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Saturday, May 23, 2026

 

Travel dating apps and the emotional risks of intimacy



New research finds queer travellers use apps like Grindr not just for sex, but for fantasy, identity, connection and self-exploration.




University of East London





New research shows that gay dating apps during travel can bring excitement and connection - but also emotional exhaustion, catfishing, and vulnerability.

Dating apps are changing not only how people connect while travelling, but also how they experience desire, loneliness, and emotional wellbeing, according to a new study published in Annals of Tourism Research.

The research, based on interviews with queer male travellers, introduces the idea of “cyber-sexual leisure” to describe the intense digital interactions that shape modern travel experiences - including browsing profiles, flirting, sexting, exchanging photos, fantasising, and seeking connection.

But the study found these experiences were often emotionally complicated. While apps can create excitement, they can also lead to emotional fatigue, risky situations, and feelings of emptiness.

Lead author Dr Oliver Qiu, from the University of East London, said:

“People often assume these apps are only about casual sex. But what participants described was much more emotionally intense and psychologically complicated.

“Many people experienced cycles of anticipation, excitement, rejection, validation, disappointment, and emotional exhaustion - sometimes all within a single trip.”

Participants described using dating apps while travelling not only to arrange sex, but also to cope with boredom, insecurity, and the emotional intensity of being in unfamiliar places.

Some interviewees compared the experience to a “dopamine hit”, where browsing and receiving attention became addictive forms of emotional stimulation during travel.

At the same time, participants also described darker experiences.

One participant described meeting someone abroad who looked different from their profile photos before being pressured into a threatening situation involving money. Others described feeling emotionally pressured into sex after spending hours chatting online or travelling to meet someone.

Dr Qiu, from the Royal Docks School of Business and Law, said:

“What makes these experiences powerful is that pleasure and vulnerability often happen together. The same apps that create excitement and connection can also produce emotional pressure, disappointment, and risk.

“Travel can intensify all of this because people are outside their normal routines, more anonymous, emotionally exposed, and often searching for connection in unfamiliar environments.”

The study argues that digital intimacy has become a major part of how many people now experience travel. Rather than simply using apps to arrange physical encounters, participants described apps becoming woven into the emotional atmosphere of travelling.

The researchers say the findings have wider relevance beyond tourism, particularly as dating apps and digital intimacy continue to shape emotional life, relationships, and wellbeing more broadly.

Qiu, X. (Oliver), Scott Cohen & Jonathan Skinner. (2026). “Digital Intimacies in Motion: Redefining Sex in Tourism.” Annals of Tourism Research, is available online.

Friday, May 22, 2026

US May Day Actions Lay Foundations for Mass Militant Labor Action

Thursday 21 May 2026, by Kay Mann, Randy Furst



May Day actions in the US called by May Day Strong (MDS), a coalition of left led union such as the Chicago teacher’s union (CTU) and union locals in Minneapolis, California and elsewhere, took place throughout the country under the slogan, “No Work, No School, No Shopping” to protest Trump’s domestic and international policies. Two articles - on the nationawide picture and a focus on Minneapolis.

Approximately 5,000 separate actions tool place throughout the country (for report of May Day actions around the country, see the Solidarity webzine “May Day Strong 2026: A Brief Roundup”).Although the size of the actions in terms of participants fell short of the expectations of many, the dynamics surrounding the May Day demonstrations involve encouraging signs for the development of the US labor left and an independent mass working class-led anti-Trump movement.

Over the past year, three centers of resistance to Trump’s war have emerged. These are the No Kings! demonstrations of which there have been three massive demonstrations, the most recent being last March 28. No Kings! is a top-down organization led by NGO leaders with deep ties to the Democratic party. The second center of resistance was the heroic anti-ICE mobilizations most notably in Minneapolis [see below for a specifc report], Minnesota, and finally the union-led May Day Strong coalition.

