Greenpeace slams German fuel tax cuts as new measures take effect

01.05.2026, 

Photo: Christoph Reichwein/dpa

By Sascha Meyer, dpa

Greenpeace has strongly criticized a fuel tax cut that took effect in Germany on Friday, arguing the measure is too expensive and will boost revenue for oil companies, while consumers continue to struggle with high energy prices caused by the Iran war.

Greenpeace mobility expert Marissa Reiserer called for the €0.17 ($0.19) tax cut per litre of petrol and diesel to be reversed as "quickly as possible."

She described the cap as a step in the wrong direction as it is likely to line the pockets of oil companies and benefit commuters with "gas-guzzling cars."

Instead, Reiserer urged for fuel consumption to be brought down permanently, arguing that this could be achieved by improving public transport and boosting electric vehicles.

The tax cut, which took effect at midnight, was approved by German lawmakers last month, as part of measures to ease the burden on consumers due to the Iran war. The cap is set to last until the end of June.

Oil prices have risen sharply because of the blockade of the Strait of Hormuz off the Iranian coast, which is crucial for the global oil trade. This has caused prices at the pump to surge across the world, reaching record highs in Germany last month.

Chancellor Friedrich Merz's government subsequently passed a law to ban petrol stations from raising prices more than once a day, but the restrictions failed to bring down prices.

On the first day of the new measures on Friday, the German automobile association ADAC's petrol station app showed prices below €2 in many places early on Friday, especially for E10 and in some cases for diesel. 

It is not yet clear whether the full tax rebate of about €0.17 will be passed on to consumers. Experts expect the rebate to appear at the pumps gradually, as the tax benefit only applies to fuel that left tank farms or refineries after midnight, not to the stocks already held by petrol stations.

A similar temporary cap was introduced in Germany following the start of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, though the government at the time, which included the Green Party, also introduced a monthly €9 rail pass that could be used on local transport nationwide, in a bid to incentivize motorists to switch to public transport.

The pass garnered widespread attention and popularity even beyond Germany.

Reiserer criticized the current conservative-led government for opting against reviving the concept, and instead returning to a fuel tax cut that she said had failed before.

She also pointed to the current Deutschlandticket rail pass, which applies on the same routes as the €9 pass but, at €63 a month, is considerably more expensive.

The ticket helps to bring down car trips, eases the burden on roads and consumers, supports the climate and helps to make Germany less dependable on oil imports, according to the expert.

Armand Zorn, a senior lawmaker from the Social Democrats, which are the junior partner in Merz's coalition, called on oil companies to pass on the tax cuts to consumers and bring down prices at the pump accordingly.

"This rip-off must stop, and quickly," he said, adding that the temporary tax cut lays the groundwork for providing targeted relief to commuters and businesses.

(c) 2026 dpa Deutsche Presse Agentur GmbH

First dots on the road map to exiting fossil fuels

Tim Schauenberg

DW

04/30/2026

The message from inaugural talks on exiting fossil fuels was clear. It's not if, but when and how.

Image: Ivan Valencia/AP Photo/picture alliance

After days of talks in the first-ever gathering devoted to ditching the fossil fuels that are heating the planet, ministers, climate advocates and financial experts from more than 50 countries have agreed on a set of outcomes.

Held in the Colombian coastal city of Santa Marta, the conference laid the groundwork for continued cooperation between countries that want to move to a clean-energy future, and created momentum for more talks on an issue that is politically and economically sensitive.

Maina Vakafua Talia, minister for home affairs, climate change and environment in the Pacific state of Tuvalu told delegates at the talks hosted by Colombia and the Netherlands, that they were "making history."

"Multilateralism and international cooperation are not defined by a single process, but rather by recognizing the governance gaps. (...) even our greatest challenges can be overcome, and we can reach new horizons together," he said.

Finding common ground

The issue of how to swap coal, oil and gas — which are driving global temperatures and causing extreme weather such as drought, storms and heatwaves — for more electrification and a faster rollout of renewable energy, is complex. And there is no one-size-fits-all to making the shift.

Countries exporting coal, oil and gas face different challenges to those importing fossil fuels.

Colombia is a case in point. Its economy depends on coal exports, including to Germany and other parts of Europe. So if the nation wants to wind down the sector quickly, it will have to build create alternative sources of income and employment. Vulnerable groups would be among those most affected.

Simply shuttering the industry altogether would also be difficult for legal reasons, with mining companies potentially suing the state for compensation over lost revenue.

In short, moving away from coal is a structural transformation that requires money, planning and a strategy for managing social consequences.

Some former lignite mines in Germany have already been transformed into lakes which also have recreational benefits

Image: Patrick Pleul/dpa-Zentralbild/dpa/picture alliance

Germany's Coal Commission could offer one model for how to get there. Established in 2019, the body brought all relevant stakeholders to the table and quickly drew up a plan to transition away from coal in a way it deemed both economically viable and socially fair. Germany plans to phase out coal-fired power generation completely by 2038.
Multilateralism under strain

Unlike the vast annual UN climate conferences which are not only attended by delegates from most countries in the world, but increasingly by fossil fuel lobbyists, the Santa Marta meeting was billed as a "coalition of the willing."

The hosts issued their invitation after last year's COP30 climate summit in Brazil saw the emergence of a broad alliance in favor of a road map to phase out fossil fuels.

The proposal was ultimately blocked by a number of countries. So those attending the talks in Santa Marta welcomed the chance to meet in a different forum.

In light of the energy crisis and high fuel prices, many economists are calling for more independence from fossil fuels

Image: Xu Suhui/Xinhua/picture alliance

Former Irish President Mary Robinson, who is a prominent climate justice figure, said the talks felt more collaborative than the annual UN climate conferences.

"COPs are more formal, negotiators have their lines and they will not cross them and it's so different here," she told reporters.
Many ideas and the central question of money

France used the conference to present a detailed plan for how and when it intends to end its use of coal, oil and gas.

It is planning to reduce the share of fossil fuels in final energy consumption to 40% by 2030 and 30% by 2035. Coal is to be phased out by 2027, oil by 2045 and fossil gas by 2050. The French road map brings together existing climate and energy targets but does not contain new commitments.

NGOs have welcomed the plan but say it remains insufficient in light of the climate crisis. Last year, 91% of the planet recorded warmer than average surface air temperatures. Hotter conditions have been linked to prolonged heatwaves, wildfires, crop failure and water scarcity.

