mobilization. Some anti-patriarchal activists and influencers also said that feminism is dead, albeit for other reasons.

What I wish to say to the right and to my sisters is, unsurprisingly, different.

To right-wing naysayers, I’ll refer to the huge response to our calls for the 8M march. We will not be silent, even as the movement appears to ebb and flow. We embody resistance, day by day, as we stay alive. We are an undercurrent that they cannot—or will not— see. We have not forgotten the protests and everything that our bodies are capable of being and doing. This is the history and the struggle in which we exist.

To my friends and comrades who (no longer) identify with feminism, I say: let us hold on to each other. Can we try organizing together despite our differences?

Let’s discuss our experiences of fighting for our rights, our biases and contradictions and how to confront the current political cycle.

Let’s find answers in action.

Let’s practice listening and putting everything on the table: our successes, mistakes, and doubts. Let us weave a life worth living from the smallest moments, with migrant women, women water defenders, and rural women; with those who are non-monogamous, weirdos, sex workers; with those who today do not have the strength to fight; and with the communities and peoples who resist all borders and authoritarianism.

Today, more than ever, let us hold on to each other.



Andrea Salazar
Andrea was born on a Sunday in the year of the earthquake in Chile. She;ss a feminist and member of the collective "Sur Territoria" and participates in the Internationalist Committee of the CF8M. She is a student in the Doctorate of Law program at the Universidad Austral de Chile and is currently in Mexico researching and exploring the field of relational dissidence.

Can We Exit from a World of Debt?

March 27, 2025
Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.



In the past two decades, the external debt of developing countries has quadrupled to $11.4 trillion (2023). It is important to understand that this money owed to foreign creditors is equivalent to 99% of the export earnings of the developing countries. This means that almost every dollar earned by the export of goods and services is a dollar owed to a foreign bank or bond holder. Countries of the Global South, therefore, are merely selling their goods and services to pay off debts incurred for development projects, collapsed commodity prices, public deficits, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the inflation due to the Ukraine war. Half the world’s population (3.3 billion) lives in countries that allocate more of their budget to pay off the interest on debt than to pay for either education or health services. On the African continent, of the fifty-four countries, thirty-four spend more on debt servicing than on public healthcare. Debt looms over the Global South like a vulture, ready to pick at the carcass of our societies.

Why are countries in debt? Most countries are in debt for a few reasons:When they gained independence about a century ago, they were left impoverished by their former colonial rulers.
They borrowed money for development projects from their former colonial rulers at high rates, making repayment impossible since the funds were used for public projects like bridges, schools, and hospitals.
Unequal terms of trade (export of low-priced raw materials for import of high-priced finished products) further exacerbated their weak financial situation.
Ruthless policies by multilateral organisations (such as the International Monetary Fund – IMF) forced these countries to cut domestic public spending for both consumption and investment and instead repay foreign debt. This set in motion a cycle of low growth rates, impoverishment, and indebtedness.

Caught in the web of debt-austerity-low growth-external borrowing-debt, countries of the Global South almost entirely abandoned long-term development for short-term survival. The agenda available to them to deal with this debt trap was entirely motivated by the expediency of repayment and not of development. Typically, the following methods were promoted in place of a development theory:Debt relief and debt restructuring. Seeking a reduction in the debt burden and a more sustainable management of long-term debt payments.
An appeal for foreign direct investment (FDI) and an attempt to boost exports. Increasing the ability of countries to earn income to pay off this debt, but without any real change to the productive capacity within the country.
Cuts to public spending, largely an attrition of social expenditure. Shifting the fiscal landscape so that a country can use more of its social wealth to pay off its foreign bold holders and earn ‘confidence’ in the international market, but at the expense of the lives and well-being of its citizens.
Tax reforms that benefited the wealthy and labour market reforms that hurt workers. Tax cuts to encourage the wealthy to invest in their society – which very rarely happens – and a change in trade union laws to allow greater exploitation of labour to increase capital for investment.
Institutional reform to ensure less corruption by greater international control of financial systems. To open the budgetary process of a country to international management (through the IMF) and allow foreign economists to control the fiscal decision-making.

Each of these approaches separately and all of them together provided no assessment of the underlying problems that produced debt, nor did they offer a pathway out of debt dependency.

Effectively, if this is the best approach available, then developing countries need a new development theory.

A New Development Theory

It is by now understood that the entry of FDI and the export of low-priced commodities do not by themselves increase the gross domestic product (GDP) of a developing country. Indeed, FDI – in an age of financial liberalisation and without capital control – can create enormous problems for a poor country since the money can operate to destabilise the economy. The latter requires long-term investments rather than hot-money transactions.

Research by Global South Insights (GSI) and Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research shows that it is not FDI that increases GDP over long periods, but that there is a high correlation between an increase in net fixed capital investment and GDP growth (net fixed capital investment is the increased spending on capital stock above depreciation). In other words, if a country invests money to increase its capital stock, it will see a secular rise in its growth rate. That is the reason why countries such as China, Vietnam, India, and Indonesia have sustained high growth rates in a period when most countries (illustratively in the Global North) have had low to negative growth rates (particularly when considering rising inflation). Even the World Bank agrees that the exit from the ‘middle-income trap’ is to increase investment, infuse technologies from abroad, and innovate technologies internally (they call it the ‘3i method’). At the heart of the project must be an increase in net fixed capital investment.

Our research shows that as GDP grows, life expectancy rises as well. There are many elements here that require investigation: for instance, if the quality of GDP growth improves (more industry, better social spending), what does this do for social outcomes? To talk about the quality of GDP is to raise issues of allocation of social wealth into specific sectors, which brings up the importance of both robust economic planning and proper fiscal policy that is not motivated by paying off foreign bondholders but by building the net fixed capital in a country over the long-term.

But how does one get the finance to both service debts and build capital stock? That is not an impossibility since most developing countries are rich in resources and solely need to build the power to marshal those resources. The answers might be found less in the laws of economics than in the unequal relations of power in the world. With the churning of the global order, there might now be an opportunity to create new financial strategies for development.

The basis of a conversation about development theory should not be how to sustain an economy in a permanent debt spiral that leads to deindustrialisation and despair. It should instead be about how to break that cycle and enter a period of industrialisation, agrarian reform, growth, and social progress. It is this insight that motivates us to begin a fresh conversation, not about the need for this or that economic policy to salvage a bad situation, but for a new development theory altogether.

This article was produced by Globetrotter and No Cold War.



Vijay Prashad is an Indian historian, editor, and journalist. He is a writing fellow and chief correspondent at Globetrotter. He is an editor of LeftWord Books and the director of Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research. He is a senior non-resident fellow at Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies, Renmin University of China. He has written more than 20 books, including The Darker Nations and The Poorer Nations. His latest books are Struggle Makes Us Human: Learning from Movements for Socialism and (with Noam Chomsky) The Withdrawal: Iraq, Libya, Afghanistan, and the Fragility of U.S. Power. Tings Chak is the art director and a researcher at Tricontinental: Institute for Social Research and lead author of the study “Serve the People: The Eradication of Extreme Poverty in China.” She is also a member of Dongsheng, an international collective of researchers interested in Chinese politics and society.


Jan 15, 2018 ... Debt: The First 5000 Years is a book by anthropologist David Graeber, published in 2011. It explores the historical relationship of debt ...