There was considerable enthusiasm in radical circles in the months and weeks before May 1. MDS video planning meetings attracted as many as three thousand participants including high ranking union officials from large teachers’ unions not known for militancy like Randi Weingarten of the American Federation of Teachers (AFT), a teachers’ union of 1.8 million members. The other large teachers’ union, the nearly three-million-member National Education Association (NEA) is also part of MDS. High school students from the Sunrise movement reported on their organizing for May Day school walkouts as did organizers planning boycotts of businesses like Enterprise car rental and Hilton hotels that have rented vehicles to and housed ICE agents.

The size of the actions fell short of the hopes of the organizers. The street demonstrations were far smaller than the No Kings! demonstrations, but as big or perhaps a bit larger than most May Day demonstrations over the last few years. 10,000 marched in New York city on May Day as opposed to 50,000 at the No Kings! demonstration on March 28. Around 2,000 rallied in Milwaukee on May Day, while several tens of thousands of attended the No Kings! march.

Encouraging Trends

The modest size of the actions and the fact that many unions endorsed the actions, but few mobilized their members into large union contingents or called on their members to strike, could be interpreted as the failure of the working class and its organizations to take the lead in the anti-Trump movement represented by the No Kings! and Anti-ICE movements. But a closer look at the overall dynamics of May Day, MDS and the history of labor political action in the US, suggests encouraging trends for the development of a mass militant labor response to Trump’s ultra-reactionary assault on immigrants, LGBGQT+ people, the environment, democratic rights, and ever-increasing imperialist military assaults.

The coalition issued three demands: “1) Tax the Rich: Our families, not their fortunes, come first. 2) No ICE. No war. No private army serving authoritarian power. 3) Expand democracy, not corporate power. Hands off our vote.” These were class-struggle-based demands putting opposition to ICE and therefore defense of immigrants and defense of democratic rights at the fore at a time when both are under serious attack.

The May Day street demonstrations, though much smaller than the No Kings! demonstrations, reflected the same broad front of organizations and issues. Anti-ICE banners, pro-Palestinian signs, anti-fascist banners, defense of, democratic rights, and some union contingents such as the Service Employees International Union (SEIU), many teachers’ unions and even a traditionally conservative construction workers union was at the head of New York city march. Socialist groups like DSA, the Party of Socialism and Liberation (PSL), the Freedom Road Socialist organization (FRSO), Solidarity, Socialist Alternative, and others had visible presences with banners and contingents.

Significantly, the May Day demonstration in Minneapolis, a city of 370,000 (500,00-600,00 including its “twin city” St. Paul) became the center of ICE resistance last winter, drew 10,000 marchers – similar in size to the demonstration in the New York city, a city of eight million. This suggests that the anti-ICE movement has created a general dynamic of mobilization that is meshing with the general opposition movement to Trump. Furthermore, the anti-ICE mobilization in Minneapolis on March 23, saw an estimated full quarter of the population take the day off, an impressive de facto strike that MDS certainly found inspiring and suggests great potential for future mass political strike action.

Teacher Strikes and Student Walkouts

Although there were not mass labor strikes, at least twenty school districts cancelled classes in New York city following their teachers’ announcement that they weren’t available for work because they would be attending the May Day “Kids Over Corporations” march.

In Wisconsin, after seventy percent of the teachers in Madison and Milwaukee declared their intention to take the day off, the school administration canceled classes. Even in the conservative anti-union state of North Carolina the Board of Education, in its biggest city, Charlotte, voted to call off school on May 1 due to the number of staff absences expected that day. The North Carolina teachers’ union mobilized teachers from around the state to march on the legislature, demanding higher taxes on corporations for more school funding.

Chicago teachers and their union, the Chicago Teaches Union (CTU), convinced the school district to make May 1 an official day of civic education, arranging field trips for students to learn about civil rights, resulting in a de facto student, teacher, and staff walk out with great educational value for Chicago’s largely working class and people of color population. This became especially relevant in the face of the Supreme Court’s decision to eviscerate the 1965 Voting Rights Act which was designed to ensure Black political representation.