The talks in Santa Marta also made clear that financing the energy transition remains one of the central challenges, especially for developing countries facing high borrowing costs and limited access to capital.

Small states push fossil fuel treaty amid Iran energy crisis 02:54

Stientje van Veldhoven, the Dutch Minister for Climate and Green Growth, said affordable financing would be essential if the transition is to be implemented globally. The Netherlands has also called for the reduction in fossil fuel subsidies. Today, fossil fuels receive around $920 billion in subsidies worldwide.
Shoring up energy security in uncertain times

Colombia's left-wing president, Gustavo Petro, attended the talks and used the opportunity to challenge the global economic model underpinning fossil fuel consumption.

He also linked current conflicts to energy dependence, saying that "the wars we are seeing are driven by desperate geopolitical strategies around fossil resources."

Underlining the importance of the energy transition for Europe, EU climate chief Wopke Hoekstra said that "in around two months, Europe's fossil fuel import bill increased by over EUR 22 billion, without a single additional unit of energy."

He said a road map to transition away from coal, oil and gas should build on the goals agreed at the UN climate conference to triple renewable energy capacity and double energy efficiency by 2030. It should also include an end to new extraction and exploration and the decarbonization of transport, aviation and shipping.

Germany did not send a minister but was represented by Jochen Flasbarth, an experienced climate diplomat.

The German government remains divided over its path towards fossil fuel independence. While the environment ministry wants to accelerate the expansion of renewable energy, economy minister Katherina Reiche is backing policies that would prolong the role of fossil fuels.


A road map will take time

Cristian Retamal, associate researcher at Universitat Politecnica de Catalunya in Spain, said the spirit of the talks had been "quite constructive with a very positive mood," but that it is too soon to say how things will evolve.

"The real impact of this emerging coalition and envisioned efforts remain to be seen in the coming months and couple of years."

Delegates at what has also been called the TAFF conference say there will be no defining road map or treaty this year. Though some Global South countries would like to see something binding going forward.

"We need a fossil fuel treaty that creates the necessary architecture for a just transition,” said Cedric Dzelu, Ghana's technical director of the office of the minister for climate change and sustainability. "Past treaties and agreements too often fall short on policies and pledges, financing and equitable implementation."

Juan Carlos Monterrey, special representative for climate change at Panama's environment ministry said it will be a process.

"We must pave the way for a legal instrument that names what it phases out and how we finance it," he said. "The treaty will take time. We know this."

Still, he struck a determined tone.

"Economies built on fossil fuels are unraveling in real time. Fossil fuels are not just dirty. They are unreliable. They are dangerous. And they must end."

The next meeting is due to take place next year in Tuvalu. Scientists believe the small Pacific island state could disappear by 2100 as a result of rising sea levels.

How Iran war energy crisis strengthens case for renewables  08:08

Edited by: Tamsin Walker


Tim Schauenberg One of DW's climate reporters, Tim Schauenberg is based in Brussels and Münster.

Sudan's civil war: 'Genocide' in plain sight
Simone Schlindwein

DW
April 30, 2026

Experts estimate that Sudan's RSF militia may have massacred around 70,000 people in the city of el-Fasher in Darfur last October. A UN investigator told DW that the atrocities bear the hallmarks of genocide.

El-Fasher was the Sudanese army's last stronghold in Darfur. The RSF shared footage of their victory celebrations on Telegram, along with numerous videos showing the fighters' brutal actions

Image: Rapid Support Forces (RSF)/AFP

Her fingers are emaciated down to the bone. The ring she fiddles with nervously hangs loosely on her finger. Hassaina—as the 45-year-old Sudanese woman prefers to be called for security reasons—is deeply scarred, both mentally and physically.

It has been about six months since she and her four children survived the massacre in their hometown of el-Fasher in the embattled Darfur region of Sudan. They have since fled to Uganda, where they now live as refugees. The trauma runs deep: "I saw genocide with my own eyes and experienced it firsthand," Hassaina tells DW through tears.

War has been raging in Sudan for three years. Aid organizations estimate that hundreds of thousands of people have died in the fighting or as a result of the war. The violence reached a peak last October: The Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia, which is fighting against the government army and allied militias, captured el-Fasher, the largest city in the Darfur region, after a long siege and carried out a massacre of immense proportions against the civilian population. It was a few days that completely changed Hassaina's life.

Many displaced people from Sudan, such as Hassaina, have reported atrocitiesImage: Simone Schlindwein

"The atrocities have a hallmark of genocide," concludes UN chief investigator Mohamed Chande Othman in an interview with DW. In February, after about three months of research, he presented his 30-page report to the UN Human Rights Council in Geneva and also submitted it to the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague.

He based his conclusion on three key findings. "The first one is to have mass killings. Secondly, you find physical harm through torture and horrendous gender-based violence, which is really traumatic, as proven by the evidence that we have. And the third element is the long-term starvation through denial of humanitarian access, destruction of medical facilities."

The RSF siege of el-Fasher

The RSF had previously besieged el-Fasher for over 18 months. They shut down the internet and telephone networks. Not a single bean, grain of rice, or drop of gasoline got through the RSF roadblocks. And no one could escape. The reason for the siege: El-Fasher was home to the headquarters of the army's 6th Division, against which the RSF is fighting

At the start of the war, the soldiers had still managed to defend the city. Then the RSF cut off their supply lines. The population was declared the enemy. When the army units finally surrendered, the roughly 250,000 remaining residents were left defenseless at the mercy of the RSF.

Sudan's civil war — the limits of humanitarian aid  52:04

Hassaina and her family were among them. When the RSF began bombarding the city with artillery and drones on the night of October 25–26, 2025, Hassaina ran off with her teenage children; she lost sight of her husband, who had gone to organize help for an injured nephew. But the RSF fighters had previously used excavators to dig a 30-km (18-mile)-long trench around the city. Behind it, an earthen wall had been piled up—an insurmountable obstacle, Hassaina reports: "In the chaos, I fell into the trench and was buried under earth and corpses. I saw so many dead people around me."

Satellite images show how trenches have been dug around el-Fasher

Image: Vantor/AFP

In exchange for a ransom paid by a relative in Australia, Hassaina and her children finally regained their freedom and, after further twists and turns, made their way to a Ugandan refugee camp

The paramilitary group documented its crimes extensively: After the complete blackout of el-Fasher, the fighters used the internet, which they had restored, to post videos of their atrocities on their Telegram channel, accompanied by grandiose music. These videos show the militia's crimes up close: Aerial shots show off-road vehicles driving through the city. The trench is visible—as are thousands of people fleeing across the grassy landscape and being stopped by this trench: a death trap.

