Wednesday, May 06, 2026

Gender emissions gap: Rich white men’s jobs, diets and hobbies found to be ‘bad for the planet’

A man in a suit eating a burger.
Copyright Sander Dalhuisen via Unsplash.

By Liam Gilliver
Published on 

Men were also found to have “less concern with climate change” and be “less ambitious and less active in environmental politics”.

As humanity edges closer to irreversible climate damage, masculine behaviours have been called out for being “bad for the planet”.

A new paper by more than 20 scientists from 13 different countries has analysed existing research on climate change, global warming, and environmental collapse – and how they connect with what men do.

Published in Norma: International Journal for Masculinity Studies, the paper, titled ‘Men, masculinities and the planet at the end of (M)Anthropocene’, covers questions as diverse as climate denial in Canadian pipeline politics, environmental impacts of Chinese policies in the Pacific Ocean, pro-meat online influencers in Finland, and positive action by men activists in Africa, Latin America, the UK, and globally.

Is masculinity bad for the environment?

Researchers found that overall men tend to have a greater carbon footprint and greater environmental impact through consumption, especially when it comes to travel, transportation, tourism and meat eating.

Multiple studies have highlighted the gender gap in greenhouse gas emissions. For example, a 2025 study involving 15,000 people in France found that men emit 26 per cent more pollution than women from transport and food.

The team also warns that men tend to have “less concern with climate change”, are “less ambitious and less active in environmental politics”, and are less willing to change everyday practices to tackle the growing issue.

A study from last year published in the Journal of Environmental Psychology found that men with higher levels of "masculinity stress" (concerns about appearing feminine) express less worry about climate change and are more likely to exhibit pro-environmental behavioural avoidance, such as avoiding eco-friendly products to maintain a, often, traditional masculine image.

Men also tend to be more involved in owning, managing and controlling heavy, chemical, carbon-based, industrialised industries such as agriculture, along with other high environmental impact and extractive industries, and of course militarism, the paper states.

‘Negative impacts’ of men

“There is now plenty of research that shows clear negative impacts of some men’s behaviour on the environment and climate,” says Professor Jeff Hearn, the paper’s editor and a professor of Sociology at the University of Huddersfield.

“What is astonishing is how this aspect does not figure in most debates and policy in a more sustainable world.”

Researchers add that these “damaging patterns” apply especially to elite, white Eurowestern men opposed to low-income men in the global south.

The paper also acknowledges that some men are working “urgently and energetically” to change these tendencies.




Europe's ultra-rich club grew by 26% in five years — led by Germany

Euro banknotes are piled up on a table in the foreign exchange department of UBS bank in Zurich, Switzerland, in this Dec. 13, 2001 file photo.
Copyright Copyright 2001 AP. All rights reserved.

By Servet Yanatma
Published on 
The number of people with at least $30 million (€25.7m) in wealth is growing across Europe. Germany has by far the most ultra-rich, and continues to add more.

Europe's ultra-rich club is growing fast. The number of people with at least $30 million (€25.7m) in wealth — known as ultra-high-net-worth individuals or UHNWIs — rose by 26% in Europe over the last five years. That means 37,428 new members joined this exclusive group between 2021 and 2026 according to Knight Frank's Wealth Report 2026.

So, which European countries have the most ultra-rich people? And where did their numbers grow the fastest?

More than 710,000 people worldwide hold at least $30 million (€25.7m) in net wealth. Almost a quarter of them, 25.8%, live in Europe. The continent's ultra-high-net-worth individual (UHNWI) population grew from 146,525 in 2021 to 183,953 in 2026 according to Knight Frank's Wealth Report 2026.

Germany has the most ultra-rich

Germany leads Europe with 38,215 UHNWIs. The UK ranks second with 27,876, followed by France with 21,528. No other European country crosses the 20,000 mark. Switzerland has 17,692 and Italy 15,433.

The figure drops sharply beyond the top five. Spain, one of Europe's largest economies, is home to 9,186 ultra-rich individuals. Sweden counts 6,845 and the Netherlands 5,077. Denmark (4,657), Turkey (4,208), Austria (4,188) and Poland (3,017) follow.

The number falls below 3,000 elsewhere. Norway has 2,460, Czechia 2,270, Ireland 2,196, Portugal 2,187 and Finland 1,317. All other European countries remain below 1,000.

Russia, which sits outside the EU, EU candidacy and EFTA, has 8,399 UHNWIs.