May Day and Labor Day

Until the last few years May Day demonstrations were mostly organized and usually attended by far-left socialist groups with little if any union endorsement. Though May Day as an international working-class holiday has its roots in the Chicago Haymarket affair of 1886 and the struggle for eight hour day, US unions have traditionally celebrated Labor Day, which occurs at the end of the summer, an official holiday that serves to depoliticize the working-class holiday. In fact, in the 1950s President Dwight Eisenhower issued an order that May Day be officially declared as “loyalty day” which Trump reissued during his first term. So, May Day as a union-sponsored day of political protest is a relatively recent development and many unions and sectors of the working class have yet to embrace it as a working-class holiday of social and political protest.

Propaganda for Mass Strikes

The slogans of the demonstration- “No Work, No School, No Shopping” were novel, intending to send a broad and powerful message of mobilization and resistance. Mass participation in the no work part-essentially a call for mass strikes or as some saw it, a general strike- was unlikely given this stage of the US class struggle and structural barriers such as union contracts that prohibit strikes during the duration of contracts, and reactionary legislation like the 1947 Taft Hartley act that outlaws secondary or solidarity strikes. But raising the slogan for this year’s May Day action introduces the idea to a much broader layer of the unionized and ununionized working class. It will serve to help revive and amplify the call issued by Sean Fain, president of the United Auto Workers (UAW) for a general strike in 2028 to demand a national health care system, though Fain has done nothing to advance the strike. Nevertheless, many workers in some areas called in sick, or otherwise did not work, but these were not coordinated by the unions. The “No School” portion saw student walkouts throughout the country. The preparations, publicity and the mobilization themselves amplify the labor left.

The MDS coalition overlaps with other centers of radical labor organization such as the networks connected to the Labor Notes newsletter and biannual conferences. The leading role played by teachers’ union and the Chicago Teachers Union in particular, reflects both its militant leadership and membership and its nexus between militant unionism and defense of immigrant students and families threatened by ICE terror and puts it in the vanguard of the militant wing of the US labor movement and the general anti-Trump movement.

The US May Day actions may be the last mass nationwide demonstrations for the next few months. The high stakes November “midterm” elections will certainly see much militant organizing energy diverted towards electoral campaigning for Democratic party candidates. But the groundwork laid in the last months of organizing and propaganda and the development of new networks and organizations augurs well for the development of a radical working class led anti-Trump movement and the growth of a militant labor left in the US.

20 May 2026


“No Kings” In Twin Cities

ST. PAUL, MINNESOTA — Millions of Americans took to the streets Saturday, March 28 to protest the Trump administration and its assault on democracy, in likely the most massive turnout of demonstrations on a single day in U.S. history.

Organizers of the No Kings protests estimated that 8,000,000 people demonstrated. Protests took place in 3300 cities and towns across the nation, according to organizers from Indivisible, one of the groups sponsoring the action. They also reported 38 international protests.

Twin Cities was seen as the flagship demonstration because of the horror inflicted on the state by U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) agents, whose thuggish behavior, abduction of thousands of immigrants in Minnesota, and murder of two ICE observers, Renee Nicole Good and Alex Pretti, outraged the nation.

Their killings and a massive grassroots resistance that included courageous efforts by ordinary Minnesota citizens to defend immigrants, captivated Americans across the United States and forced the Trump Administration to withdraw a large portion of the 3000 ICE agents it had sent into the state. (Hundreds of agents remain, however, less visible but still conducting abductions.)

The Minnesota State Patrol estimated Saturday’s crowd that filled the vast lawns in front of the State Capitol in St. Paul at 100,000, while protest organizers put the figure at 200,000. Either way, it was huge. Speakers at the rally included U.S. Sen. Bernie Sanders of Vermont, Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz and actress Jane Fonda, and musicians Joan Baez and Bruce Springsteen, who sang “Streets of Minneapolis,” a song that he wrote, honoring the memories of Good and Pretti.

“This past winter, federal troops brought death and terror to the streets of Minneapolis,” Springsteen said in his introduction to the song. “Well, they picked the wrong city. The power and the solidarity of Minneapolis, of Minnesota, was an inspiration to the entire country. Your strength and commitment told us this is still America and this reactionary nightmare, these invasions of American cities will not stand.”