In one video, you can see RSF General Abu Lulu—clearly recognizable by his tousled curls, as confirmed by various media outlets and think tanks—shooting everyone in the trench who is still alive. Another video from the same day, filmed at the hospital in el-Fasher, shows fighters walking through the half-bombed building and executing everyone still alive in their beds or crouching on the floor—war crimes and crimes against humanity captured on camera.

For many refugees from el-Fasher, Tawila was their first place of refuge (Photo courtesy of the Norwegian Refugee Council)

Image: Sarah Vuylsteke/NRC/AP Photo/picture alliance

Reports of mass rape

According to estimates by the International Organization for Migration (IOM), only about 100,000 people managed to flee the attacks on the day of the assault. Some, like Hassaina and her children, made it to the Tawila displacement camp 70 km to the southwest, where food.was provided.

Bob Kitchen of the International Rescue Committee, one of the few aid organizations present, was also working there. The extent of the brutality inflicted on these people has deeply disturbed him. "Almost everyone that we spoke to had been raped." From infants to grandmothers, he told DW. "It was predominantly gang rape with very, very significant violence. We heard reports of tiny infants, six months old, being raped. We had very elderly women, 72, 75 years old, being raped all in front of their families. So there's very clear punishment involved in."

What took place in el-Fasher during the siege went largely unnoticed by the rest of the world. There were only sporadic reports in the media. A team of forensic scientists from the renowned Yale School of Public Health in the US tracked those events in real time using satellite imagery. In their latest analysis, the team was able to prove that the RSF had already destroyed the fields and farming villages in the surrounding area that fed the city in the run-up to the assault—and that the people were thus deliberately starved.

Many displaced people from El-Fasher had been abused and tortured

Image: Mohamed Jamal/REUTERS

From space, the forensic experts were also able to spot bodies and bloodstains on the dusty streets during those days in October when the RSF captured the city. They counted around 150 piles of bodies and numerous mass graves, according to Nathaniel Raymond of Yale University. His team is working to calculate the death toll based on estimates: "That left us with around 70,000 people presumed dead or missing," he told DW.

Following the largely overlooked siege of el-Fasher, the openly displayed massacres of October sparked an international outcry. Calls for investigations are growing. In Hassaina's eyes, the international community has made itself complicit. "The international community has let us down; it should have intervened during the siege to prevent worse from happening," she says through tears. "But nothing happened."

This article translated by Nico Fischer was originally written in German

Edited by: Chrispin Mwakideu

How Serbia's government controls much of the media

Sanja Kljajic in Novi Sad

DW

April 30, 2026

Since Serbia's ruling SNS party came to power, it has tightened its grip on the media. With an election expected soon, experts fear that authorities will try to eliminate the last pockets of independent reporting.

Aleksandar Vucic on the cover of two tabloid newspapers

Image: Rüdiger Rossig/DW


"Backsliding," "pressure," "political influence over editorial policy" — this is how numerous international reports describe the state of the media in Serbia.

Year after year, the international diagnosis of the health of Serbia’s media landscape remains the same: While the space for professional independent media is shrinking, the government's propaganda tools are becoming more developed and sophisticated.

"The main goal of the Serbian Progressive Party (SNS) after coming to power in 2012 was to place the entire media landscape under firm control. And they did this very systematically," journalist and media analyst Nedim Sejdinovic told DW.

The model, he says, was simple: Media outlets willing to cooperate with the authorities received financial and institutional support, while those that refused faced economic and political isolation.
Takeover of local and provincial outlets

One of the first steps was the takeover of the provincial public broadcaster in Vojvodina, where the entire management, along with editors and presenters of news programs, was replaced after the SNS came to power in the region.

Thousands of Serbs gathered outside the premises of Serbia's public broadcaster RTS in Belgrade in January 2025 to demand objective reporting

Image: Filip Stevanovic/Anadolu/picture alliance

"But one of the most important elements of this media engineering was the purchase of media outlets, especially at the local level, by people who are part of the ruling elite, such as the family of (minister) Bratislav Gasic, or tycoons like Radojica Milosavljevic," said Sejdinovic.

"The result is that around 90% of media outlets are directly or indirectly linked to Aleksandar Vucic's regime," he added.

The role of public funding

Sejdinovic says that these media are sustained by public money, which is provided through several parallel channels. This has been confirmed by numerous watchdog reports.

The first channel is project co-financing, where public funds are allocated to media outlets through competitive calls to support media content that serves the public interest. According to analyses by BIRN and the Center for Sustainable Communities, around €120 million ($140 million) has been spent on this at the local, regional and state level over the past decade, with the majority going to media outlets that openly support the government.

The second, much larger and less transparent channel is state advertising, which analyses show is also largely directed toward the same pro-government outlets.

A third form of pressure comes from the market. "An atmosphere has been created in which even large private companies avoid advertising in independent media, so as not to damage their relationship with the authorities, and in a deregulated political and economic environment, that is necessary for doing business," said Sejdinovic.

The line between journalism and propaganda

In such a system, the line between journalism and propaganda is almost erased.

Critical voices are delegitimized and demonized, while scandals are reported without context and framed solely through the lens of government officials.

At the same time, the public space is saturated with the presence of President Vucic. His addresses are often broadcast live, interrupting regular TV and radio programs, while party rallies are aired simultaneously across national, regional and local TV stations.

President Aleksandar Vucic is a constant presence on television: His addresses are broadcast live, interrupting regular TV and radio programs

Image: N. Rujevic/DW

Viewers switching channels often encounter the same content: the same face, the same message.

The scale of control was also visible during the 2017 presidential campaign, when almost all daily newspapers carried front-page advertisements for then-Prime Minister Aleksandar Vucic — an unprecedented development in Serbia's modern political history.

The opposition rarely features in regular reporting, and dissenting voices are frequently labeled as "traitors," "foreign mercenaries" or "enemies of the state."

In this environment, the targeting and discrediting of government opponents have become routine.

From loyalists to 'super-loyalists'

Sejdinovic says that as the political crisis deepens, particularly following waves of protests over the past 18 months, control over the media is entering a new phase.

"SNS loyalists are now being replaced with super-loyalists," he explains.