Germany saw the highest absolute rise between 2021 and 2026, adding 9,273 new members to the $30m+ wealth club. Switzerland (4,968), France (3,781) and the UK (3,005) also recorded significant increases.

New additions also ran into four digits in Italy (2,886), Spain (2,708), Turkey (2,034) and Poland (1,575).

Poland, Turkey and Romania saw the highest growth rates

Absolute numbers tell only part of the story. In percentage terms, the picture looks different. Poland's ultra-rich population more than doubled, rising 109%. Turkey (94%) and Romania (93%) came close to that level.

Greece, Czechia and Portugal each recorded growth of at least 50%.

UHNWIs rose 42% in Spain, 32% in Germany, 23% in Italy and 21% in France. The UK posted the lowest increase among the major economies at 12%, while Sweden had the lowest rise of all countries in this group at 8%.

The rate of increase tends to be higher where the base number of ultra-rich is comparatively smaller.

“Europe also features strongly, with Sweden, Romania and Greece all posting robust gains. The picture is one of wealth broadening geographically, even as it continues to concentrate in a handful of global powerhouses,” the report said.

Liam Bailey, global head of research at Knight Frank, said the world is witnessing one of the most significant shifts in global wealth distribution in modern history.

Ultra-rich spread their lives and wealth across borders

"The US remains the dominant engine, but we are also seeing rising strength from India and a cohort of fast-maturing economies that are now shaping the global landscape," he said.

The US leads the world in ultra-rich numbers by a wide margin, with 387,422 UHNWIs.

The report pointed out that rising tax and growing regulatory pressures are accelerating the global mobility of wealth. “UHNWIs are increasingly organising their lives across multiple

jurisdictions, with family offices actively managing tax, lifestyle and political risk,” it said.

The number of billionaires is also rising worldwide, including in Europe.

 

Deadly air: Which European countries have the worst PM 2.5 levels?


By Alessio Dell'Anna 
Published on 

Up to 20% of monitoring stations in Europe recorded air pollution levels above the current EU air quality standards.

The country of la Dolce Vita has a serious environmental problem: it has the highest local PM2.5 concentrations, according to the latest European Environment Agency (EEA) Air Quality Status repor

PM2.5 is a dangerous, fine dust that penetrates deep into the lungs and blood, and can be caused by road traffic, but also by refineries, cement plants, fossil fuels, and wildfires.

Between 2024 and 2025, the highest annual averages were observed in southern Italy, according to the EEA.

At 117 and 113 μg/m3 (micrograms per cubic metre), respectively, the towns of Ceglie Messapica and Torchiarolo had the worst results compared to the EU's annual limit of 25 μg/m3.

Why do these locations report such high PM2.5 rates?

"As we've seen in the past, those spikes are mainly caused by biomass burning during the winter — mostly from fireplaces," said Gianluigi De Gennaro, chemistry and environmental impact professor at Bari University.

"Pollution becomes more severe due to the atmosphere's reduced ability to disperse harmful particles in that area at that time of the year," he said, adding that this is due to a lower, denser planetary boundary layer, the lowest part of the Earth's atmosphere, extending up to around 3,000 metres.

Northern Italy — the country's main industrial area — presents another clearly concerning cluster, with a high density of locations where annual particulate matter levels hover close to the 25 μg/m3 threshold.

Averrage annual PM2.5 levels in 2025
Averrage annual PM2.5 levels in 2025 European Environment Agency - Air Quality Status, 2026

During the same 2024-25 period, in addition to Italy, regions in eight EU and non-EU countries exceeded the limit, namely Poland, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia, North Macedonia, Romania, Turkey, and even Denmark, at a site in Copenhagen, which recorded a striking 95 μg/m3.

Some of the highest concentrations of these "red dots" in Europe were found in Sarajevo and North Macedonia's industrial areas.

Where are the highest estimated mortality rates linked to PM2.5?

In fact, the Balkans and Eastern Europe are the regions with the highest estimated mortality rate per 100,000 people linked to long-term PM2.5 exposure, including Albania, Bulgaria, Greece and Romania.

Again, Italy (101) has much higher estimated mortality levels than similarly sized countries, such as Spain (41), France (34) and Germany (37), while the lowest rates all emerged in northern Europe: Iceland, Finland, Sweden, Estonia and Norway.

In general, however, more than nine in 10 Europeans are exposed to unsafe air pollution concentrations, according to stricter WHO standards, which puts its PM2.5 threshold at just 5 μg/m3.

Which other pollutants should you be aware of?

Unfortunately, PM2.5 isn't the only dangerous pollutant.