Across the Country

No Kings actions on Saturday stretched from Kotzebue, Alaska in the Arctic Circle (there were about 25 protests in Alaska) to Bangor, Maine (there were 50 demonstrations in Maine). In Minnesota, 90 separate demonstrations were scheduled, according to the No Kings website.

“This sign is too small to list all the reasons I’m here,” read one Minnesota protest placard, carried by Corinne Bedford, 40, of Minneapolis, who works as a financial advisor. “I’m here for my daughter,” she said. “We need to do better on so many fronts.”

Meghan O’Connor, 18, a freshman at the University of Minnesota, held a sign that read, “Only you can prevent fascists.”

Why had she come to the demonstration? “I’m sick of this administration trampling on my rights,” she said. Her friend Eva Stavrou, also 18 and a student at the University, carried her own sign that read. “This isn’t about politics, it’s about humanity.”

Opposition to President Trump’s war on Iran played a major role in increasing the size of the protests.

“I’m here because my city is under attack,” said Wayne Nealis, 73, a retired toolmaker and writer, who held up a sign at the St. Paul rally that read “Prosecute the killers of Renee and Alex.”

He added, “I’m here because I’m opposed to the war on Iran and here to support the Palestinian people.”

Murders with Impunity

Rally speakers repeatedly referred to the shooting deaths of the two Minneapolis residents, Good, 37, a poet and mother of three, and Pretti, also 37, an intensive care nurse for the U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs.

Both were acting as nonviolent observers of ICE and were killed by ICE and border patrol agents in separate incidents in January.

No agents have been charged, and the U.S. Justice Department has refused to turn over evidentiary materials to the Minnesota Bureau of Criminal Apprehension and the Hennepin County Attorney’s office, which are investigating the shootings to determine whether to prosecute the agents.

Minnesota Attorney General Keith Ellison and Hennepin County Attorney Mary Moriarty announced earlier in the week that he has filed suit to force the federal government to turn over the materials.

Ellison also addressed the rally. “Justice is not optional,” he said. “Accountability is coming.”

Nekima Levy-Armstrong, an attorney and past president of the Minneapolis NAACP, celebrated how Minnesotans refused to capitulate to the ICE assault. “They underestimated us,” she told the St. Paul rally. “We told them, ‘Hell no, we won’t go.’”

Levy-Armstrong is among 39 protesters facing federal charges for disrupting a St. Paul church service where one of the pastors also leads a local ICE field office. U.S. Attorney General Pam Bondi ordered the arrests.

Also charged were two independent journalists, Don Lemon and Georgia Forte, who were covering the January demonstration. It’s part of the federal government’s attempt to muzzle journalists.

Labor Turns Out

Labor unions are playing a big role in organizing the No Kings protests, having seen many of their own immigrant members abducted by ICE.

Speakers at the St. Paul rally included Liz Shuler, president of the AFL-CIO, Randi Weingarten, president of the American Federation of Teachers, and April Verrett, president of the Service Employees International Union.

“Over and over this year we’ve seen this administration try to divide us, as working people,” said Shuler. “Whether we were born here, whether we were blue collar, white collar, gay, straight, trans, Black, white, Latino.”

Senator Sanders saved his strongest words and drew a vociferous, positive response for his comments, criticizing the war on Iran. The war, said Sanders, was begun by Trump and “his partner, Benjamin Netanyahu,” and is unconstitutional and a violation of international law

He ticked off the war’s consequences so far: 13 U.S. soldiers dead, hundreds wounded, nearly 2000 Iranian civilians killed and wounded, 498 schools bombed by American and Israeli missiles, more than 1000 Lebanese killed and one million displaced, which is 15 percent of Lebanon’s population.

In Israel, Sanders said 20 people had been killed and 5000 wounded, and on the West Bank, “Israeli vigilantes are burning down homes and killing Palestinians.”

“At a time when gas prices are soaring,” said Sanders, “when many Americans cannot afford the basic necessities of life, it is estimated that this war has already cost a trillion dollars. At a time when the American people are politically divided, there is one issue that is bringing us together. Conservatives, moderates and progressives are speaking out in unison, ‘End this war.’”