Some pro-government media, he notes, previously limited themselves to positive coverage of the government and ignoring critical voices, but that was obviously not enough.

"Now the goal is to turn all media into a kind of primitive political weapon that will spread the most blatant lies, defame people, use crude language and create an atmosphere of deep political divisions in society," he told DW.
New outlets springing up

This trend is also reflected in the rapid emergence of new media outlets. The Association of Independent Electronic Media (ANEM) in Serbia has noted the registration of 78 new outlets since the beginning of 2026 alone.

During the 2017 presidential campaign, almost all daily newspapers carried front-page advertisements for then-Prime Minister Aleksandar Vucic

Image: Sanja Kljajic

"This is an expansion of the media machinery for spreading government propaganda," said Bojan Cvejic of ANEM. "Their texts are unsigned and almost identical, making them more like pamphlets than journalistic content, used for campaigns against critics," he told DW.
Serbia drops in the rankings

According to the latest World Press Freedom Index published by Reporters Without Borders, Serbia has dropped to 104th place and is now classified among countries with a "difficult situation" for media freedom.

The report highlights that despite some previous fluctuations in ranking, the overall environment for journalists in Serbia continues to deteriorate, marked by increasing political pressure, limited media pluralism and worsening conditions for independent reporting.

President Vucic is expected to call a parliamentary election soon, with many speculating that a poll could be held sometime between June and the end of the year.

Sejdinovic warns that the situation could deteriorate further, with the next phase potentially involving stronger pressure on the digital sphere, following patterns observed in other authoritarian systems.

"The problem of media freedom in Serbia is a political problem," concludes Sejdinovic. "It is difficult to resolve without a change of government, because this government, by its very nature, is essentially an opponent of professional journalism."

Edited by: Aingeal Flanagan

Sanja Kljajic Correspondent for DW's Serbian Service based in Novi Sad, Serbia

Iran war expands press crackdown, leaving information vacuum

Daniel Ameri

DW

01/05/2026

For many journalists in Iran, the truth is increasingly being treated as a security threat. Authorities are tightening an already repressive reporting environment, where information is strictly controlled.

The Iranian regime tightly controls the domestic narrative of the war

Image: AO/Middle East Images/IMAGO

Iran has long ranked among the world's most repressive countries for press freedom. In the 2026 World Press Freedom Index, Reporters Without Borders placed Iran 177th out of 180 countries, below Taliban-ruled Afghanistan, which ranked 175th.

But journalists and media watchdogs say the US-Israel war with Iran has pushed reporting conditions to an even more dangerous point.

Authorities in Iran have long tried to control the public narrative during moments of crisis. But according to journalists inside the country, wartime conditions have made that grip even tighter.

One journalist working for a well-known Iranian outlet told DW that the publication is now being more closely monitored and that editorial instructions are being passed down from above on how coverage should be handled.

According to this journalist, who asked to remain anonymous, the newspaper's website cannot be accessed from outside Iran. Only a limited number of outlets close to the security establishment appear to have reliable access to the global internet.

That account fits a broader pattern described by press freedom groups.

In March, Reporters Without Borders (RSF) reported that journalists in Iran were facing an information blackout at the same time as they were trying to report under dangerous wartime conditions. The group also said some reporters had received threatening phone calls from state-linked institutions.

RSF said access to information inside Iran has been "severely restricted," with reporters working under bombardment while also facing pressure from state institutions.

Iran's internet shutdown draws condemnation from abroad  03:32

Selective internet access

The pressure on journalists has unfolded alongside severe internet restrictions that have sharply limited the flow of information out of Iran.

Reuters news agency reported on April 28 that Iran had entered the third month of an internet blackout, with the authorities introducing limited access for some businesses under a temporary scheme known as "Internet Pro."

According to the report, the blackout first began on January 8, briefly eased in February, and was reimposed after the war began on February 28.

In practice, that has created a two-tier information system. While much of the population has faced little or no normal access to the global internet, some journalists say a small number of media actors and institutions have been given exceptions.

Another Iranian journalist told DW that some colleagues had tried to collect names for access to so-called "white SIM cards," which reportedly allow freer access to the international internet for people approved by security agencies.

She said she refused, believing the arrangement was discriminatory and politically compromising. In her view, the expectation behind such privileges is clear: those who receive access are expected to stay within the boundaries of the state narrative.

Fear, censorship and propaganda

Journalists inside Iran say the pressure extends far beyond internet access. Some describe a climate in which even routine reporting has become risky, especially around sensitive sites or politically charged events.

Bypassing the censors: How to access blocked online content  02:25

A journalist based in Tehran told DW that independent reporting has become nearly impossible. In his account, even some credentialed reporters who tried to cover strike locations were briefly detained and had their footage deleted.

DW could not independently verify each of those individual cases, but the broader pattern matches what press freedom groups have described: a wartime environment in which access to information is narrowing and the cost of reporting is rising.

At the same time, state media have continued to frame unauthorized reporting as harmful to national security.

Journalists say domestic outlets are effectively confined to the official version of events and avoid publishing sensitive details from the ground, including the public mood and the full human impact of the war.

Yet some analysts argue that the state's propaganda effort is failing to convince much of the public. Behrouz Turani, a media expert and journalism trainer who has worked with several international outlets, said the Iranian regime's "media propaganda during this war has failed."

Turani told DW the messaging has often appeared clumsy and disconnected from people's lived reality. Rather than persuading the public, he argued, it has exposed the growing gap between official narratives and what many Iranians are experiencing.
Pressure on Iran's diaspora journalists

The crackdown has also extended to exiled journalists and political activists. Reuters reported on March 9 that Tehran had warned Iranians abroad who publicly backed the US and Israel that they could face legal consequences, including the confiscation of their property in Iran.

The report said the warning came from the prosecutor general's office and was directed at members of the diaspora who had expressed support online for the attacks on Iran.

US pressure meets defiance from Iran  14:20

That threat was reinforced later in March, when Iran's judiciary said people accused of spying, cooperating with "hostile states" or helping enemy targeting could face the death penalty and the confiscation of all assets under a law strengthened during the war.

Iranian authorities said the law could also apply to some media-related activity, including sharing images or videos deemed useful to hostile forces.
Iran's information vacuum

Iran's judiciary and security apparatus have for years pursued journalists, media outlets and ordinary citizens over reporting and public commentary. What many reporters describe now is not an entirely new system, but a much harsher version of an old one, leading to an information vacuum.