"Air quality continues to improve, but in up to 20% of monitoring stations in Europe, air pollution is still above the current EU air quality standards", according to the EEA.

The organisation also warns against PM10, another inhalable particulate matter, and ground-level ozone, which is formed by the interaction of sunlight with hydrocarbons and nitrogen oxides emitted by car tailpipes and smokestacks, and whose rate has more than doubled since 1900.

Benzo(a)pyrene (BaP) is another harmful substance arising from cigarette smoke, as well as charred food and fossil fuel exhaust.

How can you protect yourself from pollution?

According to experts, prevention starts with simple habits.

For example, De Gennaro recommends that people living in urban areas avoid airing out their homes during peak traffic hours, so only after 9:00 am. An air purifier can also partially help clean indoor air.

Experts at the EEA also told us to use only certified burning stoves, avoid burning fuels on winter days and avoid outdoor activities, like running, during the periods with the highest concentration of harmful substances in the air.

It's also useful to stay informed about pollution levels through apps providing real-time geolocalised data.

How Human Ecology Shapes Social Democracy – Analysis


May 5, 2026 
By Sandra Ericson


Human ecology offers a framework for understanding how social systems in Nordic countries and New York shape participation, trust, and collective well-being.

The United States is a nation of extraordinary wealth and extraordinary contradiction. Tens of millions of Americans live in material insecurity, while aggregate wealth continues to expand. Institutional trust remains fragile, and the systems meant to deliver stability—healthcare, housing, education—often do so unevenly. These are not random misfortunes. They are the predictable outcomes of a social order organized in particular ways, reflecting deeper assumptions about how individuals relate to one another and to the systems that govern their lives. The education system, in particular, can serve as a compass for shaping social systems.

Human ecology offers a way to understand these patterns and systems. It is the study of the relationship between human beings and the totality of their environment—biological, social, economic, and cultural. It asks not only what policies exist but also how entire systems of life are structured and how those structures shape human possibility over time. Culture does not merely influence human development abstractly—it shapes the brain at the neural level, organizing the architecture of attention, emotion regulation, moral reasoning, and social perception in patterns that persist into adulthood.

This perspective helps explain why Nordic societies have developed high levels of trust, equality, and social cohesion, while the United States continues to struggle with fragmentation and inequality. It also helps illuminate why new political movements in American cities are beginning to resonate with community-based ideas rooted in interdependence and shared well-being. The Global Bildung Network continues to connect educators, policymakers, and institutions working to integrate human development, civic participation, and social welfare into public life.

Human Ecology and the Foundations of Social Democracy

Nordic schools are not primarily understood as preparation for the labor market; they are understood as arenas for civic and human formation within the Bildung tradition of folk education. There, every student matters equally because society’s interest in every child is equal. American schools, by contrast, have long carried the dual burden of democratic aspiration and industrial sorting—simultaneously promising equality of opportunity while structuring themselves to reproduce economic hierarchy. This duality has become increasingly visible over time and shapes how educational systems function today.

Human ecology makes the structure underlying these outcomes visible. It frames individuals not as isolated actors, but as participants embedded within multiple, interacting systems—families, schools, economies, and governments—that shape their development and their life chances. From this perspective, social outcomes are not incidental. They are produced by the alignment—or misalignment—of these systems. Human communities flourish or fail based on how equitably they distribute resources, opportunity, and care.

Human ecology is the study of the relationship between human beings and the totality of their environment—biological, social, economic, and cultural. When applied in educational settings, it integrates this understanding into lived learning, allowing students to see how individual choices and collective systems interact in real time. Critically, this learning is experiential—lessons are lived in classroom and lab settings, not merely memorized—allowing students to understand interdependence as a practical reality rather than an abstract principle.

It cultivates what might be called ecological citizenship: the understanding that personal well-being and collective well-being are not competing values, but deeply entwined.

The Formative Window

The single most well-established finding in the science of human development is that childhood, from birth through adolescence, is the period during which the brain is most neuroplastic and most receptive to the values, habits of mind, and social identities that will define the person across a lifetime. Culture does not merely influence child development abstractly—it shapes the brain at the neural level, organizing the architecture of attention, emotion regulation, moral reasoning, and social perception in patterns that persist into adulthood.

These are not lessons that are easily replicated later in life. They gradually solidify into the cognitive and emotional infrastructure of the adult self, preparing it for independent living. This is one of the primary mechanisms by which cultures are formed. In this sense, efforts to cultivate more humanistic, ecologically grounded, and democratically oriented cultures are shaped in early life, through the thousands of daily interactions in which a child learns what kind of world they inhabit and what kind of person they are expected to become.