Repeated chants of “End this war,” echoed across the crowd.

“It’s a good feeling being here among like-minded people” said Rodney Massey, 59, an IT worker from Minneapolis, who is Black. He wore a sign on his back that said, “Staying silent in times of injustice is privilege.”

His daughter Kassia Massey, 33, a host at a Minneapolis nightclub, was beside him. She came, she said, to oppose “the racism, the fascism” and felt good to be at an event where, “Everybody, together, is trying to make change.”

Source: Against the Current.

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Tuesday, May 19, 2026

Botswana eases anti-LGBTQ laws as repression grows elsewhere in Africa

Botswana has formally repealed sections of its penal code criminalising same-sex relations, in a rare advance for LGBTQ rights in Africa. But several governments elsewhere on the continent are introducing harsher penalties for same-sex relationships.


Issued on: 17/05/2026 - RFI


LGBTQ activists in Botswana respond to the Coalition of Botswana Christian Churches against homosexuality, July 22, 2023 that protested legislation seeking to make same-sex relation legal. AFP - MONIRUL BHUIYAN

On 17 May 1990, the World Health Organization removed homosexuality from its list of mental illnesses and since then many countries mark International Day Against Homophobia, Biphobia and Transphobia on that day each year.

While much of the African continent remains hostile terrain for LGBTQ people, campaigners in Botswana say a years-long legal battle has begun to bear fruit.

In 2019, Botswana’s High Court ruled that laws criminalising same-sex relations were unconstitutional and the penal code was formally amended in March this year.

“We welcome with joy the decision by the government’s legal representative to formally repeal these sections of the penal code,” says Nozizwe Ntesang, head of the rights group Legabibo.

“It's encouraging for us, because this new government has clearly shown, from the beginning, that it stands on the side of human rights – rights which by definition concern everyone and therefore include LGBT people,” she told RFI's Claire Bargelès.

The legislation was passed despite opposition, backed by some religious groups.

Demonstrators from the Coalition of Botswana Christian Churches chants slogans against homosexuality and hold placards while marching toward the Parlament of Botswana on July 22, 2023 protesting against legislation seeking to make same-sex relation legal. AFP - MONIRUL BHUIYAN

Ntesang credits Botswana’s courts, as well as years of lobbying and dialogue with religious leaders, in overcoming opposition to same-sex relationships.

“I think Botswana is fortunate to have a strong judicial system, independent, and capable of examining human rights issues,” she said.

“These robust institutions, together with advocacy work and the possibility of engaging with partners such as religious representatives – all this helps explain these advances in Botswana, and I hope other countries and civil societies will manage to do the same, and begin dialogue around their local legislation.”


Gay Ugandan refugees Chris Wasswa and Kasaali Brian return after shopping for food in Nairobi, Kenya, 11 June, 2020. Uganda has some of the toughest anti-LGBT legislation on the continent while Nairobi is trying to introduce tougher penalties for same sex couples as part of the proposed 2023 Family Protection Bill but it has not yet been passed. © AP

Senegal toughens penalties

Elsewhere on the continent, several governments are going in the opposite direction.

In Senegal, a new law adopted in March doubled prison sentences for what the authorities describe as “acts against nature”. Same-sex relations, previously punishable by between one and five years in prison, now carry sentences of five to 10 years.

On Thursday, France said it was “concerned” by the tougher penalties introduced in Senegal and by new offences linked to so-called “promotion" of homosexuality which could affect organisations or activists campaigning for LGBTQ+ rights.

There have been several arrests since the new legislation was introduced. On 10 April, a court in Dakar sentenced a young Senegalese man to six years in prison after he was caught having sex with another man in the suburbs of the capital.

In a separate case, a French engineer in his thirties living in Dakar has been held since February. He faces charges including “acts against nature”, criminal conspiracy, money laundering and attempted transmission of HIV.

France says consular officials have visited him four times in detention.