As independent reporting becomes harder and internet access remains restricted, the space for verified journalism shrinks.

That gives the state more room to promote its own version of events while making it harder for citizens, reporters and the outside world to understand what is really happening on the ground.

Edited by: Wesley Rahn

Belgium seeks nationalization of nuclear power plants

Muna Turki 

DW with AFP and dpa

April 30, 2026

Belgium is reversing its decadeslong phasing-out course, seeking more energy independence by reviving its nuclear plants.

In the 1990s, more than half of Belgian energy production was nuclear

IMAGO/alimdi

The Belgian government signed on Thursday a Letter of Intent to acquire Electrabel's (ENGIE) entire nuclear operations in the country.

Such a move would reverse the phase-out of nuclear energy legislation adopted in the early 2000s amid safety concerns.

Belgian Prime Minister Bart De Wever stated that the country is aiming to reduce its reliance on fossil fuels and gain greater autonomy in managing its own energy supplies.

A reversal of nuclear phase-out in Belgium

The negotiations will include all seven reactors ENGIE manages, including staff, assets and liabilities such as waste management.

"This government chooses safe, affordable, and sustainable energy," De Wever said of the plan. "With less dependence on fossil imports and more control over our own supply."

Of the seven reactors, only two are operational and generating electricity. The agreement would suspend the planned dismantling of the remaining facilities.

The nationalization plan comes after Belgium scrapped a two-decade old nuclear phase-out plans last year. In recent years, Belgium has also introduced attempts to extend the lives of the country's oldest reactors. Both moves were motivated by the surge in energy prices following the war in Ukraine.

In 2003, the Belgian Senate approved an act amid safety concerns prohibiting the building of new nuclear power plants and limiting the operating lifetimes of existing ones to 40 years.

According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), the share of electricity generated by the country's reactors has declined from a high of about 60% in the early 2000s to about 40% today.

Should Poland return to nuclear power? 04:52

Is Europe going back to nuclear?

In the last two months, the war in Iran has sent energy prices soaring across the world. This marks the second blow to the energy markets in Europe after the continent had largely transitioned away from Russian fossil fuels following Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

The ongoing blockade of the Strait of Hormuz has tightened supplies, sending Belgium's energy inflation up 10.6% in April, the Belga news agency reported.

Europe, which imports a large share of its energy, is attempting to revive homegrown nuclear power to stabilize its energy markets.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said last month that Europe's turn away from nuclear power had been a "strategic mistake."

In a 2024 EU survey, about 56% of EU citizens believed that nuclear energy would positively affect their way of life over the next 20 years, while 35% held a negative view.

France: Going green with nuclear power?  04:29

Edited by: Alex Berry

SPORTS WASHING FAIL

Saudi Arabia's public fund to withdraw LIV Golf funding

Matt Ford 

DW with SID, AFP, Reuters, dpa

April 30, 2026

Public Investment Fund cites "current macro dynamics" as it slashes funding for breakaway golf tour. LIV isn't the only casualty of changing Saudi "investment priorities" amid economic turmoil and war in the Middle East.

The Saudi PIF launched LIV Golf as a rival to the established US PGA Tour

 [FILE: Jul 29, 2022]

Image: Peter Foley/UPI Photo/Newscom/picture alliance

Saudi Arabia's sovereign wealth fund, the Public Investment Fund (PIF), confirmed on Thursday that it will be cutting funding for its breakaway LIV Golf tour at the end of the current golf season, citing a change in investment strategy and "current macro dynamics" amid the ongoing conflict in the Middle East.

The PIF launched LIV Golf in 2022 as a rival to the established US PGA Tour, which has organized professional golf across North America since 1968.

It followed similar billion-dollar Saudi sports investments across Formula 1, boxing, snooker, tennis, e-sports and football, with PIF purchasing a majority stake in Premier League club Newcastle United in 2021.

Last year, Saudi Arabia was awarded the rights to host the 2034 FIFA World Cup as it looks to diversify its economy, despite allegations of attempts to "sportswash" a democratic deficit and a poor human rights record.

In golf, LIV, backed by PIF to the tune of over $5 billion (€4.26 billion), managed to lure several top stars away from the PGA Tour with multi-million-dollar contracts, including major champions Brooks Koepka, Phil Mickelson and Dustin Johnson, leading to an acrimonious split in the sport.

As of September 2026, however, LIV will have to find alternative sources of funding after the PIF announced that it would be withdrawing financial support.


Saudi Arabia: Why is PIF cutting LIV Golf funding?

"PIF has made the decision to fund LIV Golf only for the remainder of the 2026 season," read a PIF statement.

"LIV Golf is transitioning ​from a foundational launch phase to a diversified, multi-partner investment model, with a formal process underway to attract long-term financial partners," the circuit said in a statement later on Thursday.

Signs of potential fractures in the relationship between PIF and LIV emerged earlier this month when US outlet ESPN obtained an email from LIV chief executive Scott O'Neil to staff in which he said the current season would continue "exactly as planned" but pointedly made no mention of the tour's future beyond 2026.

This week, a LIV tournament planned for June in New Orleans was postponed and is yet to be rescheduled, despite organizers voicing vague hopes that it could be rearranged for some point later this year and fueling speculation that the tour's financial foundations were under threat.

"The ⁠substantial investment required by LIV Golf over a longer term is no longer consistent with the current phase of PIF's investment strategy," read the PIF statement on Thursday. "This decision has been made in light of PIF's investment ​priorities and current macro dynamics."

Breakaway LIV golf tour remains controversial  02:32

Saudi sports investments on the retreat

PIF haven't elaborated on what exactly those "investment priorities" and "macro dynamics" are, but LIV Golf isn't the first casualty of an apparent reduction in Saudi sports investments amid an economic downturn exacerbated by the war in the Middle East.

Earlier this month, ⁠Yasir Al-Rumayyan, PIF's governor ​and LIV's main financial backer, presented a strategy for the Kingdom to cut back on international investments and focus on more domestic projects between 2026 and 2030 – which didn't mention sport.

"Whether due to the war or reasons related to economic feasibility, we continuously reassess our priorities," Al-Rumayyan told the state-owned Al Arabiya news channel two weeks ago, adding that PIF were reviewing "some deals and investments."

Last week, the Saudi Arabia Snooker Masters, one of the richest events on the World Snooker Tour with a $3 million total prize fund, was abruptly canceled after only two editions.