The Nordic Proof of Concept


This educational concept has been tested and validated across more than 150 years of Nordic history. The Nordic countries today rank among the world’s most equal, most trusting, and most consistently happy societies: Finland, Denmark, Iceland, Sweden, and Norway hold top spots in the 2025 World Happiness Report, and Denmark, Norway, and Finland rank first, fourth, and fifth, respectively, on the U.S. News Quality of Life Index. Citizens in Norway work an average of 27 hours per week and enjoy universal healthcare, free university tuition, and generous parental leave. These social outcomes were built over generations, beginning with a revolution in their education system. These developments also unfolded within relatively high-trust, socially cohesive societies, where shared norms and institutional continuity reinforced their effects over time. Norway’s 1936 Folk School Reform reflects the revolution’s long-term benefits for all the Nordic countries.

The 19th-century Danish theologian, poet, and philosopher Nikolai Frederik Severin Grundtvig watched an uneducated peasantry enter the democratic era unprepared for self-governance and concluded that no amount of Latin grammar or classical instruction would equip ordinary people for citizenship. What they needed was Bildung—a living education grounded in history, culture, and civic life. In 1844, the first folkehøjskole (folk high school) opened in Denmark, embodying this vision: no grades, no degrees, no formal credentials, but open discussion and treating every student as a whole person capable of self-directed growth. The schools spread rapidly across Scandinavia, becoming vital nodes in the labor movement, in cooperative economic organizing, and in the broad project of building participatory democracy from the ground up.


Bildung did not remain in the schools. Within five years of constitutional reforms in Norway, educational reforms followed, and when social democratic labor parties rose to power across Scandinavia in the 1930s, education reform was listed as a top priority alongside democratic rights and equal justice. Citizen-building didn’t stay in the schools but also became part of“third spaces” across towns throughout the region. By 1974, Norway’s curriculum had been reformed into an educational system designed for democracy. It imposed legal obligations on teachers to cultivate open-minded, participatory attitudes in their students. The result was not only a policy change but also a civilizational shift toward becoming a society that has learned, across generations, to govern itself from the inside out.

Finland today exemplifies this legacy in its educational outcomes. All Finnish teachers hold master’s degrees and are selected from the top third of university graduates. Despite spending 23 percent less per student than the United States—$11,212 annually versus $14,321—Finland ranks 8th globally in education, while the United States ranks 31st. When Finland first led the international PISA assessments in 2000, it did so with a school-to-school variance of only 8 percent—meaning even its weakest schools produced capable, flourishing students. The United States, by contrast, exhibits severe achievement gaps stratified by race and socioeconomic status, firmly structured into the education system by its reliance on local property-tax funding that concentrates resources in wealthy communities and starves poor ones.

The Roots of American Educational Failure

Understanding why American education has consistently failed to cultivate democratic, humanistic citizens in so many schools requires excavating its historical foundations. Horace Mann, the “father of American public education,” built the public school system influenced by three powerful forces: the emerging industrial age needing to grow a disciplined workforce; Calvinist Protestant theology, which prioritized moral self-regulation and hard work, deferring the benefits until later; and liberalism, which believed that civic life required literate, law-abiding citizens. Mann drew his structural model directly from Prussian compulsory schooling—a system designed by the Prussian state to produce obedient, productive subjects for industrial and military order. He imported its logic to Massachusetts and centralized oversight, standardized the curriculum, made attendance compulsory, and instituted professional teacher training through what were called the ‘normal’ schools.

Crucially, Mann also saw the public school as a mechanism of social control—a means of absorbing waves of Catholic immigrants, suppressing labor radicalism, and instilling in working-class children values of deference and non-rebellion. His 1848 Annual Report explicitly argued that common schooling would protect property and social order by shaping children before they could develop dangerous political consciousness. This ideological heritage—a confluence of religious orthodoxy, industrial capitalist requirements, and social order management—has never been fully transcended in the American educational tradition. It explains the persistent emphasis on rote learning, standardized measurement, competitive individual performance, and workforce preparation that defines American schooling today, and its persistent failure to cultivate the cooperative, democratic, and holistic civic formation that Grundtvig’s Bildung offered the Nordic countries.

The contrast in governing philosophy is notable. Where the Nordic model asks whether a child is flourishing as a full human being, the American model predominantly asks whether a student is meeting government benchmarks—a question shaped more by industrial production logic than by a broader philosophy of human development. The result is a society that produces workers and consumers far more reliably than it produces citizens engaged in shaping their own social and economic conditions.