A protestor chants anti-gay slogans during a demonstration against homosexuality in Dakar, Senegal, 6 March, 2026. AP - Misper Apawu


Nationalist rhetoric

Ghana’s parliament has passed a bill introducing harsher criminal penalties and encouraging people to report suspected homosexual activity, although the legislation has not yet been promulgated.

Burkina Faso and Mali have also tightened their laws.

Ghana activists denounce new bill that makes identifying as LGBTQ+ a crime

Rights groups say religious pressure and outside influence – from both American evangelical networks and Russia – have made their work increasingly difficult.

A Reuters investigation found that the US pro-family group MassResistance, known for its anti-LGBT+ stance, has helped the Senegalese collective And Samm Jikko Yi ("together, let us preserve our values"), which championed the law passed in mid-March.

Human rights groups also point to nationalist rhetoric, which claims that homosexuality is imported from the West, is increasingly being invoked to bolster homophobic discourse, in a bid to gain popular support.

“Governments and politicians use LGBT+ people as scapegoats,” says Alex Müller, director of the LGBT+ Rights Programme at Human Rights Watch. “This helps divert attention away from their potential failures," she told Le Monde.

According to France's equality watchdog (Observatoire des Inégalités), 31 African countries still criminalise homosexuality.

In some cases, the death penalty remains on the statute books, including in Mauritania, Nigeria, parts of Somalia and Uganda.

Uganda introduced some of the world’s harshest anti-LGBT legislation in 2023, with potential life imprisonment for same-sex relations and the death penalty for "aggravated homosexuality" such as relationships under duress, involving a minor or a parent.






Monday, May 18, 2026

The Neo-Nazi Enforcer Who Helped Build Peter Thiel’s Online Influence Empire



 May 15, 2026

Peter Thiel, image Wikipedia.

General Michael Flynn, Trump’s former National Security advisor, boasted to the Young America Foundation soon after Trump’s first election victory in 2016, that the President’s campaign had been a quasi-military “insurgency” run by “digital soldiers”.

That same year the NATO Strategic Communications Centre of Excellence’s official journal StratCom, published a paper entitled ‘It’s Time to Embrace Memetic Warfare’.

Its author was Jeff Giesea, an investor and political operative, who had run companies on behalf of pro-Trump billionaire Peter Thiel, co-founder of defence surveillance giant Palantir and business partner of convicted sex offender Jeffrey Epstein.

At the time Giesea defined memetic warfare, a term he coined, as “a subset of information operations or psychological warfare tailored to social media”.

To illustrate its applications, he drew on the expertise of a co-contributor he described as “an annoying gadfly or guerrilla warrior, depending on one’s perspective”: far-right activist and disinformation operator Charles C. Johnson.

The paper proposed methods by which to undermine ISIS: “systematically lure and entrap”  recruiters; subvert its messaging via “fake ‘sockpuppet’ accounts” – online personas manufactured to simulate grassroots support or opposition – and “expose and harass people” within its funding network, “including their family members”.

To the editors of the NATO journal, these may have appeared as novel strategic prescriptions. In fact, they had already appeared – in a different context entirely.

In 2011, hackers breached the servers of HBGary Federal, a private US intelligence contractor, and leaked internal documents revealing a proposed operation – developed with involvement from Thiel’s data company Palantir – to deploy near-identical tactics against trade unions, journalists and left-wing activists on American soil.

This reporter was among those who covered the breach at the time, and who first drew public attention to Palantir’s role in it — the beginning of more than a decade tracking the network this piece describes.

The proposal included fabricating fake online personas, planting false information, and running coordinated harassment campaigns to discredit targets. Palantir suspended the employees involved and issued an apology, but the documents had already established that this tactical repertoire existed, was operational, and ran through Thiel’s own firm.

Those tactics had been developed and deployed over years by a loose network of far-right organisations – funded, in part, by figures directly connected to Thiel.

That infrastructure centred on a cluster of white supremacist and hard-right online platforms – among them the neo-Nazi publication Daily Stormer — covertly funded, according to participants, by Giesea. The same platforms served as testing grounds for the harassment campaigns, disinformation operations and memetic tactics that Giesea would later present to a NATO-affiliated journal as a respectable strategic toolkit.