The week before that, PIF sold a 70% share in Saudi Pro League football club Al-Hilal worth €374 million, although slightly reduced transfer spending at Newcastle United is also linked to Premier League and UEFA financial restrictions.

Why is Saudi Arabia investing billions in sports?  21:10

Neom: Saudi mega-project also scaled back

More significantly, Saudi Arabia has also massively scaled back plans for "Neom" – a $500 billion desert redevelopment project championed by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman which envisaged the construction of a 170-kilometer (100-mile) long horizontal, futuristic megacity called "The Line."

Two years ago, however, Bloomberg reported that only 2.4 kilometers would be completed by 2030, housing fewer than 300,000 people rather than the initial target of 1.5 million. And, earlier this year, the 2029 Asian Winter Games were stripped from Neom and given to Almaty, Kazakhstan.

Now, LIV Golf has also felt the pinch and, according to US outlet MSN, some LIV players have already reached out to the US PGA Tour and the European DP World Tour about potential returns.

Such requests are unlikely to be viewed entirely favorably given the involvement of some breakaway players in a PIF/LIV-backed antitrust lawsuit against the PGA Tour.

Is Saudi Arabia really quitting oil?  12:40

Edited by: Rana Taha

Matt Ford Reporter for DW News and Fact Check

Opening Hormuz 'not a humanitarian gesture': Essential to keeping global food system operating

Issued on: 01/05/2026 - FRANCE24

Amid geopolitical volatility and economic fragility, François Picard is pleased to welcome John W.H. Denton, Secretary General of the International Chamber of Commerce. Denton is warning that "the Strait of Hormuz is about much more than oil and gas": we are drifting towards a food security crisis of global proportions. While headlines fixate on oil and conflict, Denton insists that "the sharpest issue at the moment is actually the deterioration of access to fertiliser", a development he links directly to "cataclysmic risk" for global food systems.

Video by: François PICARD

Study finds Indonesian hotspots are 'like home' for endangered whale sharks


Two bays in Indonesia are hotspots for endangered whale sharks, who frequent their waters year-round and not seasonally as previously thought, a new study has revealed. The research tracked 70 whale sharks over a decade, shedding new light on their migration habits.


Issued on: 30/04/2026 - 
By: FRANCE 24

A whale shark swims off the coast of the Raja Ampat Islands in West Papua, Indonesia, on 19 March 2023. © Jonathan Irish, Conservation International via AFP

A decade-long study tracking dozens of whale sharks off Indonesia's coast has revealed the secrets of their migrations and two hotspots where they gather year-round.

The research published Thursday fills in critical gaps in knowledge about the endangered species, and builds the case for increased protection of the Indonesian bays that the species flocks to, scientists said.

Whale sharks, which are a type of shark, not whale, face threats including pollution, tourism and vessel strikes.

While their speckled skin and stunning size make them instantly recognisable and a tourist draw, little was known about how the species moved between well-established gathering points.


Researchers in Indonesia aimed to change that by tagging Indo-Pacific whale sharks, which represent about 60 percent of the species, and tracing their movements.

Over a decade, they tagged 70 whale sharks at sites in Indonesia. Some were tracked for nearly three years.

"We could actually map or identify many variations of whale shark movement," said Mochamad Iqbal Herwata Putra, the study's lead author.

"The whale sharks that we tagged moved through (waters of) 13 different countries as well as the high seas," he told AFP.

The research, published in the Frontiers in Marine Science journal, also revealed that two bays in Indonesia host whale sharks year-round, rather than seasonally as previously thought.

"This is very unique," said Putra, focal species conservation senior manager at NGO Konservasi Indonesia

While most "aggregation sites" for whale sharks are believed to be seasonal gathering points, Cenderawasih Bay off Indonesia's Papua province and Saleh Bay in Sumbawa are "like home for them", Putra said.

A combination of protection from predators and high availability of food such as krill make the bays crucial hotspots, with some evidence they may also function as nurseries.

Cenderawasih Bay is already protected as a national park, and its remote location has helped temper mass tourism.

But Saleh Bay is both popular with visitors and in a region with growing corn production on land and aquaculture at sea.

Both these industries can produce pollution – include pesticide runoff and sedimentation – that impacts water quality and whale sharks.

Putra noted that Indonesia recorded dozens of whale shark strandings in recent years. Pollution and interactions with fishing vessels are believed to be among the causes.

Konservasi Indonesia is working with the government to establish the country's first whale shark-specific marine protected area in Saleh Bay, which Putra said he hoped would come into effect this year.

(FRANCE 24 with AFP)

FIFA to review World Cup ticketing after backlash over 2026 prices

FIFA said Thursday it will review its ticketing strategy for the 2030 World Cup after a backlash over soaring prices for the 2026 tournament in North America, as officials defended costs as a reflection of demand while acknowledging fan anger.


Issued on: 01/05/2026 
By: FRANCE 24

Mattias Grafstrom, FIFA Deputy Secretary General, said high ticket prices for the 2026 World Cup reflect the reality of the market in North America. © Karim Jaafer, AFP

FIFA said Thursday it will review its ticketing strategy for the 2030 World Cup following anger over skyrocketing prices for the 2026 finals in Canada, Mexico and the United States.

Speaking to reporters after the conclusion of the FIFA Congress in Vancouver, secretary-general Mattias Grafstrom said high ticket prices for this year's tournament reflected "the reality of the market in North America".

"I will always have understanding for fans and their opinions, but I think there are quite a wide array of ticket prices – some are cheap, some are more expensive," he said.

"But of course, you know, we listen, we take into the account the comments, and of course, as for every World Cup, we will review and see how we do it for the next one," Grafstrom added.

FIFA has faced searing criticism over soaring ticket prices for this year's World Cup, with fan organisation Football Supporters Europe (FSE) branding the pricing structure "extortionate" and a "monumental betrayal" of fans.

FSE last month filed a lawsuit with the European Commission targeting FIFA over "excessive ticket prices" for the tournament.

FIFA president Gianni Infantino insists ticket prices are simply a consequence of the huge demand.

"In the US in particular there is this thing called dynamic pricing, meaning the prices will go up or down", depending on the match in question, Infantino has said.

Amnesty warns 2026 World Cup across North America risks becoming a ‘stage for repression’

FIFA's own ticket resale exchange this week showed four tickets on offer for the July 19 World Cup final at MetLife Stadium for an eye-watering $2 million apiece, according to reports.