The Transformation Only Education Can Deliver

Human ecology programs in U.S. public K–12 schools could address several of these systemic gaps. Graduates of a human ecology curriculum would enter adulthood with the tools to understand and navigate the local, state, and national systems shaping their lives and to recognize inequality as structural rather than natural. The social democratic principles at the curriculum’s core—such as interdependence, shared responsibility, equitable resource distribution—would be taught not as an ideology but as lived experience, practiced daily from kindergarten through high school graduation.

This concept gained national attention in the 1970s when Urie Bronfenbrenner at Cornell University began formalizing his human ecological model and presented its fullest early statement in his 1979 book, The Ecology of Human Development, which quickly influenced thinking about how programs and policies shape children’s environments. His work on Head Startin the 1960s and his later ecological systems theory framed laws, institutions, and social programs as broad national systems that powerfully shaped everyday settings like families and schools. He set up a template through the College of Human Ecology at Cornell University to enable and support multi‑level policy-thinking.

Bronfenbrenner’s model shifted thinking about both policy and human lives by showing how human development is shaped—from families and schools to workplaces, communities, and national culture. It contributed to ecological policy design by showing that laws, institutions, and social programs at the “outer” levels filter down into everyday settings, aligning across multiple levels rather than focusing only on individuals. For understanding human life, his policy template reframes people not as isolated actors but as players embedded in many dynamic systems over time, highlighting how historical events, economic cycles, and long‑term stress or support accumulate to influence people’s life chances and well‑being.

On the climate crisis, the case is especially compelling. Young people educated in place-based civic science, who learn to understand their local environment as a shared commons and connect it to global ecological challenges, develop what researchers identify as “a sense of belonging to something larger than themselves,” which buffers against despair and builds agency. Studies of adolescents engaged in environmental civic action confirm that collective, place-based learning builds young people’s conviction that coordinated effort can actually address the climate emergency. This kind of psychological agency is a key precondition for the political will that meaningful climate action requires, and it tends to emerge through sustained, lived learning rather than short-term messaging. It must be cultivated in schools, in schools where Human Ecology programs are core.

Learning environments that help students trace violence and inequality to structural exclusion and systemic forces cancan equip them with deeper analytical tools. Children educated to think ecologically understand that their prosperity is not in competition with others’—that the degradation of any part of the human system weakens the whole. On health, the effects are generational: because lessons are lived daily in family and community practice, socially beneficial values and healthy habits compound across generations, reducing the staggering medical and social costs the United States pays for homelessness, incarceration, public assistance, and social and civic fragmentation. Preventing these outcomes upstream is often more effective than addressing them after they emerge.

The Seed and the Harvest


History suggests that cultures do not change in election cycles. The Nordic countries did not become the world’s most equal and most genuinely democratic societies because of a single election or a single policy. They developed along this trajectory over generations, beginning with Grundtvig’s folk high schools in the 1840s, which emphasized education oriented toward cooperation, participation, and shared civic life. These developments also unfolded within relatively high-trust, socially cohesive societies, where shared norms and institutional continuity reinforced their effects over time. That orientation was formalized in law, education, and in the habits of civic life for more than a century. Its results, in happiness, health, equality, and democratic vitality, are widely recognized.

Mayor Zohran Mamdani’s New York is telling America that hunger for a better life exists in their city, too. Voters who turned out for free transit and rent freezes were not merely voting for policies; they were voting for a vision of life organized around human dignity and mutual responsibility. His election reflects a broader response to what American possibility might mean under changing conditions. But that vision cannot rest on a single gifted mayor. It requires a generation of citizens, educated to understand why it is right, why it works, and how to build it—not as followers of a charismatic leader, but as people who have known since childhood that they belong to one another.

The capacity to build such systems depends on how societies cultivate an understanding of interdependence, participation, and shared responsibility over time. These capacities are shaped across multiple domains—education, institutions, and civic life—rather than through any single reform. Planted early, these capacities can grow across generations. The children learning within these systems are not simply participants in the present—they are the conditions of the future. The question is not whether change is possible, but whether the systems that produce it are cultivated with intention.


Author Bio: Sandra Ericson is an author and retired educator. She chaired the Consumer Arts and Science Department at City College of San Franciscofor nearly three decades. She is a contributor to the Observatory.

Credit Line: This article was produced by Earth | Food | Life, a project of the Independent Media Institute. It is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 International License (CC BY-NC-SA 4.0).