Connecting those platforms to Thiel’s wider network was a single figure: Andrew Auernheimer, a hacker and neo-Nazi provocateur known online as “Weev”. His ties to Thiel had been rumoured in leaked Epstein correspondence, but had never previously been corroborated. They can now be established — through Auernheimer’s own private statements and a decade of documented network activity — for the first time.

Auernheimer was, in effect, a bridge. He moved between the anarchic image-board subcultures of the early internet and organised white supremacist movements. He connected the PayPal and Palantir milieu around Thiel to the alt-right he helped create and harness. And he linked the first generation of online harassment operations to the contemporary influence networks that today increasingly shape mainstream political discourse.

Jeff Giesea, Charles Johnson 

In Discord server logs – a messaging platform used widely by gaming and political communities – as first reported by journalist Luke O’Brien in his 2020 investigation into Thiel’s development of the alt-right, Auernheimer described Giesea as “a major investor providing help to racists”. O’ Brien reported that an online alias used by Giesea had encouraged donors to give money to white nationalist and neo-Nazi organizations.

Giesea initially denied this. When confronted with evidence of a $5,000 donation to the white supremacist organisation led by notorious neo-Nazi Richard Spencer, he replied: “No comment.”

Giesea’s financial support for the neo-Nazi platform Daily Stormer along with other associated projects run by Auernheimer and Johnson has since been claimed by other participants in those far-right networks.

One identified Epstein attorney Alan Dershowitz as another Epstein associate involved in the Giesea project during his producing role on Mike Cernovich’s 2016 documentary Silenced: Our War on Free Speech – a film featuring Auernheimer, Johnson and Milo Yiannopoulos.

Giesea denied the claims by participants in these neo-Nazi networks, telling Byline Times: “I have never supported Weev or the Daily Stormer. I have always found the Daily Stormer and its orbit vile and reprehensible.”

However, he confirmed that he had engaged with Aurnheimer. He said that this was limited to a single occasion: “My only interaction with Weev was a single, brief exchange while conducting research for a NATO paper on memetic warfare. At the time, I barely knew who he was, only that he was a notorious internet troll. I asked how he would approach trolling ISIS. That was the full extent of it. There was no funding, no relationship, and no alignment of any kind.”

Andrew Auernheimer: Formation and Function

Like Johnson, Weev served as an operational connector, moving between overlapping worlds that were, in other contexts, kept separate – the anarchic image-board subcultures of the early internet, white supremacist organising, the investment and intelligence networks around Thiel, and the broader influence ecosystems that shaped the 2016 political cycle and its aftermath.

Auernheimer’s elevation was made possible by such things as 4chan, the image-board platform that served as an incubator of memes, organised harassment campaigns known as “raids”, and novel forms of information warfare.

He was also a prolific editor of Encyclopedia Dramatica, a wiki that catalogued 4chan-era internet culture and its developing repertoire of tactics.

Auernheimer gained early notoriety for using an Amazon exploit to flag LGBT materials as inappropriate in what he characterised as a strike against “the hypocracy [sic] of the gay community” – and for founding trolling collectives from which he recruited operatives for more consequential ventures.

After being indicted by the Department of Justice (DOJ) for exploiting a vulnerability in AT&T’s systems to extract exposed data of more than 100,000 customers, which he shared with the outlet Gawker, he became a temporarily useful ersatz hero of civil liberties campaigners.

The Thiel and Epstein Connections

As with much else involving Thiel’s network, Aurenheimer’s role was initially concealed until referenced in leaked correspondence.

On 17 November 2014, the technologist Vincenzo Iozzo emailed the financier Jeffrey Epstein, alerting him that a novel hedge fund strategy he and Epstein had been developing was already being executed by Auernheimer, reportedly funded by Thiel:

“I’ve heard rumors that Thiel (who I believe you know) was bankrolling this dude: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Weev to do similar things.”

Auernheimer had effectively confirmed his relationship with Thiel six months earlier in what he believed to be a private conversation.

“I have run a hedge fund, I am starting another one, and it is not nearly as regulated,” Weev stated, having separately referenced “a meeting with Peter Thiel’s right hand this week”.