Other resale platforms commonly show tickets for the World Cup final costing tens of thousands of dollars.

Asked on Thursday if he was concerned that anger over ticket prices would harm the legacy of the 2026 World Cup, Grafstrom pointed out that revenues from the World Cup – estimated to generate up to $13 billion – would be pumped back into football.

"I think, you know, the legacy is also what we'll be able to do with the money that it generates," Grafstrom said.

"This is a true legacy through the (FIFA) Forward program and in order to really develop the game of football in our member associations, and this will have a true impact."

(FRANCE 24 with AFP)

Hungary: What will become of Orban and his system?

Keno Verseck

DW 

30/04/2026 

Outgoing Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban and his Fidesz party are still reeling from their election defeat earlier this month. There is much speculation about what their political future looks like.

There were celebrations all over Hungary after Viktor Orban conceded defeat on April 12

Image: Leonhard Foeger/REUTERS

When Viktor Orban was narrowly voted out of office for the first time in 2002, he went through a deep personal crisis. "The homeland cannot be in the opposition!" he said at the time.

In other words, according to his image of himself, only he and his Fidesz party could truly represent the interests of the Hungarian nation; he was its sole legitimate representative. The statement left a deep impression on the Hungarian public.

It was the experience of 2002 that prompted Orban from 2010 to use his two-thirds majority to establish the System of National Cooperation (NER), intended to prevent a reoccurrence of his defeat. Not only did he tailor the electoral system to his party but he also created a vast clientelist system, a sophisticated surveillance apparatus and a massive propaganda machine to secure his power. This system helped him remain in power for 16 years.

That is likely why, up until the election on April 12, the defeat of his Fidesz party was unimaginable for Orban. When the results were announced in the evening, his defeat was so significant that he initially seemed almost speechless.

He disappeared from public life for a few days. Then he gave the only in-depth interview since election day, to Patriota, a YouTube channel that has been loyal to his party. In it, he spoke of the "pain and emptiness" that he had been filled with. Orban also announced that he would resist "the destruction of what we have built."

With regards to mistakes made while he was in government, he admitted that he regretted that the expansion of the Paks nuclear power plant, undertaken with Russian assistance, had not been completed. The journalist, a supporter, was visibly taken aback.

Much speculation in Hungarian society

What will now become of Orban and the system he has built over the past 16 years? Does the long-time autocrat have a chance of remaining in politics? Or is his career over? Will he leave the country, as rumors suggest? What will happen to his party, Fidesz, which was tailored entirely to him? What about the Orban dynasty, which has amassed immense wealth, and what about the oligarchs and tens of thousands of well-paid beneficiaries of the outgoing prime minister's regime?

These are the questions Hungarian society is asking right now. In search of answers, many media outlets are reporting on every single remark made by Orban and his allies, and every move made by his oligarchs and cronies. It shows how many Hungarians felt as if they were held hostage for years and how strong the desire is for a reckoning and systemic change.

Widespread corruption and abuse of power

So far, Orban has refused to take any responsibility for the alleged abuse of power in his regime and shown no public remorse. During the campaign, he announced that he would remain a parliamentarian but would step down as head of Fidesz in case of an election defeat, all the while brushing off this eventuality.

Instead, Orban has indeed stepped down from his parliamentary seat, but not yet announced his resignation as party leader. He has offered to quit but underlined that he stands ready "for the community."

The party has said that it will hold a new leadership conference in June. The dilemma faced by Fidesz is that it would fall apart without Orban, as the party is completely centered on him. And yet with him it will retain the reputation of being a corrupt and autocratic party among all but its small core voter base.

In a video posted on Facebook, Orban himself announced his future plans in a way that was quite remarkable in semantic terms: "I am not needed in parliament right now but in the reorganization of the national side."

For many Hungarians, this is a continuation of Orban's long-standing story: That the part of the Hungarian population that supports him are the true Hungarians, but nobody else.

Many view the gesture of giving up his parliamentary seat as both shirking responsibility and an attempt to reassert dominance. Many feel Orban probably does not want to subject himself to the humiliation of having to hear criticism of himself and his system in parliament. At the same time, he apparently also considers it beneath his dignity to be just a lawmaker.

Fidesz will decide on the next party leader in June

Image: Attila Kisbenedek/AFP

Are oligarchs transferring funds?

The political scientist Daniel Rona recently predicted on the Hungarian news portal Telex that Orban would likely wait to see how things developed over the coming months before making a concrete decision on how to shape his political and personal future.

Investigative journalist Szabolcs Panyi wrote that Orban was considering going to the United States and applying for asylum there, but that is unlikely. This would destroy his work in Hungary, deal a fatal blow to his party and political community and also severely damage his family dynasty.

Orban's father and younger brother are two of the wealthiest business people in Hungary, involved predominantly in the mining and construction sectors. His eldest daughter Rahel and her husband Istvan Tiborcz, who are also among Hungary's richest individuals, emigrated to the US last year. The European Anti-Fraud Office (OLAF) investigated Tiborcz on several occasions based on alleged irregularities and conflicts of interest regarding state tenders. It forwarded recommendations to the Hungarian authorities and called for EU funds to be returned. In Hungary, the proceedings were shelved.

There are signs of movement among Orban's associates too. A few days ago, incoming Hungarian Prime Minister Peter Magyar accused the people many regard as Orban's cronies of transferring billions to foreign accounts in order to evade anti-corruption investigations and planned attempts to recover assets. Though there is no concrete evidence of this, Hungarian media outlets have reported on numerous financial transactions on the part of oligarchs, such as Orban's childhood friend Lorinc Meszaros, a businessman and former politician.

Many in Orban's party are still in a state of disbelief over their election defeat, and have turned to religion in an attempt to explain it. Outgoing Speaker of the National Assembly Laszlo Kover described it as a "temporary victory for satanic forces" but added that "in the end, victory belongs to Jesus Christ."

Zsolt Jeszenszky, a well-known influencer from the Orban camp, said that he thought the outgoing prime minister had "unintentionally committed idolatry" during a visit to India in early 2025, thereby "opening the door to evil spirits in his life."

Others have said that the defeat was caused by opportunistic profiteers in the Orban system. But few Fidesz loyalists have blamed corruption and abuse of power for the party's defeat.

This article was translated from German.

INTERVIEW

Dismantling Orban’s legacy: the reforms that lie ahead for Hungary

After 16 years of illiberal governance under outgoing prime minister Viktor Orban, restoring the rule of law in Hungary is not just a political transition but a full-on regime change, says Balint Magyar, a former Hungarian education minister and author of a study on Orban-era state capture. It will also mean bringing some of Orban's high-profile loyalists to trial.


Issued on: 30/04/2026 - 
FRANCE24
By: Sonya CIESNIK

Hungary's election winner Peter Magyar talks to the media after talks between parties on preparations for the first session of the Parliament in Budapest, Hungary on April 17, 2026. © Bernadett Szabo, Reuters

Following Viktor Orban’s election defeat on April 12, new Hungarian premier Peter Magyar has promised to seek justice for crimes committed by his predecessor's network of political allies and the oligarchs who supported them.

The corruption is well entrenched: Orban dominated Hungarian politics for years without any serious challenger, and there has never been another figure in the country’s modern history who amassed so much power in such a relatively short period of time.

From the media to the judicial system and from universities to local governments, Orban’s empire infiltrated every state institution. Nothing could be done in Hungary without political connections, one of Hungary’s wealthiest businessman told the Polish newspaper Gazeta Wyborcza in April, while asking to remain anonymous.

Magyar’s centre-right Tisza party won 141 seats in parliament out of 199 in the April elections, giving it a large majority to strengthen the rule of law and potentially unlock billions in funding from the European Union, which froze the allocation under Orban due to concerns over corruption and democratic backsliding.


Yet time is of the essence: Magyar has warned that oligarchs allied with Orban have begun siphoning off assets to the United States, the United Arab Emirates, Uruguay and "other distant countries”.

The Polish experience could provide some insight into what options exist for Hungary. After a liberal opposition bloc led by Donald Tusk came out ahead in October 2023 parliamentary elections, Tusk pledged as prime minister to reform Poland’s institutions following eight years of right-wing Law and Justice (PiS) party rule. He immediately fired high-profile figures and bypassed some of the legal obstacles left by the previous government.

FRANCE 24 spoke with Balint Magyar – a sociologist, former education minister and author of the book, “The Hungarian Octopus: The Post-Communist Mafia State” – who argues that Hungary is embarking on not just a change of government, but a full-on regime change.

Magyar has promised to go after corrupt officials who were part of the so-called Orban system. Does he risk falling into the very illiberalism he pledged to abolish in seeking a rupture from the Orban years?

Peter Magyar won 53% of the votes in the elections on April 12, which gives him a more than two-thirds majority in the parliament. It meant that Orban’s attempts to make election law more disproportionate backfired. Such a constitutional majority is enough to change any law.

Among Magyar’s promises during the elections was instituting a proportional electoral system. The incoming premier has also promised to limit the maximum time for future prime ministers to two terms – eight years total.

What happened was not a government change but a regime change. A government change means that basic values are shared by the competing parties. In a regime, the competing parties do not share the same political values.

Hungarians witnessed the first regime change in 1990 from a communist dictatorship to a liberal democracy.

The second regime change happened in 2010, from a liberal democracy to an autocracy. This is what Orban called “a revolution at the ballot boxes”. In 2011, he rushed a new constitution through the parliament without any consultation with the public (called the Fundamental Law of Hungary, the new constitution codified a new interpretation of history and ethno-nationalist principles).

Magyar’s victory represents the third regime change in Hungary’s recent history, from an autocracy – hopefully – back to a liberal democracy. The incoming premier has pledged to hold a referendum on accepting a new constitution.

How difficult will it be to prosecute high-placed officials like Peter Szijjarto, the minister of foreign affairs and trade, who reportedly leaked information on EU summit discussions to Russia?

Looking to turn the page on Orban’s tenure, Magyar has pledged to pursue officials and corporate leaders accused of corruption: during his campaign, he launched a programme called “Road to Prison”. This was not an ordinary type of corruption. If you look at the international scene, you can see charges brought against Poland's former deputy minister of justice in the Law and Justice government, Marcin Romanowski, or against Romanian politicians. These are minor cases compared to the scale of robbery of the state committed by the Orban clan’s politicians and oligarchs.

The Fidesz government operated like a mafia state. All contributing members of society were subordinated to it: it was a political enterprise which captured the state, the economy and the oligarchs. The mafia state had two motivations: monopolising political power and accumulating personal and family wealth. With the possibility of unilaterally appointing the heads of the controlling organisations and the presidents of the republic, central bank, constitutional court, chief attorney’s office and state account office, Orban could exercise direct coercion and blackmail over the whole society. As all these figures were subordinated to Orban, he could govern the state as a criminal organisation. Most of these actors and Orban-related oligarchs committed crimes, according to existing Hungarian legal code.

Magyar has called on all the leaders of the above-mentioned institutions to resign. If they don’t comply, he will use legal means to oust them from their positions.

Police have already begun investigations even though Magyar’s government isn’t in office yet. I don’t think rank-and-file loyalists will be prosecuted. What we will witness is the total collapse of the mafia-state organisation led by Orban.

Also, the difference between the Hungarian and Polish cases is that the Polish leader of the PiS party, Jaroslaw Kacznyski, was an autocrat but not a criminal, while Orban was an autocrat and a criminal at the same time.

There will be widespread legal procedures, although I have some doubt that stolen state assets will be recouped. (Wealthy Hungarians are leaving the country and transferring financial assets, according to the Financial Times.)

Orban has been voted out, but he once famously said in an interview with an Austrian tabloid that he "would like to tie the hands of the next government. And not only of the next, but of the following 10 governments." How big of a threat does he and Fidesz present to the incoming government?

Orban’s defeat in the latest elections represents not only a political, but a total moral collapse. There is a difference between a mafia state and a “classic” mafia. The positions within a classic mafia are informal positions: they can bribe public servants if needed, but they mainly operate outside the governmental bodies.

In the case of the mafia state, the positions are positioned within the state apparatus. After winning a constitutional majority, Magyar’s centre-right Tisza party can take back these political and administrative positions. Orban’s political-economic clan, therefore, faces an unavoidable collapse.

A national opinion poll published this week asked Hungarians for the main reason for Orban’s defeat. Some 49% responded that it was corruption, around 18% responded that it was the bad economic situation, and around 10% attributed the defeat to the lies of the government. This represents the dual nature of wide popular discontent: namely, the complete amorality and incapacity of Orban’s regime.

This interview has been lightly edited for length and clarity.