In the same exchange, he spoke warmly of the eBay founder Pierre Omidyar, who played a central role in PayPal’s creation alongside Thiel: “I’ve met Pierre, I like Pierre, and he’s a friend of a close friend.”

The /pol/ Board, GamerGate and the Radicalisation Infrastructure

In November 2011, Boris Nikolic – a biotech investor later named as a trustee in Epstein’s will – wrote to Epstein linking to a Washington Post article on 4chan’s political influence, noting: “The potential for manipulation is huge.”

The email followed Epstein’s first meeting with Chris Poole, 4chan’s founder. Days later, 4chan launched its /pol/ board – a “Politically Incorrect” forum that would become a central organising space for online far-right radicalisation.

The /pol/ board subsequently served as a primary incubator for GamerGate, the 2014 online harassment campaign directed primarily at women in the games industry. Auernheimer and Yiannopoulos were both instrumentally involved in driving elements of that campaign.

Auernheimer came from the same 4chan ecosystem that had given rise to Anonymous, but from an ideologically opposite direction: he played no part in its broadly leftist anti-authoritarian campaigns.

Soon after he was released from prison – his chest now adorned with a massive swastika tattoo – in 2014.

GamerGate and the constituency it mobilised later migrated to 8chan, the image-board founded by Auernheimer’s associate Frederick Brennan, who also contributed to Daily Stormer. 8chan went on to function as a central dissemination space for QAnon as it continued to embed itself in mainstream Republican politics.

By 2016, Auernheimer was writing to an associate that he was “working on facial recognition, specifically about black people”. In 2017, Charles Johnson announced on Facebook that he was “building algorithms to ID all the illegal immigrants for the deportation squads”.

Clearview AI – the facial recognition company that subsequently expanded the capabilities of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) – launched in 2018, seed-funded by Thiel, operating under Johnson’s Giesea-funded software framework WeSearchr, and represented in legal matters by Aurenheimer’s longtime lawyer, Tor Ekeland.

Johnson, Auernheimer, Giesea, Yiannopoulos, Dershowitz and Thiel did not respond to requests for comment.

Ekeland objected to the allegation that Auernheimer used an “exploit” on AT&T, telling Byline Times: “All that happened was his alleged co-conspirator Daniel Spitler wrote a script to access non password protected, publicly facing information – email addresses, on an unsecured server.”

The Scale of the Network

In 2016, Jeffrey Epstein wrote to Peter Thiel summarising what he saw as the political opportunity opened by the Brexit vote: “return to tribalism. counter to globalisation. amazing new alliances.” This, he concluded, was “just the beginning.”

What the documented record shows across a decade is a consistent pattern.

Tactics developed in far-right corners of internet culture – harassment campaigns, disinformation operations, sockpuppet networks, memetic influence campaigns – were progressively absorbed into elite political and strategic discourse, sometimes through the same operators who first deployed them.

Far from an anomaly, the NATO StratCom paper Giesea co-authored with Johnson was a culmination of this activity.

As General Flynn’s son, Michael Flynn Jr., boasted last year: “The public has no idea how massive our Digital Army is.”

This piece first appeared at Byline Times.

Barrett Brown is a journalist, activist, and founder of the crowd-sourced research outfit Project PM, which was listed in a search warrant executed by the FBI in 2012 along with HBGary and Endgame Systems, two firms linked to the U.S. intelligence community that the group had investigated along with Palantir, Booz Allen Hamilton, and others. After finishing a four-year stint in federal prison over controversial charges involving the “global analysis” firm Stratfor, which was hacked with the involvement of the FBI, Brown created Pursuance, a non-profit intent on building a universal software framework for mass civic collaboration while encouraging the development of crowd-sourcing. In 2015, Brown won the National Magazine Award in the category of columns and commentary for his monthly prison column for The Intercept, “The Barrett Brown Review of Arts and Letters and Prison”, along with other journalism awards. His third book, “My Glorious Defeats”, is forthcoming from Farrar, Straus, and Giroux.